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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Radcliffe College. Class of 1973"

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Barratt, Will. "Review of Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940-1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Context". Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice 47, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1949-6605.6080.

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Carrie A. Kortegast i Florence A. Hamrick. "Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Contexts (review)". Review of Higher Education 33, nr 3 (2010): 422–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhe.0.0136.

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Redmond, Jennifer. "Working class students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: the intersection of gender, social class, and historical context, by Jennifer O’Connor Duffy". Gender and Education 22, nr 6 (listopad 2010): 706–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09540253.2010.519591.

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Eisenmann, Linda. "Jennifer O'Connor Duffy. Working-Class Students at Radcliffe College, 1940–1970: The Intersection of Gender, Social Class, and Historical Context. Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2008. 205 pp. Hardcover $109.95." History of Education Quarterly 49, nr 3 (sierpień 2009): 382–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00215.x.

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Stewart, Abigail J., i Joan M. Ostrove. "Social Class, Social Change, and Gender". Psychology of Women Quarterly 17, nr 4 (grudzień 1993): 475–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1993.tb00657.x.

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This article explores the implications of social class background in the lives of women who attended Radcliffe College in the late 1940s and in the early 1960s. Viewing social classes as “cultures” with implications for how individuals understand their worlds, we examined social class background and cohort differences in women's experiences at Radcliffe, their adult life patterns, their constructions of women's roles, and the influence of the women's movement in their lives. Results indicated that women from working-class backgrounds in both cohorts felt alienated at Radcliffe. Cohort differences, across social class, reflected broad social changes in women's roles in terms of the rates of divorce, childbearing, level of education, and career activity. There were few social class-specific social changes, but there were a number of social class differences among the women in the Class of 1964. These differences suggested that women from working-class backgrounds viewed women's marital role with some suspicion, whereas women from middle- and upper-class backgrounds had a more positive view. Perhaps for this reason, working-class women reported that the women's movement confirmed and supported their skeptical view of middle-class gender norms.
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Stein, Gertrude, i Amy Feinstein. "The Modern Jew Who Has Given Up the Faith of His Fathers Can Reasonably and Consistently Believe in Isolation". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, nr 2 (marzec 2001): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2001.116.2.416.

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Gertrude stein wrote the twenty-five-page manuscript “the modern jew who has given up the faith of his fathers can reasonably and consistently believe in isolation” for a composition class at Radcliffe College in 1896, when she was twenty-two years old. The essay is distinctly occasional and reads like an early work. It is, nonetheless, one of the few known pieces in which Stein treats directly the question of Jewish identity and the only one to link that question to a specifically political description of the public sphere. The manuscript thus sheds a remarkable light on a number of the most contested questions in studies of Stein's life and works—the problem of her later protofascist political allegiances, of her sense of her exiled Americanness, and of her treatment of writing as an asemantic medium for sketching mobile identities.
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Stein, Gertrude, i Amy Feinstein. "The Modern Jew Who Has Given Up the Faith of His Fathers Can Reasonably and Consistently Believe in Isolation". Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, nr 2 (marzec 2001): 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900105309.

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Gertrude stein wrote the twenty-five-page manuscript “the modern jew who has given up the faith of his fathers can reasonably and consistently believe in isolation” for a composition class at Radcliffe College in 1896, when she was twenty-two years old. The essay is distinctly occasional and reads like an early work. It is, nonetheless, one of the few known pieces in which Stein treats directly the question of Jewish identity and the only one to link that question to a specifically political description of the public sphere. The manuscript thus sheds a remarkable light on a number of the most contested questions in studies of Stein's life and works—the problem of her later protofascist political allegiances, of her sense of her exiled Americanness, and of her treatment of writing as an asemantic medium for sketching mobile identities.
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Ford, Karly Sarita. "Marrying Within the Alma Mater: Understanding the Role of Same-University Marriages in Educational Homogamy". Sociological Research Online 25, nr 2 (28.08.2019): 254–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419867710.

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Most prior work on educational homogamy does not distinguish between college attendees who marry someone who attended the same university (same-university marriages) and those who marry someone who attended a different university (different-university marriages). This article estimates the prevalence of partnering between individuals who attended the same university in the United States. Using rich data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), this study finds that, among college graduates who marry other college graduates, about one third have same-university spouses. As higher education has massified and feminized, rates of same-university marriages have changed very little between 1973 and 2013. By distinguishing between same-university and different-university marriages, this article highlights the role that universities, as organizational settings, play in structuring elective affinities – Pierre Bourdieu’s term for the class-based shared experiences and tastes that form the basis of social and romantic ties. Educational homogamy contributes to social stratification by consolidating the educational and social advantages of the individuals and same-university marriages make up a significant portion of these partnerships.
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Barnett, Michael, i Robin Smith. "Walter Thompson Welford. 31 August 1916 — 18 September 1990". Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 50 (styczeń 2004): 315–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2004.0021.

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Walter Thompson Welford (Walter Weinstein until 1957), born in London, left Hackney Technical Institute at the age of 16 years to become a technician at the London Hospital and later at Oxford University Biochemistry Department. In 1942, after obtaining a first–class honours external degree in mathematics from London University by private study, he returned to London to work at Adam Hilger Ltd. He moved to Imperial College, London, as a research assistant in 1947, became a lecturer in 1951, a senior lecturer in 1959, Reader in 1964 and Professor of Physics in 1973. He was elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1980. After formal retirement in 1983 he continued to be research active at Imperial College and the University of Chicago until his death from throat cancer in 1990.Walter's scientific work was in the craft of optical instrumentation, in which he became an internationally recognized master. His contributions ranged from basic aberration theory to the design, construction and testing of a vast range of optical instrumentation. His research fields were principally lens aberrations, optical microscopy, bubble chamber optics, laser speckle, non–imaging optics, diffraction gratings and diffractive lenses. Many will also remember him as a kindly and inspiring educator.
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Candina-Polomer, Azun. "Studying Other Memories". Latin American Perspectives 43, nr 6 (11.07.2016): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16658258.

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The Colegio Médico de Chile (College of Physicians of Chile) was a significant professional association with a long history and a leadership position in discussions about physicians as an occupational group and about public health in Chile. It opposed the socialist Popular Unity government (1970–1973), supported the military coup, collaborated actively with the dictatorship for several years afterward, and later joined the opposition demanding a return to democracy. Since the formal return to democracy in 1990, it has continued to participate in public discussions not only about health but also about human rights, reparations, and democratic convivencia in Chile. Examining its history helps us to historicize the construction of contemporary memory, facilitating an analysis of groups that do not correspond to the binary opposition of victims and victimizers that dominates the historical literature. The Colegio’s use of the same memories in different contexts leads us to reflect upon the fact that public memories are much more mobile and pragmatic and less principled than they first appear. This underlines the importance of including class and professional or corporate identity and other differences in analyses of the discourse of memory. El Colegio Médico de Chile es una importante asociación profesional con una larga historia y una posición de liderazgo en las discusiones sobre los médicos como grupo ocupacional y sobre la salud pública en Chile. Se opusieron al gobierno socialista de la Unidad Popular (1970–1973), apoyaron el golpe militar, colaboraron activamente con la dictadura durante varios años y más tarde se unieron a la oposición que exigía el regreso de la democracia. Desde el retorno formal de la democracia en 1990, el Colegio ha participado activamente en los debates públicos no sólo sobre la salud sino también sobre los derechos humanos, las reparaciones y la convivencia democrática en Chile. Si examinamos su historia podemos historizar la construcción de la memoria contemporánea, lo que nos ayuda a analizar aquellos grupos que no cuadran con la oposición binaria de víctimas y victimarios que domina la literatura histórica. El uso que hace el Colegio de las mismas memorias en diferentes contextos nos lleva a reflexionar sobre el hecho de que las memorias públicas son mucho más flexibles y pragmáticas y menos guiadas por principios de lo que parecen a primera vista. Todo esto subraya la importancia de incluir clase e identidad profesional o corporativa y otras diferencias en los análisis del discurso de la memoria.
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Książki na temat "Radcliffe College. Class of 1973"

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Duffy, Jennifer O'Conner. Working-class students at Radcliffe College, 1940-1970: The intersection of gender, social class, and historical context. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2008.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1975. Tenth anniversary report. Barnstable, Mass: Crane Duplicating Service, 1985.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1993. Fifth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass.]: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 1998.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1970. Fifteenth anniversary report. Ward Hill, Mass: DBL Company, 1985.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1963. Fortieth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2003.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1972. Fifteenth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Office of the University Publisher, 1987.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1974. Twenty-fifth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 1999.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1975. Fifteenth anniversary report. Cambridge, Mass: Office of the University Publisher, 1990.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1970. Fortieth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass.]: Class Report Office, Harvard University, 2010.

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Harvard College (1780- ). Class of 1972. Fortieth anniversary report. Cambridge, [Mass.]: printed for the Class, 2012.

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Części książek na temat "Radcliffe College. Class of 1973"

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Brint, Steven, i Jerome Karabel. "The Final Transformation in Massachusetts: Market Pressures, Fiscal Crises, and Business Influences, 1971-1985". W The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0012.

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The focus of this chapter is on the shift toward predominantly vocational enrollments in the 1970s, brought on by the combined pressures of market decline, state fiscal crisis, and the political ascendance of conservative business leaders. Nevertheless, it would be misleading to suggest that contrary forces were not in evidence at least in the first few years of the 1970s. The most important of these contrary pressures was the sheer growth of the community college and university systems, which, for a time, encouraged an increase in the absolute numbers of transfers. The community colleges in Massachusetts proved to be at least as attractive in a period of economic retrenchment as they had been in better times. Low-cost, close-to-home two-year colleges were a practical alternative to more expensive higher education. Between 1970 and 1973, the community colleges’ full-time enrollment increased by over one-third, and the other two tiers grew slightly less rapidly. As the system became more vocational in the late 1960s, it also grew. Because of this growth, the absolute number of community college students who transferred to four-year colleges increased, even though the transfer enrollment rates were slowly declining. The number of community college students transferring to the University at Massachusetts at Amherst, for example, increased from just 80 in 1964, when only seven community college campuses were open, to 425 in 1970 and then to 950 in 1972, when twelve campuses were operating at full capacity. In 1973, at the peak of transfer enrollments, 1,165 public two-year college students enrolled at the University of Massachusetts; 680 enrolled in the state colleges; and 525 enrolled in four-year private colleges in Massachusetts.2 Although never more than a small fraction of total community college enrollments, transfer rates did rise dramatically, from approximately 12.5 percent of the sophomore class in 1964 (a rate congenial to the original planners) to nearly 30 percent of the sophomore class in 1973 (Beales 1974). The nationwide decline in the market for college-educated labor in the early 1970s hit Massachusetts with slightly greater force than in other states, being reinforced by a recession in the newly emerging high-technology belt around Boston that was related to the winding down of the war in Southeast Asia.
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Brint, Steven, i Jerome Karabel. "Designs for Comprehensive Community Colleges: 1958-1970". W The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0010.

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No analysis of the history of the community college movement in Massachusetts can begin without a discussion of some of the peculiar features of higher education in that state. Indeed, the development of all public colleges in Massachusetts was, for many years, inhibited by the strength of the state’s private institutions (Lustberg 1979, Murphy 1974, Stafford 1980). The Protestant establishment had strong traditional ties to elite colleges—such as Harvard, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Williams, and Amherst—and the Catholic middle class felt equally strong bonds to the two Jesuit institutions in the state: Boston College and Holy Cross (Jencks and Riesman 1968, p. 263). If they had gone to college at all, most of Massachusetts’s state legislators had done so in the private system. Private college loyalties were not the only reasons for opposition to public higher education. Increased state spending for any purpose was often an anathema to many Republican legislators, and even most urban “machine” Democrats were unwilling to spend state dollars where the private sector appeared to work well enough (Stafford and Lustberg 1978). As late as 1950, the commonwealth’s public higher education sector served fewer than ten thousand students, just over 10 percent of total state enrollments in higher education. In 1960, public enrollment had grown to only 16 percent of the total, at a time when 59 percent of college students nationwide were enrolled in public institutions (Stafford and Lustberg 1978, p. 12). Indeed, the public sector did not reach parity with the private sector until the 1980s. Of the 15,945 students enrolled in Massachusetts public higher education in 1960, well over 95 percent were in-state students. The private schools, by contrast, cast a broader net: of the nearly 83,000 students enrolled in the private schools, more than 40 percent were from out of state (Organization for Social and Technical Innovation 1973). The opposition to public higher education began to recede in the late 1950s. Already by mid-decade, a large number of urban liberals had become members of the state legislature, and a new governor, Foster Furcolo, had been elected in 1956 on an activist platform.
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