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1
Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.
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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.
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ELBASANI, Arolda. "The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.
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Defence date: 30 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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Etienne, Anne. "Towards European Integration: Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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Gu, Hong Fei. "Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union". Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.
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MELONI, Gabriella. "Wider Europe : the influence of the EU on neighbouring countries : the case of Russia and Ucraine". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10467.
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Defence date: 7 December 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (EUI/RSCAS) ; Prof. Olga Potemkina, (Russian Academy of Science, Moscow) ; Prof. Gerda Falkner, (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI, Department of Law)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The EU has engaged in the promotion of an unprecedented process of policy export which involves not only candidates to enlargement, but also a wide range of countries beyond the Union’s present and future expected (at least at the moment) borders. In this framework, Russia and Ukraine have been an important test-case for the European Union which asked them to 'endeavour to ensure' that their legislation will be 'gradually made compatible with that of the Community' already in the mid-90s. This dissertation is intended to explore the mechanisms which have allowed the EU to promote legislative approximation in these 2 countries across 3 policy areas which are at the core of the internal market and where I, thus, expected the pressure for Europeanisation to be higher: competition policy, company law and consumers’ protection. In particular, I tried to understand if and how far the EU has been able to induce Russia and Ukraine towards the desired outcome as a result of the engagement of the parties in strategic inter-action. Then, on the other hand, I tried to assess if and how far rule adoption has been motivated by internalized, socially constructed identities, values and norms. The analysis has shown that there are interesting cases of Europeanisation not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia, allowing me to highlight the limits deriving from the use of conditionality in the new neighborhood and the need to reconsider the mix between different Europeanisation strategies.
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Ou, Wei Qiang. "Assessing the strategic partnership between China and the European Union (2003-2010)". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554719.
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Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe". PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Zheng, Shan Shan. "European Union's humanitarian intervention : an English school perspective". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555554.
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Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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Macdonald, Anna Maria. "Green Normative Power? Relations between New Zealand and the European Union on Environment". Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3161.
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The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.
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Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /". free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Deleau, Delphine. "The European court of justice 'open skies' judgments of 5 November 2002 : a Euopean contribution to the multilateral framework for International Aviation relations". Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80914.
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The 'Open Skies' policy launched by the United States in 1992 gave birth to new bilateral agreements between them and most Member States of the European Union, as the latter were adopting a single aviation market. Nevertheless, the nationality clause the agreements included conflicted with the Community principle of freedom of establishment.On November 5, 2002, the European Court of Justice therefore ruled there was indeed violation. However, the true question raised by the agreements focused less on such violation, which was anterior to those agreements, than on their fragmentation and the inequality they created in the Europe/United States aviation relations.
Indeed, the issue to be stressed in the judgments is linked to the building of the external competence of the Union with regards to aviation. While the Court refused to grant total competence to the Community, it made that of the Member States impracticable, leading to a global mandate for the Commission.
Although the orientations of the agreements to be concluded are foreseeable, the role the European Union will play in a potential multilateral negotiation remains to be defined.
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Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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Begg, Jeanine. "Conceptualising the nature of relations between the European Union and Japan : using the frameworks of identity and rational choice analytic narratives as a means to interpret this dynamic relationship, 1990-2005 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury /". Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1957.
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This thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the European Union (EU) and
Japan as interregional partners and as united global actors. The principal aim is to
navigate the nature of relations between these two diverse entities asserting that ideology,
culture and identity formation contribute significantly to the joint policies undertaken by
these two groups. The theoretical assumptions of this thesis are discussed in parallel to
observable phenomena relative to the nature of relations between the EU and Japan,
1990-2005. This research analyses EU and Japan interactions from the Joint Declaration
1991 and including the Action Plan 2001 and aims to use the theoretical concepts of
Identity. The frameworks of the Four Point Plan and the Analytic Narrative are
appropriate to gain insight to the nature of these relations. Both the Four Point Plan and
the Analytic Narrative are broad in scope but defined in nature, thus they are most
suitable for the purpose of this analysis. This multidisciplinary approach enables the
deconstruction of the influence held by 'identity' in domestic and international policy,
outlining that policy influences such as preference and 'stories'! affect the relationship
between the EU and Japan. This modem research angle serves to emphasise the
uniqueness of the EU and Japan as international actors. The United States and rise of
China act as intervening variables, and their secondary role highlights the changing
global environment over this period.
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Meyer, Martin Federico. "The Europeanization of the public sphere in the foreign policy domain : political action and public discourse in Germany and the United Kingdom". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608997.
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Mavura, Mike Tigere. "The European Union trade, development and cooperation agreement (TDCA) with South Africa : promoting development or self interest?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007572.
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This research analyses development cooperation between the European Union (EU) and South Africa with the objective of determining which between the two entities, ultimately benefits more out of this arrangement The research goes beyond the altruistic reasons offered by the EU as the rationale for development cooperation to investigate whether South Africa's development is actually being promoted by this cooperation. Further, the research investigates whether there is also EU self-interest that informs this development cooperation. This research is conceptualised within the development aid debate framework. The research argues that this development cooperation is important to South Africa even though its impact is in real terms has not been extensive due to a number of factors. It further contends that there are EU political, security and economic interests amongst others that are being promoted by this development cooperation. The research concludes by asserting that this development cooperation promotes the mutual interests of the EU and South Africa. This conclusion challenges the paradigms of the debate on development aid which is premised in black and white terms of development aid promoting either donor or recipient interests.
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Blew, Dennis Jan. "The Europeanization of Political Parties: A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014". PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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Zhu, Feng. "EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.
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Corbillon-Gulin, Ramon. "A study of how European Union IPRA practitioners viewed ethical issues : values, standards, social responsibility, and control". Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014808.
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The lack of studies relating to the ethical needs and values of public relations professionals in the European Union indicated the need for a research study to ascertain: 1. the experience of European Union public relations professionals in confronting and resolving ethical issues, 2. what the needs are in charting an ethical course for individual professional conduct, 3.what the needs are to guide organizations in the ethical performance of public relations, and 4. the social responsibility of public relations.Nearly all of the quantitative studies have been devoted to an examination of the views of members of American public relations associations. Numerous authors have pointed out the value of ethical standards and of a means of enforcement of the standards for professions. In spite of an ongoing professional dialogue as to the need, little progress has been made in defining sanctions against those who violate ethical principles while defining themselves as public relations counselors.This study was based on a mail survey created and distributed by Sharpe in the Fall of 1993. Three questions from the 1972 Newsom's research study were added. Threehundred and fifty-five public relations practitioner members of the International Public Relations Association within the European Union in 1995 were identified as the population for this study. A 35.2% response rate was attained after two mailings.The typical respondent was male, had been in the profession from 10 to 30 years, held an accreditation, was a specialist and identified himself as a counselor. He related that he confronted ethical issues with frequency particularly in relation to relationships with clients, the news media, and customers. The majority of the ethical issues, which would have or had transgressed the organizational policies and personal/religious principles, consisted of: misleading information, promising more than could and was delivered, supporting a program with which he disagreed in principle, withholding information, and failure to accept responsibilities. He said that he resolved the last ethical issue encountered, which involved their organization's management performance, by pointing out the ethical issue and influencing an ethical action. He placed some value on both IPRA Codes. He saw all ethical issues as ethically wrong, especially those relating to sexual harassment, the sale of unsafe products and services, discrimination, establishing different pay scales for men and women doing the same work, withholding information for gain at expense of others, and promotion and sale of products in other countries that are unacceptable in the EU that place people at risk. He viewed the public relations profession as having a leading role in improving relationships between peoples of different races within a country and between countries. He saw public opinion as an effective control over public relations performance. Finally, he would recommend the establishment and communication of the organization's ethics code and performance policies so organizational management would be recognized for public relations performance. The employment of public relations officials with professional memberships obligating them to uphold a code of ethical conduct was viewed as a criteria that organizations should establish as evidence of the organization's commitment to ethical public relations.Department of Journalism
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Delport, ClydeniaL Edwina. "Towards a fairer multi-lateral trade relations between the European union and African Caribbean and pacific countries?" University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7779.
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Magister Legum - LLMSugar, bananas, beef and cotton are some of the few products, which are the primary commodities in many African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP).2 Many are highly vulnerable small islands, landlocked and least developed states,' thus rendering the above-mentioned sectors, of great importance to their economies." In these countries, for instance, the sugar producers often provide housing, health care, education and other benefits.i
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Jónsdóttir, Jóhanna. "Europeanisation of the Icelandic policy process". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609096.
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Bi, Si Wei. "Impact of EU green directives on China's exports". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555560.
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Dalby, Andrew K. "European integrationist influences on member states' counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14394.
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Under the competences of the European Union's intergovernmentally controlled Justice and Home Affairs policy, counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination of efforts have progressed at a rapid pace following the 11 September attacks on the USA. Given, however, that Europe has experienced entrenched terrorist campaigns for the past three decades, one could be forgiven for questioning, in light of the unique co-operative position of Western Europe, why it has taken so long for the membership of the EU to reach a common definition of terrorism. Also why is it that even now, the EU has failed to develop a common policy against terrorism? Political explanations are traditional responses to such questions, but there is a risk of underestimating the complexities of the European Project, and the effect which this has had on so many areas of transnational co-operation. By focusing therefore on the often-overlooked role played by European integration on counter-terrorist co-operation, in addition to empirical analysis of the efficiency of the co-operative structures, we place ourselves in a more beneficial position to understand the current situation. Intergovernmentalism, the controlling force of JHA co-operation, we find is not mutually exclusive to law-enforcement co-operation. Two theories tested for supranational influences - neo-functionalism and federalism - have also played their part, from the early 1960s onwards, in facilitating co-operation. The historical emphasis is important, because co-operation prior to the regulation of much of this area within the EU, following the Treaties of Economic Union, provides us with ample material for analysis and greater insight into the JHA process and counter-terrorism. Intergovernmentalism has helped push counter-terrorist co-operation along, but equally we find that it now serves as a hindrance in completing its development because of its in-built tendency to retain subsidiarity. Counter terrorist co-operation, we conclude, need not be restricted to intergovernmental control any longer.
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Jahnel, Carsten H. "Transatlantic relations : are alliances a funcion [i.e. function] of an external threat? /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FJahnel.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhardt Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-98). Also available online.
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Petronzio, Edward. "Talking trade over wine assessing the role of trade associations, bureacratic agencies and legislative bodies in the United States-European Union and Canada-European Union wine trade disputes /". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1192736566.
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Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Ette, John Umo. "The Impact of Economic Integration within the European Union as a Factor in Conflict Transformation and Peace-Building". PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1893.
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This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.
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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
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Klostermann, Eva Amelie. ""A comparison of the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA: trade creating or trade diverting?"". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2196_1254400820.
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This thesis has attempted to provide an analysis of two legal instruments
the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA. Specific attention was directed to these instruments impact on trade between the European Union and the United States, respectively, and beneficiary African countries.
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Ndoye, Cheikh Mbacke. "Les relations entre l'Union Européenne et les ACP : l'exemple du Sénégal". Thesis, Reims, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012REIMD002/document.
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La coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP a officiellement commencé depuis le Traité de Rome de 1957 à travers les différentes conventions internationales (Yaoundé, Lomé et Cotonou. Cette coopération n'a pas fondamentalement changé de nature malgré les nombreux changements apportés. L'ouverture très large aux Etats ACP d'une relation initialement limitée aux anciennes colonies françaises, n'a pas eu d'impact sur le caractère inégalitaire de ce type de rapport comme en témoigne l'insertion de clauses de constitutionnalité politique et financière de plus en plus contraignantes. Il en découle que les mécanismes de coopération s'emboîtent les uns dans les autres et que leur bon fonctionnement ou tout simplement leur fonctionnement normal demeure subordonné à des considérations politiques, ou plutôt géopolitiques pour ne pas dire à des conditions idéologiques. Il va sans dire que malgré le phénomène de mondialisation et l'ouverture de l'Afrique à de nouveaux partenaires essentiellement ceux des pays émergents, la coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP en particulier le Sénégal, conserve, plus de cinq décennies après les indépendances une empreinte néo coloniale. L'aide publique au développement essentielle se réduit comme peau de chagrin dans la mesure ou l'Union européenne ne semble plus se préoccupée des questions de développement des pays ACP dont le Sénégal. La diminution du montant du 10éme FED vient apporter un éclairage sur ce manque d'intérêt affiché par l'Europe.Cette coopération s'appuie désormais sur certains grands principes imposés par l'Union Européenne pour mieux asseoir sa suprématie à l'effet de maintenir ces Etats dans une sorte de dépendance.La question de la dette qui est au coeur même de cette question est plus que d'actualité dans la mesure ou elle constitue un moyen de pression de l'Europe pour dicter certaines conduites aux Etats ACP.Ces difficultés ont en partie obligés les pays ACP à se tourner de plus en plus vers d'autres partenaires moins regardant sur certaines questions tenant aux droits de l'Homme, aux libertés publique, et à la démocratie. IL s'agit principalement de la Chine, de l'Inde, du Brésil qui sont de nouveaux acteurs sur la scène internationale et qui prennent beaucoup de place jadis occupée par l'Union Européenne.Pour reprendre sa place, l'Union Européenne doit régler certaines questions liées à la dette, aux constitutionnalités politiques et économiques. Les conséquences des programmes d'ajustement structurels sont toujours ressenties comme un échec de la politique de l'Union Européenne au niveau des pays ACP.Dés lors, méme avec l'avènement de nouveaux acteurs non-étatiques, la coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les Etats ACP dont le Sénégal mérite d'être repensée pour que les Objectifs du Millénaire pour le Développement puissent être atteintsCooperation between the European Union and the ACP States officially started since the Treaty of Rome in 1957 through various international conventions (Yaoundé, Lomé and Cotonou. Such cooperation has not fundamentally changed in nature despite the many changes. The large opening of the ACP relationship initially limited to former French colonies, had no impact on the inequality of this type of relationship as evidenced by the inclusion of constitutional clauses political and financial increasingly stringent. It follows that the cooperation mechanisms fit into each other and their proper functioning or simply normal operation remains subject to political considerations, or rather not to say geopolitical conditions ideological . It goes without saying that despite the phenomenon of globalization and the opening up of Africa to new partners mainly in emerging countries, cooperation between the European Union and the ACP States in particular Senegal, retains more than five decades after independence neo-colonial footprint. official development assistance is essential reduced to a trickle in the measure or the European Union seems more concerned about development issues in ACP countries including Senegal. Reducing the amount the 10th EDF has shed light on the lack of interest shown by Europe.This cooperation is now based on certain principles imposed by the European Union to better establish its supremacy to maintain the effect of these states in a kind of addiction.The issue of debt is at the heart of this issue is more than relevant in so far as it is a means to pressure Europe to dictate certain behaviors ACP States.These difficulties have forced some ACP countries to turn increasingly to other partners looking less on certain issues to human rights, public freedoms, and democracy. IT is mainly from China, India, Brazil are new actors on the international scene and take up much space once occupied by the European Union.To take his place, the European Union must address some issues related to debt, constitutionnalités political and economic. Consequences of structural adjustment programs are still perceived as a failure of the policy of the European Union and ACP.From then on, same with the advent of new non-state actors, the cooperation between the European Union and the ACP States, including Senegal should be rethought for the Millennium Development can be achieved
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Martill, Benjamin. "Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.
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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
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Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
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Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
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Gruni, Giovanni. "The right to food and trade law in the external relations of the European Union with developing countries". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3fce4f71-8f64-4c8f-ac9b-a21a52c02a96.
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The European Union has exclusive competence to negotiate trade agreements with third countries. Using this competence the European Commission developed an extensive policy to conclude free trade agreements with numerous countries around the world. These agreements include regulation of the import and export of food products and also involve developing countries prone to hunger and malnutrition. This thesis investigates the recent trade agreements between the European Union and developing countries from the perspective of the human right to adequate food. This thesis demonstrates that the clauses on import and export of food products of such agreements limit the capacity of the developing countries involved to realise the right to food of their citizens. This outcome does not take into account the normative content of the right to food as contained in international human rights law and is dismissive of the references to human rights contained in European Union funding treaties and in the previous agreements between the European Union and developing countries. This thesis also demonstrates that this outcome is mainly an autonomous policy decision of the European Union and its trade partners independent from the obligations of World Trade Organization law. The thesis concludes with several proposals of reform to conciliate the external trade objectives of the European Union with the human right to adequate food.
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Zhang, Jiao. "Bring the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement to new heights? : implications for the prospective EU-China PCA". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2156741.
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Schilcher, Daniela, i n/a. "Supranational governance of tourism : aid, trade and power relations between the European Union and the South Pacific island states". University of Otago. Department of Tourism, 2007. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20080508.150955.
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This thesis examined the role of supranational organisations (SOs) in the governance of tourism in a North-South context. Focusing on the issue area of development cooperation, this thesis investigated the question of how and why SOs got involved in tourism in developing countries, and more specifically, in small island developing states. Such involvement may occur either directly through aid funded projects or indirectly through international trade regimes that impact on tourism in the aid recipient countries. The thesis adopted a case study approach focussing on the European Union�s (EU�s) involvement in the governance of tourism in South Pacific island states. Grounded in a history of colonialism, the EU has been involved in the �development� of the South Pacific for more than three decades, which allowed to track changes in development philosophy over time. Focusing on the concept of power, the case was assessed in a multi-scalar manner, analysing the EU�s involvement from the global down to the local level. Never before has an entire multilevel polity been assessed in one coherent case study, incorporating actors situated at all levels and ranging from supranational organisations to national governments, businesses, communities, and individuals.
The methods employed in this thesis included interviews, participant observation, document analysis (policy documents and newspapers), and subsequently critical discourse analysis. The latter served to highlight the so-called �third face of power� (Lukes 1974), which is closely related to the concept of ideological hegemony. Interviews were conducted in Fiji and Samoa with officials of the South Pacific Delegations of the EU, officials of tourism authorities, NGOs, tourism operators and community members. Elite interviews in Brussels were conducted with officials of the European Commission and the European Parliament.
Under all scales and �faces� of power the EU was found to be the dominant actor, while the issue of self-interest appeared to play a key role. At a macro-level, the EU clearly dominated in most overt decision-making situations during negotiations on aid and trade agreements. As concerned the inclusion of tourism in the agreements, the relative importance of the sector was clearly dependent on the European Commission�s prevailing attitude on �tourism and development� at any point in time. At a meso- and micro-level, the EU�s influence was less obvious yet nonetheless existent, for example through funding rules and the use of European consultants. Indirect influence also occurred at the national level. In particular the substitution of a preferential trade regime with a free trade agreement (the Economic Partnership Agreements), which is currently being negotiated between the EU and the Pacific Islands, is likely to have a significant impact on the economic importance of tourism, as well as public policy in the South Pacific. In a mini case study of Samoa, it was found that the resulting changes in tourism policy would have a significant impact �on the ground�, in particular with regard to rates of local ownership and control.
Overall, power relations were found to be highly unequal and self-determination and empowerment have largely not been achieved. However, more research is needed to examine the ability to generalise the findings to other geographic regions or other types of SOs. The key contribution of this thesis in the theoretical realm constitutes its bridging of agency and structure within multi-level governance, which may be conceived as a �third way� to either dependency theory-influenced studies (global/structure) or community approaches (local/agency).
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Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations". Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
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Tanrikulu, Osman Goktug. "A Dissatisfied Partner: A Conflict - Integration Analysis of Britain's Membership in the European Union". PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1064.
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Since 2009, the European Union has faced the worst economic crisis of its history. Due to the devastating impact of the Eurozone crisis on their economies, European countries realized the need to deepen the integration. Without a fiscal union, the Monetary Union would always be prone to economic crises. However, the efforts to reinforce the Union’s economy have been hampered by the UK due to its obsession with national sovereignty and lack of European ideals. In opposing further integration, the UK officials have started to speak out about the probability of leaving the EU.
The purpose of this paper is to present benefits and challenges of Britain’s EU membership and to assess the consequences of leaving the Union both for the UK and for the EU. This study utilizes Power Transition theory to analyze British impact on European integration. With the perspective of this theory, the UK is defined as a dissatisfied partner. By applying the conflict– cooperation model of Brian Efird, Jacek Kugler and Gaspare Genna, the effect of the UK’s dissatisfaction is empirically portrayed.
The empirical findings of the conflict– integration model clearly show that Britain’s dissatisfaction has a negative impact on European integration and jeopardizes the future of the Union. Power Transitions analysis indicates that the UK would become an insignificant actor in the international system and lose the opportunity for the Union’s leadership if it leaves the EU. On the other hand, although Britain’s departure would be a significant loss in terms of capability, economic coherence is more important for the EU. Without enough commitment for the Union, increasing the level of integration with the UK would raise the probability of conflict with the integration process in the future.
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Baranava, Tatiana. "EUROPEAN UNION - BELARUS: A FRIENDLIER, WARMER RELATIONSHIP ? THE CASE OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23956.
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After 12 years of isolation, the relations between Brussels and Minsk have been thawing starting in the last year. One of the components of the policy of re-engagement is the new initiative adopted by the EU called Eastern Partnership (EaP). This thesis sought to answer following question: what were the main reasons for the change in the EU policy towards Belarus after 2008? In order to answer the research question I formulated two hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that while the EU has acted according to the normative power expectations up until 2008, after that date a more pragmatic approach in the foreign policy has been at work. The second hypothesis explains this change by the increasing influence of Eastern European countries in realm of decision-making processes within the EU, which resulted in a reformed EU foreign policy towards Belarus.These hypotheses are tested in a qualitative case study of the launching of the Eastern Partnership initiative, seen as the most important instrument that defines the new policy of EU. I will focus on the process of decision–making in regards to the adoption of the new initiative towards the Eastern European countries, using the rational actor model and the theory of formal leadership. The results of the paper point out that the main reason for changing the EU foreign policy towards Belarus were connected to pragmatic interests in the economic and energy areas, which weakened the EU normative claims. However, EU values are still counted as political conditionality has recently re-entered the agenda. Thus, the current foreign policy is two-fold: based on rational model of acting and normative power. Moreover, the EaP is the result of the strengthened position of Eastern European countries in terms of the power hierarchy among EU members, with Poland, and the Baltic States playing an increasingly larger role.
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GAENSSMANTEL, Frank. "How international actors interact : explaining China's engagement with the EU, 2002-2007". Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13291.
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Defense date: 30 September 2009Examining Board: Marise Cremona (EUI, Law Department), Christopher Hughes (LSE), Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS) (Supervisor), Lanxin Xiang (Grad Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva)
First made available online 1 October 2019
This thesis investigates how Chinese decision-makers deal with the complexities of EU foreign-policy making. Which of the many entities within in the EU, among Brussels-based institutions and in member states, do they approach and how? How can the modalities of engagement be explained? What patterns emerge and how and why do they change over time? In answering these questions, the thesis provides insights on three under-researched issues of international relations: first, on how outsiders engage with the EU and whether the EU is capable of managing requests from the outside; second, on how China makes its EU policy, and, by extension, to what extent its decision-making structure can deal with complex foreignpolicy challenges; third, and more generally, on how international actors interact through numerous contacts among the bureaucratic agents within them. To reach these goals, a new analytical framework is introduced that distinguishes three processes to explain such transnational bureaucratic interaction. First, the decisionmaking in China on how to engage the EU. Second, the reception this approach receives on the EU side. These first two processes are analysed as based on the interplay of organisational logic, bureaucratic politics, and the degree of central control. Third, there are independent dynamics of direct interaction between bureaucratic entities, which result from the quality of personal relations and the matches or mismatches in preferences, worldviews, and perceptions. Two intensive case studies are performed, one on China’s efforts to be recognised as a market economy by the EU, and another on the Chinese push to have the EU lift its arms embargo against China. The thesis proposes a threefold argument. First, due to complex formal rules and volatile informal patterns of EU foreign policy, the EU remains difficult to approach for third actors and is incapable of managing requests from the outside. Second, engaging a complex counterpart like the EU puts strain on the foreign-policy process. Chinese policy making suffers from strong horizontal divisions which prevent the distribution of expertise and hinder the formation of elaborate strategies for approaching the EU. Lastly, in order to explain the modalities of interaction between different actors in international affairs, it is crucial to look at how the bureaucratic agents involved in the foreign-policy process interact with their respective counterparts.