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1
Volkomer, Walter E., i Douglas J. Amy. "Real Choices/New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation in the United States." Political Science Quarterly 109, nr 2 (1994): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152648.
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Amy, Douglas J. "Proportional Representation and the Future of the American Party System". American Review of Politics 16 (1.01.1996): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.371-383.
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Few laws have had a more direct impact on American political parties than the requirement that elections be conducted in single-member districts, with the winner being the candidate with the plurality of the vote. This common electoral arrangement has played a significant role in determining the structure of the United States party system and in shaping the behavior of our parties. It is also an arrangement that has largely been taken for granted by most citizens and political scientists.
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Rae, Douglas W. "Using District Magnitude to Regulate Political Party Competition". Journal of Economic Perspectives 9, nr 1 (1.02.1995): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.9.1.65.
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This is an essay about the use of districting systems to regulate electoral outcomes and the evolution of party systems. By changing the number of seats from each district, a balance can be struck between the often conflicting goals of minority representation and defractionalization. Defractionalization is the process of forming broad-based governing majorities. Special attention is given to the electoral systems of Italy, Spain, and the United States. In the case of the United States, the author recommends a proportional representation system that mixes high-magnitude districts that encourage minority representation and low-magnitude districts that promote defractionalization.
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Resnick, Ilyse, Nora Newcombe i Micah Goldwater. "Reasoning about fraction and decimal magnitudes, reasoning proportionally, and mathematics achievement in Australia and the United States". Journal of Numerical Cognition 9, nr 1 (31.03.2023): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jnc.8249.
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There is strong evidence from research conducted in the United States that fraction magnitude understanding supports mathematics achievement. Unfortunately, there has been little research that examines if this relation is present across educational contexts with different approaches to teaching fractions. The current study compared fourth and sixth grade students from two countries which differ in their approach to teaching fractions: Australia and the United States. We gathered data on fraction and decimal magnitude understanding, proportional reasoning, and a standardized mathematics achievement test on whole number computation. Across both countries, reasoning about rational magnitude (either fraction or decimal) was predictive of whole number computation, supporting the central role of rational number learning. However, the precise relation varied, indicating that cross-national differences in rational number instruction can influence the nature of the relation between understanding fraction and decimal magnitude and mathematics achievement. The relation between proportional reasoning and whole number computation was fully mediated by rational magnitude understanding, suggesting that a key mechanism for how reasoning about rational magnitude supports mathematics achievement: proportional reasoning supports the development of an accurate spatial representation of magnitude that can be flexibly and proportionally scaled, which in turn supports children’s mathematics learning. Together, these findings support using measurement models and spatial scaling strategies when teaching fractions and decimals.
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Yoon, Jiso, i Amber E. Boydstun. "Dominating the news: government officials in front-page news coverage of policy issues in the United States and Korea". Journal of Public Policy 34, nr 2 (24.02.2014): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000051.
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AbstractWhat determines which political actors dominate a country’s news? Understanding the forces that shape political actors’ news coverage matters, because these actors can influence which problems and alternatives receive a nation’s public and policy attention. Across free-press nations, the degree of media attention actors receive is rarely proportional to their degree of participation in the policymaking process. Yet, the nature of this “mis”-representation varies by country. We argue that journalistic operating procedures – namely, journalists’ incentive-driven relationships with government officials – help explain cross-national variance in actors’ media representation relative to policymaking participation. We examine two free-press countries with dramatically different journalistic procedures: United States and Korea. For each, we compare actors’ policymaking participation to news coverage (using all 2008New York TimesandHankyoreh Dailyfront-page stories). Although exhibiting greater general discrepancy between actors’ policymaking and media representation, diverse actors are over-represented in United States news; in Korea, governmental actors are dominant.
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Park, See Hyun. "A Directly-Elected House of Lords: A Proposal for Reform". LSE Law Review 4 (1.06.2019): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.61315/lselr.35.
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This article proposes a possible reform of the House of Lords, namely to its composition and functions. By examining previous reform attempts as well as the current criticisms and issues facing the United Kingdom’s upper chamber, the article contends that the House of Lords is necessary due to the benefits of a bicameral legislature that it offers to the United Kingdom. The article provides arguments in favour of the implementation of direct elections and addresses criticisms of this scheme. Subsequently, this article argues in favour of a system of party-list proportional representation; it reviews other electoral systems, examines the merits of party-list proportional representation and offers successful examples of its current implementation by other states. Finally, the article offers a prediction of the overall effects on the relationship between the House of Commons and the House of Lords if direct elections are implemented.
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Guo, Lei, i Hong Tien Vu. "Media vs. reality". Agenda Setting Journal 2, nr 1 (29.03.2018): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.16020.guo.
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Abstract This study advances agenda-setting theory by applying it to understand the media influence on the public’s perception of health issues. The longitudinal analysis compared news indices, public opinion polls, and reality indicators in the United States from 2001 to 2010. The results show that news media, especially print media, did have some agenda-setting effects on the public’s health priorities. However, the coverage had little to do with reality and, ironically, the media representation of certain health issues showed an opposite trend to that of the reality indicators. These findings call into question the responsibility of journalists in providing a complete and proportional representation of health concerns.
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Dwyer, Alexander J., Lindsey Mortensen, Beverly R. Wuertz i Frank G. Ondrey. "Abstract LB139: Disparities in oral precancerous lesion surveillance in the United States upper Midwest". Cancer Research 84, nr 7_Supplement (5.04.2024): LB139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2024-lb139.
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Abstract Objective: To determine whether geographic representation and race of patients in a regional oral cancer surveillance program (University of Minnesota Cancer Active Surveillance Population (UMN CASP)) mirror characteristics in the corresponding National Cancer Institute (NCI) designated comprehensive cancer center catchment. Introduction: Oral cancer poses a significant public health concern that may be mitigated through lesion surveillance. Representation of patients for clinical trials throughout an NCI cancer center catchment area is a crucial goal to promote improved health outcomes. This study investigates the demographic landscape of patients with preneoplastic oral lesions seen at the CASP. Methods: Through the UMN Clinical and Translational Sciences Institute, we queried 30 International Classification of Disease (ICD) 9 and 10 codes corresponding to 120 unique mucosal oral precancerous lesion descriptors of CASP patients. Automated extraction of electronic medical record (EMR) data for 4,496 patients treated by the senior author between 2011 and 2023 identified 1,375 patients with preneoplastic lesions. The proportion of patients residing in three-digit zip code regions of Minnesota were compared to 2021 American Community Survey state population data. Additionally, race data were compared between CASP patients and the UMN Masonic Cancer Center (MCC) patient catchment data. Results: CASP patients were over-represented relative to state population distributions within the Minneapolis-St. Paul metropolitan area and surrounding suburbs (region 554 p<0.0001 and region 551 p<0.0001). Under-representation of CASP patients was observed in all western and southern border regions (regions 559 p<0.0001, 560 p<0.0001, 561 p<0.0001, 562 p=0.0037, 565 p<0.0001, and 567 p=0.0006) as well as portions of central (563 p<0.0001), northern (566 p=0.0015), and north-eastern (558 p<0.0001) Minnesota. Proportional representation was observed in several regions of central (553 and 564), eastern (550), and north-eastern (557 and 556) Minnesota. Comparisons of CASP race data revealed a higher proportion of black patients (CASP 8.59% [95% CI 7.17-10.27%] vs. MCC 7.16% [95% CI 7.14-7.17%]) and a lower proportion of Asian/Pacific Islander patients (CASP 3.74% [95% CI 2.82-4.94%] vs. MCC 5.32% [95% CI 5.30-5.34%]) relative to MCC catchment patients. White, American Indian/Alaskan Native, and mixed-race groups were proportionally represented in both data sets. Conclusions: These data show that system wide EMR searches can be implemented to identify patients in an NCI cancer center catchment area with precancerous or other at-risk conditions for cancer. Importantly, Native patients were proportionally represented in the screening program while several rural locations were under-represented. This information can instruct the expenditure of additional resources for under-represented groups and permit streamlined enrollment of patients for cancer prevention clinical trials. Citation Format: Alexander J. Dwyer, Lindsey Mortensen, Beverly R. Wuertz, Frank G. Ondrey. Disparities in oral precancerous lesion surveillance in the United States upper Midwest [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 2 (Late-Breaking, Clinical Trial, and Invited Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(7_Suppl):Abstract nr LB139.
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Sueyoshi, Mark, Tiarrah Salvi-Jackson, Utkarsh Shukla, Damian Archer i Kathryn Huber. "Examining disparities in cancer pain-specific clinical trials." Journal of Clinical Oncology 40, nr 16_suppl (1.06.2022): e18513-e18513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2022.40.16_suppl.e18513.
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e18513 Background: Clinical trials overall have been found to lack proportional representation of minority patient populations. This limits their generalizability as well as progress towards equitable care. This work examines the racial representation of cancer pain related clinical trials in the United States. Methods: All trials with posted results that had started between 1999 to 2019 on ClinicalTrials.gov were examined, excluding trials that included sites that were not within the United States and trials without demographic results posted on ClinicalTrials.gov. We calculated enrollment fractions (EFs) for each group as defined by the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) database cancer prevalence by race. Results: As of February 10, 2022 there were 340 trials on ClinicalTrials.gov which were categorized as “Cancer Pain” related. 84 of these studies had posted results. An additional 19 were excluded due to having non-US sites and 31 were excluded due to absence of demographic data, leaving at total of 34 studies for this evaluation (n = 2,767 patients). Examination of clinical trial enrollment was separated by decade (1999-2009 and 2010-2019), utilizing available SEER cancer prevalence by race data for 2009 (as a comparator for 1999-2009) and most recent available 2018 data (as a comparator for 2010-2019). Total enrolled patients in cancer-specific trials between 1999-2009 was 817; 85.1% white, 7.6% black/African American, 1.8% Asian/Pacific Islander. When compared to the SEER 2009 prevalence for all cancer, the EF was 97.5%, 91.6%, and 83% for white, black and Asian groups respectively. Between 2010-2019 there were 1950 enrolled patients, 85.6% white, 9.9% black/African American, 2.1% Asian/Pacific Islander. When compared to the SEER 2018 prevalence for all cancer, the EF was 101.2%, 102.1%, and 61.8% for white, black and Asian groups respectively. Conclusions: In the examination of racial representation within cancer pain-specific trials relative to all cancer prevalence between 1999-2009 and 2010-2019, there appears to be a slight increase in relative representation of white participants (+3.7%), and an even greater increase in representation of black/African American participants (+10.5%). Asian/Pacific Islanders had a notable drop in relative representation (-21.2%). This data is suggestive that minority representation in cancer-pain specific trials has become more representative with regards to black/African Americans. However, there is a large relative decrease in Asian/Pacific Islander representation in cancer pain-specific trials. Given the importance of cancer pain management, it is vital that we move toward equitable accrual to these clinical trials such that they that accurately reflect racial groups in the United States population.
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FIVA, JON H., i DANIEL M. SMITH. "Political Dynasties and the Incumbency Advantage in Party-Centered Environments". American Political Science Review 112, nr 3 (22.02.2018): 706–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000047.
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A handful of recent studies have investigated the causal effect of incumbency on dynasty formation in candidate-centered electoral contexts. We use candidate-level data and a regression discontinuity design to estimate the incumbency advantage and its relation to dynasty formation in the party-centered, closed-list, proportional-representation setting of Norway. The results indicate that the incumbency advantage exists even in this party-centered environment; however, in contrast to recent findings for the United States and the Philippines, we find no evidence that incumbency is important to the formation of dynasties. This finding underscores the need for more research into the role of internal party organizational networks in the perpetuation of political dynasties.
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Linzer, Drew A. "The Relationship between Seats and Votes in Multiparty Systems". Political Analysis 20, nr 3 (2012): 400–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mps017.
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The relationship between a party's popular vote share and legislative seat share—its seats—votes swing ratio—is a key characteristic of democratic representation. This article introduces a general approach to estimating party-specific swing ratios in multiparty legislative elections, given results from only a single election. I estimate the joint density of party vote shares across districts using a finite mixture model for compositional data and then computationally evaluate this distribution to produce parties' expected change in legislative seats for plausible changes in their vote share. The method easily extends to systems with any number of parties, employing both majoritarian and proportional electoral rules. Applications to legislative elections in the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and Botswana demonstrate how parties' swing ratios vary both within countries and over time, indicating that parties under majoritarian electoral rules are subject to unique and possibly divergent geographic—political constraints.
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Pflibsen, Lacey R., Brittany M. Foley, Robert W. Bernard, Gordon K. Lee, Matthew R. Neville, Diana Almader-Douglas i Shelley S. Noland. "Representation of Women on Plastic Surgery Journal Editorial Boards in the United States". Aesthetic Surgery Journal 41, nr 7 (25.01.2021): NP914—NP920. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/asj/sjab034.
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Abstract Background During the past decade, a growing number of women have pursued medical careers, including in plastic surgery. However, female physicians have tended to be underrepresented in a variety of leadership roles in their respective specialties. Objectives The authors sought to evaluate the representation of female plastic surgeons on the editorial boards of high-impact plastic surgery journals. Methods The gender of editorial board members on 3 high-impact plastic surgery journals was evaluated from 2009 and 2018. The number of women on each editorial board was then compared with the number of board-certified female plastic surgeons (BCFPS) and board-certified female academic plastic surgeons (BCFAPS), a subgroup of BCFPS. Results There were 555 unique editorial board members from Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery, Aesthetic Surgery Journal, and Annals of Plastic Surgery from 2009 to 2018. During that period, 72 editors (13.0%) were women. At the beginning of the study, there were significantly fewer female editors than expected based on proportionate representation of BCFPS and BCFAPS to all board-certified plastic surgeons (P = 0.007 and 0.007, respectively). During the study, there was a 177% increase in women holding editorial board positions. At study end, women were adequately represented on all 3 editorial boards compared with their population data (BCFPS and BCFAPS). Conclusions During the 10 years of this study (2009-2018), editorial boards have overcome the underrepresentation of women on, and female plastic surgeons are currently adequately represented on the top 3 high-impact journal editorial boards.
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Smith, Alexander, Anna Buadze, Petra Stute i Michael Liebrenz. "Political representation of medical doctors in Switzerland’s executive and legislative branches in 2023". F1000Research 12 (27.02.2023): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.130986.1.
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Background: Healthcare policy is an important societal concern in Switzerland, often dominating the national agenda. In other countries, studies have explored the influence of physicians in public office on healthcare policies, but little is known about the representation of medical doctors in Switzerland's political structures, despite ongoing health-related debates. Methods: In January 2023, we examined the proportion of registered doctors currently serving in Swiss governmental branches: the executive (the Federal Council) and the legislative (the Council of States and the National Council, together the United Federal Assembly). We used publicly available information to demarcate Federal, State, and National Councillors with professional medical backgrounds. We subsequently verified physician registrations using the Federal Office of Public Health’s “Register of Medical Professionals” (MedReg) Results: Six physicians registered in MedReg were identified across the Federal Council and the United Federal Assembly in 2023, equivalent to 2.37% of the total number of Councillors in these chambers. This corresponds to 14.20% of members in the Federal Council (the executive chamber) and 2.03% of members in the United Federal Assembly (the legislative chamber). Conclusions: Rates of physicians sitting in Switzerland’s Federal Council and United Federal Assembly are higher than general population trends for doctors per person. Nonetheless, physicians in Swiss legislative positions are proportionally lower than comparative data from the United States. We highlight how existing professional frameworks may already ensure medical doctors are sufficiently participating in Swiss healthcare debates outside of formal roles. We also suggest that more international evidence is needed to determine the benefits of physicians serving in public office.
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Smith, Alexander, Anna Buadze, Petra Stute i Michael Liebrenz. "Political representation of medical doctors in Switzerland’s executive and legislative branches in 2023". F1000Research 12 (28.04.2023): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.130986.2.
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Background: Healthcare policy is an important societal concern in Switzerland, often dominating the national agenda. In other countries, studies have explored the influence of physicians in public office on healthcare policies, but little is known about the representation of medical doctors in Switzerland's political structures, despite ongoing health-related debates. Methods: In January 2023, we examined the proportion of registered doctors currently serving in Swiss governmental branches: the executive (the Federal Council) and the legislative (the Council of States and the National Council, together the United Federal Assembly). We used publicly available information to demarcate Federal, State, and National Councillors with professional medical backgrounds. We subsequently verified physician registrations using the Federal Office of Public Health’s “Register of Medical Professionals” (MedReg) Results: Six physicians registered in MedReg were identified across the Federal Council and the United Federal Assembly in 2023, equivalent to 2.37% of the total number of Councillors in these chambers. This corresponds to 14.20% of members in the Federal Council (the executive chamber) and 2.03% of members in the United Federal Assembly (the legislative chamber). Conclusions: Rates of physicians sitting in Switzerland’s Federal Council and United Federal Assembly are higher than general population trends for doctors per person. Nonetheless, physicians in Swiss legislative positions are proportionally lower than comparative data from the United States. We highlight how existing professional frameworks may already ensure medical doctors are sufficiently participating in Swiss healthcare debates outside of formal roles. We also suggest that more international evidence is needed to determine the benefits of physicians serving in public office.
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Smith, Alexander, Anna Buadze, Petra Stute i Michael Liebrenz. "Political representation of medical doctors in Switzerland’s executive and legislative branches in 2023". F1000Research 12 (20.07.2023): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.130986.3.
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Background: Healthcare policy is an important societal concern in Switzerland, often dominating the national agenda. In other countries, studies have explored the influence of physicians in public office on healthcare policies, but little is known about the representation of medical doctors in Switzerland's political structures, despite ongoing health-related debates. Methods: In January 2023, we examined the proportion of registered doctors currently serving in Swiss governmental branches: the executive (the Federal Council) and the legislative (the Council of States and the National Council, together the United Federal Assembly). We used publicly available information to demarcate Federal, State, and National Councillors with professional medical backgrounds. We subsequently verified physician registrations using the Federal Office of Public Health’s “Register of Medical Professionals” (MedReg) Results: Six physicians registered in MedReg were identified across the Federal Council and the United Federal Assembly in 2023, equivalent to 2.37% of the total number of Councillors in these chambers. This corresponds to 14.20% of members in the Federal Council (the executive chamber) and 2.03% of members in the United Federal Assembly (the legislative chamber). Conclusions: Rates of physicians sitting in Switzerland’s Federal Council and United Federal Assembly are higher than general population trends for doctors per person. Nonetheless, physicians in Swiss legislative positions are proportionally lower than comparative data from the United States. We highlight how existing professional frameworks may already ensure medical doctors are sufficiently participating in Swiss healthcare debates outside of formal roles. We also suggest that more international evidence is needed to determine the benefits of physicians serving in public office.
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Zimmerman, Joseph F. "Douglas J. Amy, Red Choices/New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation Elections in the United States, Columbia University Press, 1993, $32.50 (cloth)". National Civic Review 82, nr 4 (1993): 408–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ncr.4100820412.
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McLawhorn, Melissa M., Taryn E. Travis, Shawn Tejiram, Jeffrey W. Shupp i Laura S. Johnson. "605 Representation Matters: An Assessment of Diversity in Current Major Textbooks on Burn Care". Journal of Burn Care & Research 42, Supplement_1 (1.04.2021): S155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jbcr/irab032.255.
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Abstract Introduction Racial and gender disparities in health care have been well described. The Association of American Medical Colleges states they are committed to diversity, equity, and inclusion in preparing medical trainees. Increasing attention is paid to representative diversity in the images and educational resources utilized during medical training. One recent example of this is the Instagram account, “Brown Skin Matters,” that focuses on the representation of dermatologic diseases in the skin of people of color. Nearly 40% of the population of the United States identifies as a person of color, and patients of color reflect 41% of the total burn population seen in the United States. In comparison, national data on providers suggests about 5% of the Burn Team would be people of color. As representation matters, a better understanding of the diversity represented by burn related medical literature could affect management of patients with diverse backgrounds and recruitment into this field. The goal of this study is to investigate the representation of diverse skin tones in the leading medical textbook of burn care. Methods The 5th edition of “Total Burn Care (TBC)”, 5th ed, DN Herndon editor, was reviewed from cover to cover. All photographs that contained people were evaluated for the number of people present and the depicted role of person present (i.e.: provider, patient or other). Each picture was considered as an isolated image, regardless of whether it was part of a series. Diversity count was assessed in a binary fashion - was the individual represented a person of color or not? Additional information was collected on the gender of providers present. Results 690 total individuals were identified in images in TBC. There were 3 providers of color identified in TBC images out of a total of 63(5%); 24 providers were women (38%), of whom none were women providers of color. People of color were represented in 107 of 627 non-providers shown in TBC (17%). There were 29 patients whose skin color was unable to be evaluated due to the nature of the injury, the quality of the image or the surface area of dressings visualized in the image (5%). Conclusions Both patients and providers of color are underrepresented in the leading textbook of burn care. Proper representation must be included in modern educational materials to better prepare providers for a diverse population of burn injured patients and appropriately address injury identification, wound healing properties, and scar outcomes. Diverse and proportional representation of potential outcomes needs to be a component of educational materials. to ensure effective and thoughtful care.
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Ma, Rui, Tae Hyun Jung, Peter N. Peduzzi, Sheldon T. Brown i Tassos C. Kyriakides. "Analysis of the Impact of Antiretroviral Drug Changes on Survival of Patients with Advanced-Stage AIDS with Multidrug-Resistant HIV Infection". Journal of the International Association of Providers of AIDS Care (JIAPAC) 18 (1.01.2019): 232595821984910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2325958219849101.
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Objectives: This article aims to elucidate the relationship between antiretroviral (ARV) medication changes and all-cause mortality using a total of 368 patients recruited from the United States (78%), United Kingdom (11%), and Canada (11%). Methods: Data sources included demographic characteristics, ARV treatment history and modifications, and clinical biomarker data from the completed OPTions In Management with Antiretrovirals clinical trial. Descriptive analysis and graphical trajectory representation of ARV drug modifications and biomarker changes were undertaken. Three hypotheses aimed at assessing the impact of ARV modification parameters on clinical outcomes were tested. Kaplan-Meier survival techniques as well as Cox proportional hazard regression models were employed. Results: Results from the analyses suggest that (1) switching therapy strategy from an intensified ARV regimen to a less intense one or vice versa, (2) having a moderate number (up to 2) of ARV drug changes per 6 months, and (3) changes based on clinical/HIV-related reasons or nonclinical reasons compared to ARV drug regimen changes due to clinical non-HIV reasons improved survival. Conclusion: Modifications in the ARV regimens of HIV-infected patients with multidrug resistance are associated with improved survival.
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NORRANDER, BARBARA. "The Attrition Game: Initial Resources, Initial Contests and the Exit of Candidates During the US Presidential Primary Season". British Journal of Political Science 36, nr 3 (17.05.2006): 487–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000251.
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In contests for the presidential nominations from the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States, the duration of candidacies determines both the winning candidate (i.e., the one who outlasts his or her opponents) and the amount of intraparty conflict before the nomination is bestowed. This article analyses how strategic considerations lead some candidates to exit the race more quickly than others. Factors which could shape such strategic considerations include initial candidate assets and characteristics (national poll standings, fund-raising totals and occupational background), initial contest outcomes (Iowa and New Hampshire) and structural variables (proportional representation delegate distribution rules, party, front-loaded calendar). Results from a duration model indicate that poll standings, money (in a curvilinear pattern), New Hampshire and Iowa results, occupational backgrounds and the front-loading of the primary calendar shaped the length of candidacies for presidential contestants from 1980 to 2004. Candidates lacking in initial assets or early victories leave the nomination race in a process most resembling a game of attrition.
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Amberg, Stephen. "Constructing Industrial Order in the Center of the American Economy: How Electoral Competition and Social Collaboration Evolved in Twentieth-Century New York". Studies in American Political Development 31, nr 1 (9.02.2017): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000013.
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Comparative studies of capitalist political economies have settled on a new understanding of how historical choices about electoral rules were constitutive of the current varieties of capitalism that are distinguished by their strategies of growth and adjustment to competitive conditions. The countries that have “coordinated market economies” typically have well-organized unions and employers with distinct partisan representation under multiparty electoral rules, and they have more egalitarian outcomes. The countries that have “liberal market economies” have arms-length market-based relationships under the plurality rule that are more conflictual, and they have inegalitarian outcomes. This article develops the analysis of electoral rules and industrial order by taking another look at the United States, which has always been taken as a case of plurality and liberal market economy. In contrast, New York had multiparty politics for most of the twentieth century, in part because of its cross-endorsement fusion rule of nominations. This article argues that fusion operated in a similar way to proportional representation to enable labor–management collaboration and social regulation. Collaboration in New York City was a constitutive element of the New Deal's laboristic politics. The later disruption of this American version of coordination transformed the U.S. political economy into a liberal market economy.
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Lemmink, Jacques. "‘Op proef doeltreffend gebleken, kunnen we spreken van een bereikt ideaal’". De Moderne Tijd 5, nr 1 (1.01.2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2021.1.002.lemm.
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Abstract ‘Proved effective on trial, we can speak of an achieved ideal’ Abraham Kuyper and the mechanical voting machine, c. 1895-1905 During the latest presidential elections in the United States, unfounded conspiracy theories sprung up concerning alleged ballot box fraud by compromised voting machines. Although different voting machines had been used in the Netherlands since 1966, concerns over their reliability ended this in 2007. This article investigates the forgotten but ultimately failed attempt to introduce mechanical voting machines a century earlier. It focuses on the role played by prominent politician Abraham Kuyper, who personally visited the Standard Voting Machine Company in Rochester in 1898. The article illustrates how Kuyper’s transatlantic political and religious networks facilitated the voting machine’s transfer, rather than scientific connections. Paradoxically, the introduction of proportional representation in 1917 marked the end of tentative attempts to develop a Dutch version of the American mechanical voting machine. The implementation in the voting process turned out be too expensive, too early, and too complicated for the Dutch electoral system at the dawn of the twentieth century.
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Argote, Pablo, i Patricio Navia. "Do Voters Affect Policies? Within-Coalition Competition in the Chilean Electoral System". Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, nr 1 (kwiecień 2018): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000101.
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It has been argued that close elections lead to policy convergence, as legislators elected by a small margin are more likely to adopt moderate policy positions (Downs 1957). However, Lee, Moretti, and Butler (2004) find that electoral competition does not affect legislators’ policy preferences in the United States, questioning the median voter paradigm. To help to discern this paradox, we estimate the effect of close elections on legislators’ subsequent policy positions under different electoral rules. With Chile's two-seat open-list proportional representation system, we exploit the dynamics of within-coalition competition to test both hypotheses. Using the margin of victory in 383 races in four different parliamentary elections and 3,741 roll-call votes for the 120-seat Chamber of Deputies from 1998 to 2014, we find that electoral competition did not lead to policy convergence under either the center-left Concertación coalition or the rightist Alianza coalition. We contend that policy convergence responds to electoral incentives but is also conditioned by the nature of the political regime (presidential or parliamentary) and government–opposition dynamics.
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Devroe, Robin, i Bram Wauters. "Political Gender Stereotypes in a List-PR System with a High Share of Women MPs: Competent Men versus Leftist Women?" Political Research Quarterly 71, nr 4 (30.03.2018): 788–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918761009.
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On the basis of a candidate’s sex, voters ascribe particular personality traits, capacities, and opinions to candidates (often to the detriment of women), which are referred to as political gender stereotypes. The prevalence of political gender stereotypes has almost exclusively been investigated in the United States. As the presence of these stereotypes is highly dependent on contextual factors, we switch the context and investigate whether they are also present in a List-Proportional Representation (PR) system with a high share of women in parliament spread over different parties. The results of our experimental study, conducted in Flanders (Belgium), provide evidence for the existence of stereotypical patterns. The differences in perceived issue competence are, however, rather small and not always unequivocal, but larger differences were found in terms of ideological position. This leads us to conclude that misperceptions about women’s ideological orientation might be persistent and difficult to overcome. Moreover, our results demonstrate that the argument that female politicians are perceived as more leftist because they disproportionately belong to leftist parties does not hold, as female politicians are rather equally spread over the different parties in Belgium.
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Gong, Xinyu. "SDG Viz: A Web-based System for Visualizing Sustainable Development Indicators". Proceedings of the ICA 2 (10.07.2019): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-proc-2-39-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> To promote sustainable development, United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) has adopted “The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development”, which consists of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (e.g., “No poverty” and “Zero hunger”) with a set of 169 targets. To measure and track the progress, 230 indicators have been developed. It has been recognized by many international communities (e.g., ICA and ISPRS) that effective visualization of SDG indicators so as to communicate the SDG status to the public and decision-makers is one of the key issues. In this study, a web-based visualization system called “SDG Viz” has been developed for such a purpose. This system has two main components: visual representation and visual interaction. For visual representation, it has the capacity of producing thematic maps such as choropleth maps, proportional symbol maps, 3D maps and animated maps. For visual interaction, the framework of three stages cartographic interaction proposed by Roth was adopted as the basic for design of system functions. Some interaction functions have also been developed, such as identify, compare, rank, associate and delineate. It is believed that this system is potentially valuable for visualizing SDG indicators.</p>
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Kolaitis, Nicholas A., Daniel R. Calabrese, Patrick Ahearn, Aida Venado, Rebecca Florez, Huey-Ling Lei, Karolina Isaak i in. "Tacrolimus trough monitoring guided by mass spectrometry without accounting for assay differences is associated with acute kidney injury in lung transplant recipients". American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy 76, nr 24 (7.11.2019): 2019–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/zxz243.
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Abstract Purpose Tacrolimus is a nephrotoxic immunosuppressant historically monitored via enzyme-based immunoassay (IA). After 2011, the 2 largest laboratory companies in the United States implemented tacrolimus quantification by liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry (LC-MS); this method excludes metabolites, potentially resulting in lower quantified drug concentrations. We sought to determine if tacrolimus therapeutic drug monitoring via LC-MS, as performed using trough targets originally derived from IA values, influences clinical outcomes. Methods In a single-center retrospective cohort study of lung transplant recipients, risks of acute kidney injury, acute renal failure, and new-onset diabetes after transplantation, as well as chronic lung allograft dysfunction–free survival, were compared in 82 subjects monitored by LC-MS and 102 subjects monitored by IA using Cox proportional hazard models adjusted for age, sex, baseline renal function, and race. Results LC-MS–based monitoring was associated with a greater risk of acute kidney injury (adjusted hazard ratio, 1.65; 95% confidence interval, 1.02–2.67). No statistically significant differences in risks of acute renal failure and new-onset diabetes after transplantation were observed. Conclusion Although LC-MS provides a more accurate representation of the blood concentration of the parent compound tacrolimus exclusive of metabolite, established cut points for tacrolimus dosing may need to be adjusted to account for the increased risk of renal injury.
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Rush, Mark E. "Real Choices, New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation Elections in the United States. By Douglas Amy. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993. 278p. $32.50 cloth. - Restoring Real Representation. By Robert C. Grady. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993.170p. $29.95 cloth." American Political Science Review 88, nr 2 (czerwiec 1994): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944735.
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Boyd, Douglas D. "General Aviation Flight Safety During the COVID-19 Pandemic". Aerospace Medicine and Human Performance 92, nr 10 (1.10.2021): 773–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3357/amhp.5876.2021.
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BACKGROUND/OBJECTIVE: The COVID-19 virus has caused over 582,000 deaths in the United States to date. However, the pandemic has also afflicted the mental health of the population at large in the domains of anxiety and sleep disruption, potentially interfering with cognitive function. From an aviation perspective, safely operating an aircraft requires an airmans cognitive engagement for: 1) situational awareness, 2) spatial orientation, and 3) avionics programming. Since impaired cognitive function could interfere with such tasks, the current study was undertaken to determine if flight safety for a cohort of single engine, piston-powered light airplanes was adversely affected during a period of the pandemic (MarchOctober 2020) prior to U.S. approval of the first COVID-19 vaccine.METHODS: Airplane accidents were per the National Transportation Safety Board Access<sup/> database. Fleet times were derived using Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast. Statistics used Poisson distributions, Chi-squared/Fisher, and Mann-Whitney tests.RESULTS: Little difference in accident rate was evident between the pandemic period (MarchOctober 2020) and the preceding (JanuaryFebruary) months (19 and 22 mishaps/100,000 h, respectively). Similarly, a proportional comparison of accidents occurring in 2020 with those for the corresponding months in 2019 failed to show over-representation of mishaps during the pandemic. Although a trend to a higher injury severity (43% vs. 34% serious/fatal injuries) was evident for pandemic-period mishaps, the proportional difference was not statistically significant when referencing the corresponding months in 2019.CONCLUSION: Surprisingly, using accidents as an outcome, the study herein shows little evidence of diminished flight safety for light aircraft operations during the COVID-19 pandemic.Boyd DD. General aviation flight safety during the COVID-19 pandemic. Aerosp Med Hum Perform. 2021; 92(10):773779.
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Guo, Yi, Jiang Bian, Francois Modave, Qian Li, Thomas J. George, Mattia Prosperi i Elizabeth Shenkman. "Assessing the effect of data integration on predictive ability of cancer survival models". Health Informatics Journal 26, nr 1 (23.01.2019): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1460458218824692.
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Cancer is the second leading cause of death in the United States. To improve cancer prognosis and survival rates, a better understanding of multi-level contributory factors associated with cancer survival is needed. However, prior research on cancer survival has primarily focused on factors from the individual level due to limited availability of integrated datasets. In this study, we sought to examine how data integration impacts the performance of cancer survival prediction models. We linked data from four different sources and evaluated the performance of Cox proportional hazard models for breast, lung, and colorectal cancers under three common data integration scenarios. We showed that adding additional contextual-level predictors to survival models through linking multiple datasets improved model fit and performance. We also showed that different representations of the same variable or concept have differential impacts on model performance. When building statistical models for cancer outcomes, it is important to consider cross-level predictor interactions.
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Iachan, Ronaldo, Christopher H. Johnson, Richard L. Harding, Tonja Kyle, Pedro Saavedra, Emma L. Frazier, Linda Beer, Christine L. Mattson i Jacek Skarbinski. "Design and Weighting Methods for a Nationally Representative Sample of HIV-infected Adults Receiving Medical Care in the United States-Medical Monitoring Project". Open AIDS Journal 10, nr 1 (19.08.2016): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874613601610010164.
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Background: Health surveys of the general US population are inadequate for monitoring human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection because the relatively low prevalence of the disease (<0.5%) leads to small subpopulation sample sizes. Objective: To collect a nationally and locally representative probability sample of HIV-infected adults receiving medical care to monitor clinical and behavioral outcomes, supplementing the data in the National HIV Surveillance System. This paper describes the sample design and weighting methods for the Medical Monitoring Project (MMP) and provides estimates of the size and characteristics of this population. Methods: To develop a method for obtaining valid, representative estimates of the in-care population, we implemented a cross-sectional, three-stage design that sampled 23 jurisdictions, then 691 facilities, then 9,344 HIV patients receiving medical care, using probability-proportional-to-size methods. The data weighting process followed standard methods, accounting for the probabilities of selection at each stage and adjusting for nonresponse and multiplicity. Nonresponse adjustments accounted for differing response at both facility and patient levels. Multiplicity adjustments accounted for visits to more than one HIV care facility. Results: MMP used a multistage stratified probability sampling design that was approximately self-weighting in each of the 23 project areas and nationally. The probability sample represents the estimated 421,186 HIV-infected adults receiving medical care during January through April 2009. Methods were efficient (i.e., induced small, unequal weighting effects and small standard errors for a range of weighted estimates). Conclusion: The information collected through MMP allows monitoring trends in clinical and behavioral outcomes and informs resource allocation for treatment and prevention activities.
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Kemper Patrick, Susan, i Francisco Arturo Santelli. "Exploring the Relationship between Demographic Isolation and Professional Experiences of Black and Latinx Teachers". Journal of Education Human Resources 40, nr 2 (1.03.2022): 138–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jehr-2021-0042.
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Educational leaders throughout the United States have repeatedly emphasized the importance of increasing the number of Black and Latinx teachers in American schools. Prior qualitative work suggests that Black and Latinx teachers who are demographically isolated in their schools often report negative experiences. Drawing on theories of proportional representation in organizations, we use Tennessee statewide survey and administrative data to examine whether self-reported professional experiences of Black and Latinx teachers are different when they are demographically isolated. We estimate models using two measures of demographic isolation: a continuous measure and a theoretically generated ordinal measure. We find that, for Black teachers, the percentage of Black teachers in the school is positively associated with teachers’ perceived satisfaction and support and with the frequency of collaboration. There is also some evidence of threshold effects of demographic isolation for Black teachers, as Black teachers in schools in which at least 60% of fellow teachers are Black report significantly higher satisfaction and support than other Black teachers. Our models do not find any associations between isolation and professional experience for Latinx teachers, but a small sample size and lack of variation in demographic isolation among Latinx teachers makes it difficult to estimate these associations. Our findings suggest that both ordinal and continuous measures of demographic isolation may be useful when examining relationships between demographic isolation and workplace experiences. Because we study factors linked to turnover in prior research, these analyses can contribute to the broader discussion about the retention of Black and Latinx teachers.
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Ariawan, Soni. "CULTURAL ASPECTS REPRESENTATION IN ENGLISH TEXTBOOK AND ITS IMPLICATION ON ENGLISH LANGUAGE LEARNING". JOURNAL OF ADVANCED ENGLISH STUDIES 3, nr 1 (29.02.2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.47354/jaes.v3i1.82.
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Abstract. The present study investigates cultural aspects representation in an English textbook prescribed for senior high school in Indonesia which is officially published by Ministry of Education and Culture in 2017. The study aims to explore cultural aspects revealed in the textbook by employing Byram’s checklist of cultural dimensions and Cortazzi and Jin’s categories of culture as the theoretical frameworks. The data for analysis is selected from the textbook which includes conversations, reading texts and visual elements. The inclusion of national identity is pivotal for learners since the textbook is prescribed for senior high school students who are tremendously curious to determine their own characters. Regarding cultural aspects representation or categories, source culture or Indonesian culture is the most prominent with 61.2%, while target culture and international target culture achieve 19.8% and 14.9% respectively. The presence of source culture encompasses social interaction, school and family environment, national identity and national history as well as national geography. Where the target culture is concerned, the United States of America is the most highly represented inner circle country’s culture in the textbook, while India and Japan are the countries primarily represented in the international target culture category. The inclusion of source culture in the English textbook is fundamental since culture teaching can improve learners’ communicative competence; however, the representation of target culture and international target culture is also crucial to achieve linguistics as well as cultural competence. It is concluded that English textbook in Indonesia is on the way to its perfection in terms of proportionally represented cultural aspects. However, the presence of various cultural aspects of source culture, target culture and international target culture is also important to help students develop multicultural awareness and a certain level of respects as well as tolerance for others. in the use of student’s diary as well is presented as the implication of this research for further related studies.
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Ogutu, Dr Dorcas Anyango, i Dr Kennedy Ogollah. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL CONSIDERATION AND PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN TOP LEADERSHIP POSITIONS". Human Resource and Leadership Journal 2, nr 3 (5.07.2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.47941/hrlj.172.
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Introduction: In 2000 the United Nations member states ratified and committed themselves to achieving the eight millennium development goals. The most salient of the goals is number three that sought to promote gender equality and empower women. Despite the new constitution and other affirmative measures that have been undertaken by the Government of Kenya, there is still low representation of women in leadership in Kenya.Purpose: The study sought to determine the relationship between political consideration and proportion of women in top leadership positions in Kenya. The justification was driven by the realization that despite the affirmative action measures and the promulgation of the new Kenyan constitution which prohibits either gender from constituting more than two-thirds of any elected body, there has not been much progress in increasing the number of women in leadership positions.Research methodology: The thesis used the mixed method methodology (qualitative and quantitative). The study design was cross a sectional study and the data was collected using structure questionnaires, with closed ended questions for quantitative data and open ended questions for qualitative data. 221 senior managers in state corporations were sampled using stratified sampling technique. The questionnaires were self-administered.Results: The findings of this study suggest that there was a significant relationship between political considerations and Proportion of Women in Top Leadership Positions in state corporations in Kenya.Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The thesis makes an important contribution in understanding the important role of political consideration Proportion of Women in Top Leadership Positions.
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Yin, Jun, Shaheenah Dawood, Romain Cohen, Jeff Meyers, John Zalcberg, Takayuki Yoshino, Matthew Seymour i in. "Impact of geography on prognostic outcomes of 21,509 patients with metastatic colorectal cancer enrolled in clinical trials: an ARCAD database analysis". Therapeutic Advances in Medical Oncology 13 (styczeń 2021): 175883592110205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17588359211020547.
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Background: Benchmarking international cancer survival differences is necessary to evaluate and improve healthcare systems. Our aim was to assess the potential regional differences in outcomes among patients with metastatic colorectal cancer (mCRC) participating in international randomized clinical trials (RCTs). Design: Countries were grouped into 11 regions according to the World Health Organization and the EUROCARE model. Meta-analyses based on individual patient data were used to synthesize data across studies and regions and to conduct comparisons for outcomes in a two-stage random-effects model after adjusting for age, sex, performance status, and time period. We used mCRC patients enrolled in the first-line RCTs from the ARCAD database, which provided enrolling country information. There were 21,509 patients in 27 RCTs included across the 11 regions. Results: Main outcomes were overall survival (OS) and progression-free survival (PFS). Compared with other regions, patients from the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland were proportionaly over-represented, older, with higher performance status, more frequently male, and more commonly not treated with biological therapies. Cohorts from central Europe and the United States (USA) had significantly longer OS compared with those from UK and Ireland ( p = 0.0034 and p < 0.001, respectively), with median difference of 3–4 months. The survival deficits in the UK and Ireland cohorts were, at most, 15% at 1 year. No evidence of a regional disparity was observed for PFS. Among those treated without biological therapies, patients from the UK and Ireland had shorter OS than central Europe patients ( p < 0.001). Conclusions: Significant international disparities in the OS of cohorts of mCRC patients enrolled in RCTs were found. Survival of mCRC patients included in RCTs was consistently lower in the UK and Ireland regions than in central Europe, southern Europe, and the USA, potentially attributed to greater overall population representation, delayed diagnosis, and reduced availability of therapies.
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Tang, Qi, Stephen A. Klein, Shaocheng Xie, Wuyin Lin, Jean-Christophe Golaz, Erika L. Roesler, Mark A. Taylor i in. "Regionally refined test bed in E3SM atmosphere model version 1 (EAMv1) and applications for high-resolution modeling". Geoscientific Model Development 12, nr 7 (8.07.2019): 2679–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gmd-12-2679-2019.
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Abstract. Climate simulations with more accurate process-level representation at finer resolutions (<100 km) are a pressing need in order to provide more detailed actionable information to policy makers regarding extreme events in a changing climate. Computational limitation is a major obstacle for building and running high-resolution (HR, here 0.25∘ average grid spacing at the Equator) models (HRMs). A more affordable path to HRMs is to use a global regionally refined model (RRM), which only simulates a portion of the globe at HR while the remaining is at low resolution (LR, 1∘). In this study, we compare the Energy Exascale Earth System Model (E3SM) atmosphere model version 1 (EAMv1) RRM with the HR mesh over the contiguous United States (CONUS) to its corresponding globally uniform LR and HR configurations as well as to observations and reanalysis data. The RRM has a significantly reduced computational cost (roughly proportional to the HR mesh size) relative to the globally uniform HRM. Over the CONUS, we evaluate the simulation of important dynamical and physical quantities as well as various precipitation measures. Differences between the RRM and HRM over the HR region are predominantly small, demonstrating that the RRM reproduces the precipitation metrics of the HRM over the CONUS. Further analysis based on RRM simulations with the LR vs. HR model parameters reveals that RRM performance is greatly influenced by the different parameter choices used in the LR and HR EAMv1. This is a result of the poor scale-aware behavior of physical parameterizations, especially for variables influencing sub-grid-scale physical processes. RRMs can serve as a useful framework to test physics schemes across a range of scales, leading to improved consistency in future E3SM versions. Applying nudging-to-observations techniques within the RRM framework also demonstrates significant advantages over a free-running configuration for use as a test bed and as such represents an efficient and more robust physics test bed capability. Our results provide additional confirmatory evidence that the RRM is an efficient and effective test bed for HRM development.
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Aldrighetti, Christopher M., Andrzej Niemierko, Eliezer Mendel Van Allen, Henning Willers i Sophia C. Kamran. "Racial and ethnic disparities among participants in precision oncology clinical studies." Journal of Clinical Oncology 39, nr 15_suppl (20.05.2021): 3014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2021.39.15_suppl.3014.
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3014 Background: Precision medicine has revolutionized oncologic care in the United States (US) in the past two decades. While the US cancer population is rapidly diversifying, enrollment of a diverse patient population into clinical trials lags behind. In particular, it is unclear whether minority patients are adequately represented in precision oncology trials. Herein, we report racial/ethnic representation in precision oncology studies spanning four common cancer types (breast, lung, prostate, colorectal cancers). Methods: Completed US clinical studies incorporating precision medicine objectives based on a set of 12 precision oncology search terms (including tumor biomarker, whole exome sequencing, tumor mutation testing, gene expression signatures, tumor microarray, tumor genomics, et cetera) were identified from Clinicaltrials.gov. Studies were reviewed for reporting race/ethnicity for inclusion in the analysis. The Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) database was used to determine incidence of race/ethnicity in the US cancer population, correlated with disease site and median year of enrollment for each trial. The difference in incidence (D-I) was defined as the median absolute difference in study racial enrollment and SEER incidence, with a negative value corresponding to underrepresentation. Wilcoxon signed-rank test was used to compare median D-I to a value of 0 by racial/ethnic subgroups. Results: Overall, 156 studies were identified; 40.3 and 27.5% studies enrolling from 2000 through 2020 met the inclusion criteria for racial and ethnic subgroups reporting, respectively. Of 4,418 total enrollees, 82.5% were White, 10.5% Black, 3.8% Asian, and 0.4% American Indian/Alaskan Native (AIAN). Ethnically, 6.4% were Hispanic. The D-I was +2.2% for Whites (interquartile range (IQR) = -43.7% to 25.4%; P < 0.013), -0.74% AIAN (IQR = -0.8% to +5.9%; P < 0.001), -2.5% Asians (IQR = -4.1% to 30.4%; P < 0.152), -4.6% Blacks (IQR = -20.1% to +45.0%; P < 0.001), and -8.1% Hispanics (IQR = -14.8% to + 29.6%; P < 0.001). By disease site, Blacks were significantly underrepresented proportional to their cancer incidence among prostate (D-I of -11.8%, p = 0.009) and lung studies (D-I of -5.9%, p = 0.013), while prostate studies significantly overrepresented Whites (D-I +14.0%, p = 0.005). Lung studies overrepresented Asians (D-I +0.49%) consistent with the prominent role of targetable oncogene drivers in this population. Conclusions: Results demonstrate an underrepresentation of minority racial groups and an overrepresentation of Whites in precision oncology studies. Increased emphasis on equitable enrollment onto these studies is critical, as resulting precision Omic conclusions are used to stratify populations and personalize treatments. A continued lack of diversity among enrollees may further leave behind vulnerable minority populations in the era of precision oncology.
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Smith, Brandon T., Francesco M. Egro i Vu T. Nguyen. "Microsurgery fellowship representation in the United States". Microsurgery 40, nr 5 (22.04.2020): 624. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/micr.30582.
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Nguyen, V. V., S. Wang, R. Whitlock, C. Xu, S. Taneja, S. Singh, J. Abraldes i in. "A223 THE CHAIR STAND TEST IS A RELIABLE FRAILTY METRIC FOR PREDICTING WAITLIST MORBIDITY AND MORTALITY IN PATIENTS WITH CIRRHOSIS". Journal of the Canadian Association of Gastroenterology 5, Supplement_1 (21.02.2022): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcag/gwab049.222.
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Abstract Background Frailty is defined as a clinical state of increased vulnerability to health and age associated stressors. The liver frailty index (LFI), composed of grip strength, chair stand and balance testing, is an accepted predictor of morbidity and mortality in cirrhosis. With the need for COVID-19 related social distancing, many appointments are being carried out virtually. The chair stand subcomponent of the LFI has the potential to be evaluated virtually, with a high reliability as compared to in-person testing noted in other disease populations. Aims To determine if the chair stand test is an independent predictor of morbidity and mortality in patients with cirrhosis. Methods 822 adult patients with cirrhosis were prospectively enrolled from five centers (3 in Canada, 1 in the United States, and 1 in India). Inclusion criteria included adult patients with cirrhosis. 787 of these patients completed a chair stand test at baseline, measured as the time (seconds) a patient takes to rise from sitting with their arms folded across their chest five times (measured in-person). The times were divided into 3 categories: >15 seconds, between 10 and 15 seconds, and <10 seconds. Patients who could not complete 5 chair stands were classified in the >15 seconds category. Primary outcome was all-cause mortality. Secondary outcome was unplanned all-cause hospital admission. Fine-Gray proportional hazard regression models were used to evaluate the association between the chair stand time and the outcomes. We adjusted for baseline age, sex, and MELD score and accounted for liver transplantation as a competing risk. Cumulative incidence functions were used to create a graphical representation of the survival analysis. Results Patients were divided into three groups: group 1, <10 seconds (n = 276); group 2, 10–15 seconds (n = 290); and group 3, >15 seconds (n = 221). Mortality was increased in group 3 in comparison to group 1 (HR 3.21, 95% CI: 2.16–4.78, p<0.001). Similarly, the hazard of non-elective hospitalizations was higher in group 3 in comparison to group 1 (HR 2.24, 95% CI: 1.73–2.91, p<0.001). Overall, patients with chair stand times greater than 15 seconds had increased all-cause mortality (HR 2.78, 95% CI 2.01–3.83, p<0.001) and non-elective hospitalizations (HR 1.84, 95% CI 1.48–2.29, p<0.001) when compared to patients with times less than 15 seconds. Conclusions A time to complete 5 chair stands of >15 seconds predicts morbidity and mortality in patients with cirrhosis. This test shows promise as a frailty measure that could be evaluated over a virtual platform. Funding Agencies None
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Tolbert, Caroline J., i Daniel A. Smith. "REPRESENTATION AND DIRECT DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED STATES". Representation 42, nr 1 (kwiecień 2006): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890600583743.
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Warshaw, Christopher. "Local Elections and Representation in the United States". Annual Review of Political Science 22, nr 1 (11.05.2019): 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050317-071108.
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In recent years, there has been a surge in the study of representation and elections in local politics. Scholars have made progress on many of the empirical barriers that stymied earlier researchers. As a result, the study of representation and elections in local politics has moved squarely into the center of American politics. The findings of recent research show that local politics in the modern, polarized era is much more similar to other areas of American politics than previously believed. Scholars have shown that partisanship and ideology play important roles in local politics. Due to the growing ideological divergence between Democrats and Republicans, Democratic elected officials increasingly take more liberal positions, and enact more liberal policies, than Republican ones. As a result, despite the multitude of constraints on local governments, local policies in the modern era tend to largely reflect the partisan and ideological composition of their electorates.
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D’Angelo, Nicholas J. "Politically Palatable Parity: What the United States Can Learn from France in Achieving a more Representative Democracy". International and Comparative Law Review 16, nr 2 (1.12.2016): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0013.
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Summary The United States considers itself a world superpower in many realms, but equality in political representation is not one of them. Currently, female representation in the United States Congress hovers around nineteen-percent, placing the United States in league with nations that have historically oppressed women, including Kenya and Tajikistan. While other, more infant, democracies have utilized political quotas as a means to increase female political involvement, the United States’ maintains a tradition of formal equality and neutralism. Long-standing precedent remains suspicious of anything resembling a quota. However, France faced a similar dilemma, unable to increase female representation due to a tradition of universalism. Working within its constitutional confines, France adopted parity in an attempt to achieve “perfect equality.” This paper argues that the United States may be able to use France as an example, thus potentially increasing female representation through a parity system that respects the traditions of our Constitution.
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Moser, Robert G. "Electoral Systems and the Number of Parties in Postcommunist States". World Politics 51, nr 3 (kwiecień 1999): 359–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009114.
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Scholars studying electoral systems have consistently found that single-member plurality elections tend to constrain the number of parties operating in a polity to a much greater extent than multimember proportional representation systems. This article tests this hypothesis in the post-communist context by examining the effects of proportional representation and single-member district elections on the number of parties in five postcommunist states. It is shown that some postcommunist states, most notably Poland and Hungary, have followed the standard pattern of party consolidation over time in reaction to incentives of electoral systems, while others, most notably Russia and Ukraine, have not. The author argues that the different effects of electoral systems can be attributed to different levels of party institutionalization found in postcommunist states.These findings have policy implications. Under conditions of extreme party underdevelopment, the electoral system that promotes the use of party labels—proportional representation—may be more effective than the plurality system in constraining the number of parties, provided a legal threshold is used. This runs counter to the conventional wisdom that plurality elections offer the greatest constraint on the number of parties.
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Johnston, R. J. "Proportional representation and a ‘fair electoral system’ for the United Kingdom". Journal of Legislative Studies 4, nr 2 (czerwiec 1998): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339808420557.
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Gause, LaGina. "Costly Protest and Minority Representation in the United States". PS: Political Science & Politics 55, nr 2 (31.03.2022): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096521001591.
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Ahuja, Sunil. "Electoral Status and Representation in the United States Senate". American Politics Quarterly 22, nr 1 (styczeń 1994): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x9402200107.
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Ma, Manuel A., Dora E. Gutiérrez, Joanna M. Frausto i Wael K. Al-Delaimy. "Minority Representation in Clinical Trials in the United States". Mayo Clinic Proceedings 96, nr 1 (styczeń 2021): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mayocp.2020.10.027.
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Schildkraut, Deborah J. "Latino Attitudes About Surrogate Representation in the United States*". Social Science Quarterly 97, nr 3 (27.03.2016): 714–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12266.
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Arceneaux, K. "Does Federalism Weaken Democratic Representation in the United States?" Publius: The Journal of Federalism 35, nr 2 (1.01.2005): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pji015.
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Prameswari, Yasinta Widya, Agus Trihartono i Abubakar Eby Hara. "Women's Representation in the 2018 United States Midterm Elections". Journal of Feminism and Gender Studies 3, nr 1 (31.01.2023): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jfgs.v3i1.30625.
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United States politics is a difficult arena to reach for women due to the high levels of gender discrimination and sexism. A new history came up on their midterm election on Tuesday 6th November 2018. Due to the record number of women who passed and running for office, also the surge in activism was higher than previos years. The number of female legislator is 23.4% for the House of Representative and 25% for Senate. This record number is the highest one in United State politic history of women representation. The process of increasing women’s representation in 2018 midterm election to some extent influenced by the paradigm shifting of the women’s movement.
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Lombardi, Conner, Jacob Lang, Rochell Issa, Oluchi Ukaegbu Oke, Krishna Reddy i Obi Ekwenna. "Racial and ethnic representation trends in United States oncology training programs." Journal of Clinical Oncology 39, nr 15_suppl (20.05.2021): 6519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2021.39.15_suppl.6519.
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6519 Background: Utilizing race and ethnicity data from the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME), this study aims to assess representation trends across American Society of Clinical Oncology (ASCO) participant specialties from the past five academic years in order to characterize current needs and effectively address these needs moving forward. Methods: Self-reported ethnicity/race data from the ACGME database books were collected from academic years 2015-16 to 2019-2020 for the following oncologic training programs: hematology and medical oncology, medical oncology, gynecologic oncology, pediatric hematology and oncology, radiation oncology, complex general surgical oncology. Summary statistics and chi-square analysis were conducted to compare underrepresented minority (URM) trends across programs. URM groups were cross-referenced with definitions provided by the AAMC and included those who identify as Hispanic, Latino or of Spanish origin, Black or African American, and Native American or Alaskan. Results: Over the study period, only 1,250 (9.0%) of 13,853 oncology trainees identified as URM. Chi-square analysis demonstrated no significant change in URM representation in all oncology specialties combined between 2015-16 and 2019-20 (8.9% [95% CI, 7.8%-10.0%] vs. 9.7% [95% CI, 8.7%-10.8%]; P=.31). Between 2015-16 and 2019-20, Hematology and oncology (+1.3%), pediatric hematology and oncology (+0.3%) all demonstrated insignificant increasing trends in representation while radiation oncology (-0.3%), complex general surgical oncology (-4.0%) had statistically insignificant decreasing trends in representation. Gynecologic oncology (+6.0%) demonstrated a significant increasing trend in representation. Conclusions: This is the first study to characterize the vast disparities in representation in oncologic training programs in the United States. There is a demonstrated lack of representation across all oncology training programs and a lack of significant improvement over the study period. A multiprong approach is needed to improve diversity and representation across the spectrum of the oncology workforce in the United States.
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Rogowski, Ronald. "Trade and the variety of democratic institutions". International Organization 41, nr 2 (1987): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027442.
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Students of comparative politics have long acknowledged the importance of such institutional factors as electoral systems, parliamentary versus presidential rule, and the strength of parties; but they have either regarded the institutions as given or have explained them entirely in domestic terms (associating proportional representation, for example, with the intensity of social cleavages). In economically advanced democracies, however, these institutional aspects can be plausibly linked to dependence on trade: proportional representation, the parliamentary system, strong parties, and large electoral districts have “survival value” for developed democracies exposed to trade. That the recently revived agitation for proportional representation in the United Kingdom has been cast explicitly in terms of economic necessity and dependence on trade adds force to this argument, and suggests the need for further historical research on other cases of institutional adaptation and change.