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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Race privileged women"
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A. Geiger, Karen, i Cheryl Jordan. "The role of societal privilege in the definitions and practices of inclusion". Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 33, nr 3 (11.03.2014): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-12-2013-0115.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to focus on the work of those with societal privilege in the practice of inclusion. It outlines the experience of privilege, obstacles raised by the study of women in cross-race relationships, and offers guidance for those with privilege in how to use it in relationships and organizational inclusion efforts. Design/methodology/approach – The paper takes lessons from varied literatures about privilege, social justice, and organizational inclusion/diversity and applies them to the work of inclusion for those privileged by race in the USA. Findings – The paper offers guidance to those with race privilege in the USA. It suggests ways to problematize privilege, how to become a social justice ally, reframe what white means, develop awareness about race dynamics, use empathy cautiously, create a “third culture,” balance multiple identities, and acknowledge numerous power differentials. Research limitations/implications – Given the specific contexts and social identities chosen here, the conclusions may not generalize. Therefore, researchers are encouraged to extend the experience, obstacles and guidance for those with other kinds of privilege in other contexts. Practical implications – Because of global demographics, organizations have incorporated a wide range of workforce diversity and now need to maximize practices of inclusion so talent can be fully utilized. This paper provides specific practices that can cause those with privilege to create a truly inclusive environment. Originality/value – There is very little exploration about the role of those with societal privilege in the definitions and practices of inclusion. This paper's contribution is to outline the work to be done by those privileged.
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Carbado, Devon W., i Mitu Gulati. "THE INTERSECTIONAL FIFTH BLACK WOMAN". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, nr 2 (2013): 527–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000301.
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AbstractIn 1989, Kimberlé Crenshaw published Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics, an article that drew explicitly on Black feminist criticism, and challenged three prevailing frameworks: 1) the male-centered nature of antiracist politics, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual Black men; 2) the White-centered nature of feminist theorizing, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual White women; and 3) the “single-axis”/sex or race-centered nature of antidiscrimination regimes, which privileged the experiences of heterosexual White women and Black men. Crenshaw demonstrated how people within the same social group (e.g., African Americans) are differentially vulnerable to discrimination as a result of other intersecting axes of disadvantage, such as gender, class, or sexual orientation.This essay builds on that insight by articulating a performative conceptualization of race. It assumes that a judge is sympathetic to intersectionality and thus recognizes that Black women are often disadvantaged based on the intersection of their race and sex, among other social factors. This essay asks: How is that judge likely to respond to a case in which a firm promotes four Black women but not the fifth? The judge could conclude that there is no discrimination because the firm promoted four people (Black women) with the same intersectional identity as the fifth (a Black woman). We argue that this evidentiary backdrop should not preclude a finding of discrimination. It is plausible that our hypothetical firm utilized racially associated ways of being—performative criteria (self presentation, accent, demeanor, conformity, dress, and hair style)—to differentiate among and between the Black women. The firm might have drawn an intra-group, or intra-intersectional, line between the fifth Black women and the other four based on the view that the fifth Black woman is “too Black.” We describe the ease with which institutions can draw such lines and explain why doing so might constitute impermissible discrimination. Our aim is to broaden the conceptual terms upon which we frame both social categories and discrimination.
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Smith, Zoey. "Lesbian Motherhood and Artificial Reproductive Technologies in North America: Race, Gender, Kinship, and the Reproduction of Dominant Narratives". Pathways 3, nr 1 (7.11.2022): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/pathways29.
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This paper reviews current ethnographic literature on lesbian motherhood as it relates to artificial reproductive technologies (ART) through intersectional, biopolitical and critical-race frameworks. I argue that white, lesbian intending mothers intersecting identity markers of whiteness and queerness place them in a unique position within ART discourses. ART functions as a biopolitical mechanism which aims to normalize and naturalize privilege in hierarchized power structures, while suggesting that the meanings that it produces are objectively scientific rather than socially constructed. I suggest that ART mechanizes white lesbian women’s insecurities as queer women, nearing the falsified construction of ideal motherhood, by exerting pressure on them to conform and therefore, reproduce dominant reproduction narratives. Simultaneously, I assert that white, lesbian, intending mothers’ positionality could enable critical interrogation into the harmful social stratifications that ART perpetuates based on race, class, ability, and sexuality. In sum, a review of relevant literature is used to posit that women privileged within dominant ART discourses must utilize that privilege to create meaningful change.
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Fikes, Kesha. "RI(GH)TES OF INTIMACY AT DOCAPESCA: Race versus Racism at a Fish Market in Portugal". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, nr 2 (wrzesień 2005): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050174.
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This essay observes how race adds value to market exchanges at a fisheries facility in Lisbon, Portugal. I examine scenarios that primarily involved interactions between Portuguese men who sold fish and Cape Verdean immigrant women who purchased it. The scenarios show how race is crystallized in interaction and how differently raced actors co-utilize race to accomplish different ends. When vendors initiated difference recognition for the purpose of promoting a sale, the value of race in that moment was not independent of how Cape Verdean women chose to ratify it. I show how racial knowledge could be mediated through its commodity status, as Cape Verdean women's responses codetermined the political contents of Portuguese men's racial ascriptions. Importantly, the argument is not that subjects independently engaged in the reproduction of their privileged or marginal social status. Rather, the dialectic condition of interaction involved paired forms of engagement that produced difference. An examination of this context helps illuminate when and how race recognition, in public, is identified as neutral or politically charged.
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O’Malley, Patti. "Mothering ‘Outsider’ Children: White Women in Black/White Interracial Families in Ireland". Genealogy 6, nr 2 (19.04.2022): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020027.
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The mixed-race family constellation has emerged as a regular feature of the Irish familial landscape. Such a demographic change invariably leads to the increased presence of white women who are mothering across racialised boundaries. Moreover, in the Irish context, the racial category of whiteness is privileged at a structural level and remains a central organising principle of Irishness as a mode of national belonging. This paper, therefore, sets out to address the specific gap in the literature related to the racialised experiences of the white mother of mixed-race (i.e., black African/white Irish) children in contemporary Ireland as these women are, in effect, mothering ‘outsider’ children in a context of white supremacy. More specifically, how does the positioning of these women’s mixed-race children impact their subjectivities as mothers categorised normatively as white and Irish? Framed by critical whiteness literature, this paper draws on in-depth interviews with twelve white Irish mothers. Data analysis broadly revealed three themes as relates to the women’s negotiations of the racialising discourses and practices which impact their family units. Findings suggest that these women no longer occupy the default position of whiteness as a category of racial privilege and a condition of ‘structured invisibility’. Perhaps, most significantly, the lived reality of these women disturbs the hegemonic conflation of the categories white and Irish. This paper, therefore, extends our theoretical understanding of both whiteness and mixed-race studies.
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Lee, Chioun, Soojin Park i Jennifer Boylan. "Cardiovascular Health at the Intersection of Race and Gender: Life-Course Processes to Reduce Health Disparities". Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (1.12.2020): 506–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.1635.
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Abstract Objective: Higher cardiovascular health (CVH) scores are significantly associated with reductions in aging-related disease and mortality but racial minorities exhibit poor CVH. We examine the degree to which (a) disparities in CVH exist at the intersection of race and gender and (b) CVH disparities would be reduced if marginalized groups had the same levels of resources and adversities as privileged groups. Methods: We used biomarker subsamples from the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) core study and Refresher studies (N=1,948). Causal decomposition analysis was implemented to test hypothetical interventions to equalize the distribution of early-life adversities (ELAs), perceived discrimination, or adult SES between marginalized and privileged groups. We conducted sensitivity analyses to determine to what degree unmeasured confounders would invalidate our findings. Results: White women have the highest CVH score, followed by White men, Black men, and Black women. Intervening on ELAs reduces the disparities: White men vs. Black women (30% of reduction) and White women vs. Black women (15%). Intervening on adult SES provides large disparity reductions: White men vs. Black men (79%), White men vs. Black women (70%), White women vs. Black men (25%), and White women vs. Black women (32%). Among these combinations, interventions on ELAs and adult SES are robust to unmeasured confounders. However, intervening on discrimination makes little change in initial disparities. Discussion: Economic security in midlife for Blacks helps reduce racial disparities in cardiovascular health. Preventing exposure to ELAs among Black women may reduce their vulnerability to cardiovascular disease, compared to Whites.
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Caputo, Richard K. "Gender and Race: Employment Opportunity and the American Economy, 1969–1991". Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 76, nr 4 (kwiecień 1995): 239–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/104438949507600405.
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The author examined the relationship between gender and race with regard to economic conditions and employment opportunities between 1969 and 1991. The study showed that women in general and white women in particular experienced increasing employment opportunities and rising wages in the 1970s and 1980s, that the “privileged” economic status of white males eroded in the 1970s and 1980s, that blacks experienced greater income equality than whites from the 1970s to the 1980s, and that the income gains black men experienced in the 1970s declined markedly in the 1980s. Implications of pursuing a high-wage, high-tech economy for racial and gender groups are discussed.
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Dalessandro, Cristen, Laurie James-Hawkins i Christie Sennott. "Strategic Silence: College Men and Hegemonic Masculinity in Contraceptive Decision Making". Gender & Society 33, nr 5 (29.05.2019): 772–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243219850061.
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Condom use among college men in the United States is notoriously erratic, yet we know little about these men’s approaches to other contraceptives. In this paper, accounts from 44 men attending a university in the western United States reveal men’s reliance on culturally situated ideas about gender, social class, race, and age in assessing the risk of pregnancy and STI acquisition in sexual encounters with women. Men reason that race- and class-privileged college women are STI-free, responsible for contraception, and will pursue abortion services if necessary. Since men expect women will take responsibility, they often stay silent about condoms and other contraceptives in sexual encounters—a process we term “strategic silence.” Men’s strategic silence helps uphold local constructions of hegemonic masculinity that prioritize men’s sexual desires and protects these constructions by subtly shifting contraceptive and sexual health responsibility onto women. Our analysis demonstrates the importance of men’s expectations of women for upholding constructions of hegemonic masculinity, which legitimate gender inequality in intimacy and are related to men’s underestimation of the risks associated with condom-free sex.
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Ish, Jennifer, Elaine Symanski i Kristina Whitworth. "Exploring Disparities in Maternal Residential Proximity to Unconventional Gas Development in the Barnett Shale in North Texas". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, nr 3 (23.01.2019): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16030298.
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Background: This study explores sociodemographic disparities in residential proximity to unconventional gas development (UGD) among pregnant women. Methods: We conducted a secondary analysis using data from a retrospective birth cohort of 164,658 women with a live birth or fetal death from November 2010 to 2012 in the 24-county area comprising the Barnett Shale play, in North Texas. We considered both individual- and census tract-level indicators of sociodemographic status and computed Indexes of Concentration at the Extremes (ICE) to quantify relative neighborhood-level privilege/disadvantage. We used negative binomial regression to investigate the relation between these variables and the count of active UGD wells within 0.8 km of the home during gestation. We calculated count ratios (CR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) to describe associations. Results: There were fewer wells located near homes of women of color living in low-income areas compared to non-Hispanic white women living in more privileged neighborhoods (ICE race/ethnicity + income: CR = 0.51, 95% CI = 0.48–0.55). Conclusions: While these results highlight a potential disparity in residential proximity to UGD in the Barnett Shale, they do not provide evidence of an environmental justice (EJ) issue nor negate findings of environmental injustice in other regions.
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González Groba, Constante. "Carson McCullers and Lillian Smith : The Intersections of Gender and Race in the Jim Crow South". Journal of English Studies 5 (29.05.2008): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.124.
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Carson McCullers and Lillian Smith openly rejected a false conception of loyalty to fantasies like southern tradition or white supremacy, a loyalty that veiled a persistent lack of self-analysis. They exposed the cracks in the South’s pretended “unity” and homogeneity and criticized the self-destructive resistance to acknowledge that, as a socially constructed category, race is linked to relations of power and anticipated the instability of racial categorization that would be underscored by historical and scientific research later in their century. These two southern women writers opposed the insistence of their culture on racial purity as vehemently as its demands for rigid sexual definition and its suppression of any deviant form of sexuality. The characters in their fiction are victims of a dichotomic culture that resists the acknowledgement that black and white have always been as inextricably linked as male and female. In Killers of the Dream and Strange Fruit, Lillian Smith showed the interactions of racial and sexual segregation, which she saw as parallel emblems of the South’s cultural schizophrenia. She was one of the first to detect the psychosexual damage inflicted on southern women by the racial discourse, and established a most interesting parallel between the segregated parts of the female body and the segregated spaces of any southern locality. Like any system of differentiation, segregation shapes those it privileges as well as those it oppresses. Excluded from the white parameters of virtue and even from the condition of womanhood, the black woman’s body became the sexual prey of the white man who could not demand sexual satisfaction from his “pure” wife. The culture of segregation privileged the white woman but it also made her powerless; the very conventions which “protected” her deprived her of contact with physicality and locked her into bodilessness.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Race privileged women"
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Reid, Patricia Mary, i n/a. "Whiteness as Goodness: White Women in PNG & Australia, 1960's to the Present". Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070130.140518.
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In this thesis I examine the contemporary nexus between White women and the raced and classed institution of White womanhood. More specifically, I focus on White Australian women who are middle class, rich in cultural capital, and generally consider themselves to be progressive; that is race privileged women but women who are not usually associated with overt racism. My analysis unfolds White Australian women in the discursive context of the ideologies of feminism and feminist-influenced anti-racist politics, as well as the ideologies of femininity. The thesis shows how this nexus is enacted through a vision of White women as Good as expressed in the political commitments, mentalities, relationships, narratives and corporeality of such women. The research problem that I identified and worked through in the thesis is as follows: for middle class White women, (who can be seen and see themselves as generic 'women'), Whiteness has been seen and played out as Goodness. Further, in the playing out of this Goodness White women accumulate and defend the prestige and privileges of Whiteness. Specifically, I argue that Whiteness is reproduced in some of the discourses and practices of White feminism, by the progressive White women involved in anti-racist politics, and in the femininity industry and the ways it is taken up. The nub of the problem I identify is that White women's involvement in the structures and narratives that support Whiteness is often grounded in the very qualities of character and conduct that emerge from the colonial and class-constructed ideal of White womanhood and which have historically distinguished them from denigrated others. These qualities- notably virtue, innocence and self-restraint- whilst differently nuanced in other contexts are an ongoing expression of the uses made of White womanhood as the visible sign of race and class superiority. The work examines four key periods: the Australian colony of PNG during the decolonising 1960's and 1970's; the high years of 1970's and 1980's feminism; the race debates of the 1990's; and the bodily practices of present day White women gripped by fears of fat and aging. I explore the ways in which White women's Whiteness is played out in benevolent Black/White relationships, the over-reach of difference feminism, particular kinds of anti-racist identities and activism, and body-improvement practices. In all these cultural sites, White women's Whiteness is often represented as a kind of moral being and deployed as moral authority in ways that are consonant with the raced and classed construction of White women as moral texts. My research approach was determined by the research problem I identified. Given my argument that White women mis-recognise Whiteness as Goodness in a race-structured society, then the collecting of data through interviews or surveys would have yielded material subject to this blindness. Instead, I explored sites and material where moral claims were being pressed, and case studies where 'women' were enacting themselves or being represented or interpellated as moral texts. My selection of primary source material ranges from feminist newsletters, women's and other magazines, literature, film, event programs and flyers, radio and television broadcasts, newspapers and websites, as well as reflections on my own experiences. Secondary source material includes feminist theoretical texts as well as texts drawn from a range of other disciplines, and other historical background materials. I lay out and support my arguments using a technique not dissimilar to collage, aiming to construct a picture that is compelling in its detail as well as coherent in its overall effect. This thesis is a contribution to the de-naturalisation of Whiteness. Navigating a course between the opposing hazards of essentialising Whiteness and understating its effects in contemporary Australian society, I have brought into clearer view some of the strategies which maintain the authority of Whiteness.
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Reid, Patricia Mary. "Whiteness as Goodness: White Women in PNG & Australia, 1960's to the Present". Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365505.
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In this thesis I examine the contemporary nexus between White women and the raced and classed institution of White womanhood. More specifically, I focus on White Australian women who are middle class, rich in cultural capital, and generally consider themselves to be progressive; that is race privileged women but women who are not usually associated with overt racism. My analysis unfolds White Australian women in the discursive context of the ideologies of feminism and feminist-influenced anti-racist politics, as well as the ideologies of femininity. The thesis shows how this nexus is enacted through a vision of White women as Good as expressed in the political commitments, mentalities, relationships, narratives and corporeality of such women. The research problem that I identified and worked through in the thesis is as follows: for middle class White women, (who can be seen and see themselves as generic 'women'), Whiteness has been seen and played out as Goodness. Further, in the playing out of this Goodness White women accumulate and defend the prestige and privileges of Whiteness. Specifically, I argue that Whiteness is reproduced in some of the discourses and practices of White feminism, by the progressive White women involved in anti-racist politics, and in the femininity industry and the ways it is taken up. The nub of the problem I identify is that White women's involvement in the structures and narratives that support Whiteness is often grounded in the very qualities of character and conduct that emerge from the colonial and class-constructed ideal of White womanhood and which have historically distinguished them from denigrated others. These qualities- notably virtue, innocence and self-restraint- whilst differently nuanced in other contexts are an ongoing expression of the uses made of White womanhood as the visible sign of race and class superiority. The work examines four key periods: the Australian colony of PNG during the decolonising 1960's and 1970's; the high years of 1970's and 1980's feminism; the race debates of the 1990's; and the bodily practices of present day White women gripped by fears of fat and aging. I explore the ways in which White women's Whiteness is played out in benevolent Black/White relationships, the over-reach of difference feminism, particular kinds of anti-racist identities and activism, and body-improvement practices. In all these cultural sites, White women's Whiteness is often represented as a kind of moral being and deployed as moral authority in ways that are consonant with the raced and classed construction of White women as moral texts. My research approach was determined by the research problem I identified. Given my argument that White women mis-recognise Whiteness as Goodness in a race-structured society, then the collecting of data through interviews or surveys would have yielded material subject to this blindness. Instead, I explored sites and material where moral claims were being pressed, and case studies where 'women' were enacting themselves or being represented or interpellated as moral texts. My selection of primary source material ranges from feminist newsletters, women's and other magazines, literature, film, event programs and flyers, radio and television broadcasts, newspapers and websites, as well as reflections on my own experiences. Secondary source material includes feminist theoretical texts as well as texts drawn from a range of other disciplines, and other historical background materials. I lay out and support my arguments using a technique not dissimilar to collage, aiming to construct a picture that is compelling in its detail as well as coherent in its overall effect. This thesis is a contribution to the de-naturalisation of Whiteness. Navigating a course between the opposing hazards of essentialising Whiteness and understating its effects in contemporary Australian society, I have brought into clearer view some of the strategies which maintain the authority of Whiteness.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
Full Text
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Booker-Drew, Froswa'. "From Bonding to Bridging: Using the Immunity to Change (ITC) Process to Build Social Capital and Create Change". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1410806690.
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Nangwaya, Ajamu. "Race, Resistance and Co-optation in the Canadian Labour Movement: Effecting an Equity Agenda like Race Matters". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/31878.
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The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members.
This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda.
This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.
Książki na temat "Race privileged women"
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Thompson, Tetreault Mary Kay, red. The feminist classroom: Dynamics of gender, race, and privilege. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001.
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Invisible privilege: A memoir about race, class, and gender. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000.
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The color of privilege: Three blasphemies on race and feminism. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.
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Privilege in the medical academy: A feminist examines gender, race, and power. New York: Teachers College Press, 1997.
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Wealth, whiteness, and the matrix of privilege: The view from the country club. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2010.
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Trespassing: My sojourn in the halls of privilege. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997.
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Itoh, Keiko. My Shanghai, 1942-1946. GB Folkestone: Amsterdam University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9781898823230.
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It is 1942. Shanghai after Pearl Harbor. Newly-arrived Eiko Kishimoto, a twenty-year-old, London-educated Japanese housewife, settles into a privileged existence in the French Concession as a member of the community of the Occupying Power. Initially, her days are filled with high society lunches and dinners, race course and night club visits and open-air summer concerts, amidst an ebullient and remarkably cosmopolitan society that makes up Shanghai. But all is by no means what it seems. As war progresses, and Japan tightens its control within China, tensions mount, relationships unravel, and allegiances are questioned. It is not long before Eiko awakens to the meaning and implications of occupation for both her international friends and for Japanese civilians. Even her settled domestic life, with a growing family and close proximity to her beloved older sister, is threatened as Japan’s war efforts become more desperate and degenerate. Partly biographical – the author taking inspiration from her mother’s own war experiences in China – My Shanghai, 1942-1946 provides a fascinating insight into the Asia Pacific War as never told before, that is through the eyes of a young Japanese woman caught between her Christian values and loyalty to her country.
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Privileged Minorities: Gender, Caste, Race, and India's Syrian Christians. University of Washington Press, 2018.
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Sivaramakrishnan, K., Sonja Thomas i Padma Kaimal. Privileged Minorities: Gender, Caste, Race, and India's Syrian Christians. University of Washington Press, 2018.
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Washington, Margaret. Religion, Reform, and Antislavery. Redaktorzy Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor i Lisa G. Materson. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190222628.013.10.
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This chapter considers, through a biracial lens, some essential complexities of antebellum women’s reform. The emphasis is on antislavery and a socioreligious ethos based on the intersectionality of spiritual egalitarianism, civil liberty, and the jeremiad tradition. Black women’s double burden, slavery and race, automatically channeled them as reformers into more expansive visions than whites, already jeopardizing their privileged True Woman status. For disparate reasons, convergence of abolition and equal rights was not a calling that white reform women embraced monolithically. As “doers of the word,” some upheld apostolic tenets of Christian unity. Others chose what eventually became republican individualism and a “segregated sisterhood.” Nonetheless, women of both races were mainsprings in the ultimate success of antebellum reform, the training ground for future struggles for equal rights.
Części książek na temat "Race privileged women"
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Chambers, Donna. "Reflections on the intersection between gender and race in tourism." W Tourism in development: reflective essays, 233–44. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789242812.0020.
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Abstract This chapter suggests that the study of whiteness is one way in which gendered power relationships in tourism can be understood. This argument is supported with an analysis of two films which explore white female sex tourism to countries in the Global South. It is argued that the sources of power inherent in these sexual encounters are inextricably intertwined with racist notions of white privilege which are exercised by both men and women.
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Samuels, Shalander, i Amanda Wilkerson. "Black Women Scholars in Academia". W Teacher Reflections on Transitioning From K-12 to Higher Education Classrooms, 151–70. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-3460-4.ch012.
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Education emphasizes the importance of mentorship in K-20 spaces, concerning the success of instructional scholars. In one regard, when mentorship is disaggregated by race, White scholars are often privileged to receive consistent, organized mentorship to professionally maneuver through instructional pipelines. In another regard, Black scholars, specifically Black women scholars, do not receive the same level of mentorship support as their White counterparts. The notion that approaches to mentorship can differ based on race and or gender can become a destructive form of microinvalidation. This narrative centers Black female scholars' journeys regarding their ethnographic mentoring experiences. Thus, the authors of this work define and describe mentoring using microinvalidation as a conceptual lens to frame their experiences. Further, recommendations are provided for mentoring frameworks that might encourage the academy to reimagine mentoring processes for Black female instructional scholars.
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Kvasny, Lynette, i Jing Chong. "The ABC Approach and the Feminization of HIV/AIDS in the Sub-Saharan Africa". W Encyclopedia of Healthcare Information Systems, 10–15. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-889-5.ch002.
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Women, the dominant subjects of AIDS discourses, are placed at risk by common systems of oppression such as gender, race, class, and social and spatial location. Through the health campaigns which are disseminated and reproduced through television, radio, newspapers, and more recently the internet, women are uniquely constructed by privileged “experts” from the West as consumable subjects. In the case of women in Sub- Sahara Africa, we found that health campaigns which feminize AIDS are rooted in largely hegemonic cultural images which portray women as vulnerable subjects under siege. Through our analysis, we problematize the ABC health campaign and its appropriateness for women in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Cerón-Anaya, Hugo. "Epilogue—Privilege". W Privilege at Play, 174–80. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931605.003.0008.
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The Epilogue demonstrates that the interwoven relation between class, race, gender, and privilege greatly interests ordinary people. Using the 2018 presidential election in Mexico, this chapter explains how the broader issues examined in the book played a central role in the public debates during the political campaigns. The analysis uses the comments, sayings, and criticism expressed by political candidates, journalists, and pundits to demonstrate how Mexicans are aware of and also interested in debating the large class differences that rife this nation. The class debate, however, is permanently intertwined with racialized perceptions, demonstrating the value of the racialization of class argument presented in the book. Finally, the analysis illustrates how a form of hegemonic masculinity profoundly shapes the public sphere, relegating women to a second class condition. This concluding chapter represents a renewed “call to arms” for social scientists interested in studying privilege. We cannot understand impoverished groups without paying attention to the other face of the same coin, privileged communities.
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Haidarali, Laila. "Introduction". W Brown Beauty, 1–30. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479875108.003.0008.
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This book interrogates the multiple meanings of brown as reference to physical complexion in the representation of African American womanhood during the interwar years. It questions how and why color in general and brownness in particular came to intimate race, class, gender, and sex identity as one prominent response to modernity and urbanization. This book shows that throughout the interwar years, diverse sets of African American women and men, all of whom can be defined as middle class within this constituency’s widely varying class membership, privileged brown complexions in their reworking of ideas, images, and expressions to identify the representative bodies of women as modern New Negro women.
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Brunson, Takkara K. "The Limits of Democratic Citizenship in the New Constitutional Era". W Black Women, Citizenship, and the Making of Modern Cuba, 139–61. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683402084.003.0007.
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This chapter explores the moderate political approaches of elite Black women from between the ratification of the 1940 Constitution and the 1950s. The Constitution granted full legal equality to all Cuban citizens. Subsequently, many elite women of African descent bridged professional labor with membership in civic associations. While some civic associations provided elite Blacks access to state resources and opportunities to socialize, others allowed a privileged multiracial membership to influence state reforms. By the late 1940s, sexism within Black civic clubs, in particular, led many elite African-descended women to establish independent groups that promoted national progress from their vantage point. They utilized the press to circulate their ideas about structural inequities—particularly the failures of Cuba’s education system. Indeed, schools became a critical site for pursuing social equality. Such strategies enabled elite black women to pursue reforms outside of political parties, as few women of any race held elected positions.
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Johnson, Susan Lee. "Creating Craftswomen, 1890s–1940s". W Writing Kit Carson, 189–282. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658834.003.0004.
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Part III constitutes the backstory to Parts I and II. It reveals how a newly-colonized West begat the white, déclassé, history-obsessed women McClung and Blackwelder became. It examines the archive each woman created and how it shaped what could be said about her after she passed. It chronicles the women’s growing up years in Colorado and Kansas, respectively, and their young adulthoods. It follows them through the 1940s, tracing their paths from the era of the New Woman to that of Cold War containment, considering their divergent intimate lives, financial struggles, political leanings, and experiences as white women in changing ethnoracial landscapes. It argues that they came of age with peculiar relationships to the West and at particular moments in the histories of gender and race, as well as at a time when human intimacies were increasingly forced into prescribed categories, from a privileged heterosexuality to a disparaged homosexuality. Their traffic in men generally and Kit Carson specifically sprang from these histories.
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Ajunwa, Ifeoma. "Race, Labor, and the Future of Work". W The Oxford Handbook of Race and Law in the United States, C25.P1—C25.N144. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190947385.013.25.
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Abstract Amidst the full-throttle optimism surrounding the promise of automation to revolutionize the workplace and transform society for the better, there are concerns about its potential to also widen the gulf of economic inequality, as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. warned. While undoubtedly new labor markets and novel work opportunities are created by the technological capability for decentralized management and remote work, the rhetoric around automation tends to elide the disparities between those who enjoy its benefits and those who bear the burden of being its draught horses. This chapter examines how race factors into the demographics of the workforce of the gig economy and other precarious jobs that are creating a planetary labor market—opening up new labor markets in developing nations, but without the same labor protections as those in economically privileged countries. This chapter observes that racial minorities disproportionately perform the precarious work created by the gig economy and that the jobs at danger for full automation, such as retail and care work, are those held by White women and racial minorities. Meanwhile, technological advancements such as automated hiring and wearable technologies also portend that the future of work may have lopsided benefits. Governmental action is necessary to ensure that the future of work is not a dystopia for all workers, but especially for more vulnerable workers of color.
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Wimbush, Antonia. "Introduction". W Autofiction, 1–24. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859913.003.0001.
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Offering an overview of the project’s aims and scope, the introductory chapter seeks to explore what exile signifies for a set of contemporary women authors whose origins lie in a geographically diverse cross-section of the francophone world. The chapter sets up an examination of how the six women writers from distinct geographic areas, but who are united by the legacy of French colonialism, depict the experience of migration, paying particular attention to their status as relatively privileged individuals. It considers the terms and vocabulary of migration in detail before examining the postcolonial strategies of resistance and resilience appropriated and challenged by the six authors. The chapter then outlines the metaphorical approach to exile taken throughout the book. Exile is understood as a sense of otherness, shaped by lived experiences of gender, race and class, amongst other factors.
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Marino, Katherine M. "A New Force in the History of the World". W Feminism for the Americas, 13–39. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649696.003.0002.
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This chapter explores the birth of Pan-American feminism through a conflict between Uruguayan Paulina Luisi and Brazilian Bertha Lutz. Both women helped develop a new inter-American movement for women’s political, civil, economic, and social rights, and both drew on ideals of a Latin-American-led Pan-Americanism that followed the First World War. However, Luisi privileged a Pan-Hispanic movement led by Spanish-speaking women that could counter U.S. hegemony, while Lutz upheld the U.S. and Brazil as continental leaders. At the 1922 Pan-American Conference of Women in Baltimore, Maryland, Luisi’s proposal created a new inter-American feminist group, but Lutz and U.S. feminist Carrie Chapman Catt became its leaders. This 1922 conference and the Pan-American Association of Women that emerged from it would be critical to unprecedented resolutions at the 1923 Fifth International Conference of American States for the study and discussion of women’s rights at future diplomatic Pan-American conferences. Yet Lutz and Catt’s organization failed to unite many Latin American feminists because of their own dim views about Spanish-speaking feminists’ capacity to organize. These tensions and their conflicts with Luisi demonstrate how centrally discord around language, race, nation, and empire, shaped the early Pan-American feminist movement.