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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Proletariĭ (Geneva, 1905)"
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Marzec, Wiktor. "Vernacular Marxism: Proletarian Readings in Russian Poland around the 1905 Revolution". Historical Materialism 25, nr 4 (14.02.2017): 65–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341543.
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AbstractThe article seeks to fill a lacuna in Marxist scholarship concerning the actually-existing Marxism of politically-mobilised workers as an organic philosophy in its own right. To shed light on this issue, I investigate the reading-material which stimulated Marxist conversion and the accompanying intellectual invigoration of workers at the turn of the twentieth century in Russian Poland. For proletarian readers Marxism was the main political language, ushering them into the public sphere and allowing them to comprehend the emerging capitalist world. As a particular liaison of scientific knowledge and a practical political weapon, it allowed its adherents to redefine themselves and make political claims. Such a situational Marxism, drawing from but not reducible to the prevailing ‘orthodoxy’, allows one to see the latter as a socially diverse plethora of ideas.
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González Naranjo, Rocío. "Marginalidad y prostitución. Escritura abolicionista en Carlota O’Neill (1905-2000)". Lectora: revista de dones i textualitat, nr 28 (28.10.2022): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/lectora2022.28.5.
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Carlota O’Neill de Lamo (1905-2000) fue una mujer polivalente, como la mayoría de las modernas: escritora, periodista, dramaturga, empresaria, productora de televisión y de radio, activista…, una trayectoria profesional que se desconoce aún hoy en día debido a su encarcelamiento y a su exilio. Muchas de sus posiciones ideológicas las transmite en su producción. Fue pionera del teatro proletario en España, y el tema escogido para su primera obra fue la situación de las trabajadoras. En toda su producción memorialística —que no se resume únicamente a Una mexicana en la guerra de España (1964)— muestra especial interés por la marginalidad y los bajos fondos. Desde su primera obra de teatro, Al rojo, de 1933, pasando por sus memorias y otras obras inéditas, la prostitución es uno de los elementos esenciales. De este modo, buscamos indicios en su obra para contestar a la siguiente pregunta: ¿Era Carlota O’Neill abolicionista?
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Bekhterev, Sergei L., i Lyudmila N. Bekhtereva. "Reconstruction of the Biography of G. K. Ozhigov in the Context of the Revolutionary Events of 1905–1917 in Russia". Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, nr 1 (2024): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.002.
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Referring to regional material, this article actualizes the tradition of studying the biographies of historical figures in the context of an institutional concept, which makes it possible to describe and explain the controversial facts of political history of the new time in the era of mass social movements. The authors aim to reconstruct the later imperial period (until October 1917) of the life of Grigorii Kondratyevich Ozhigov, a representative of the national revolutionary cohort, who took an active part in the events that occurred in the Urals, Ukraine, the Baltics, Finland, and other areas of the former Russian Empire in the late twentieth century. Methodologically, the work relies on the modernization paradigm, the “new social history”, and related everyday discourse, including the anthropological approach, historical, and biographical methods. Since G. K. Ozhigov’s biography studied by a few Ural historians is replete with inaccuracies, the study is based on sources which have never been referred to previously, including official documents, periodicals, sources of personal origin, autobiographies, and memoirs by Ozhigov himself. The documents kept in the fund of the Ozhigov family of the Central State Archive of the Udmurt Republic are characterized by a complex nature. The study demonstrates that Ozhigov, who came from a peasant family, a worker of Izhevsk factories, managed to rise first to the interregional, and in 1917, to the all-Russian level, reaching the status of a member of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the first convocation. In the political sphere, he passed a difficult path of evolution from a militant of the Ural Lbovtsy partisans during the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, to a member of the RCP(b) and an active participant in the implementation of the project of the proletarian state.
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Draper, Hal. "The Myth of Lenin's ‘Concept Of The Party’: Or What They Did to What Is To Be Done?" Historical Materialism 4, nr 1 (1999): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920699100414373.
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AbstractThe myth for today is an axiom of what we may call Leninology — a branch of Kremlinology that has rapidly grown in the hands of the various university Russian Institutes, doctoral programs, political journalists, et al. According to this axiom, Lenin's 1902 book What Is To Be Done? (for short, WITBD) represents the essential content of his ‘operational code’ or ‘concept of the party’: all of Bolshevism and eventually Stalinism lies in ambush in its pages; it is the canonical work of ‘Leninism’ on party organisation, which, in turn, bears the original sin of totalitarianism. It establishes the ‘Leninist type of party’ as an authoritarian structure controlled from the top by ‘professional revolutionaries’ of upper-class provenance lording over a proletarian rank and file.
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Potkański, Waldemar. "Jan Wacław Machajski (27 XII 1866–19 II 1926)". Polish Biographical Studies 3, nr 1 (2015): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2015.01.
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Jan Wacław Machajski was characterized by a great changeability of moods and ability for going from one extreme to another – opposite to the previous one – from youthful years. Moreover, his attitude was very emotional and he was not deceived by any explanation or polemic. Originally he got involved in illegal activity in Polish national movement. However, having been arrested by Russians and sentenced to three years in prison and five years exile to the Eastern Siberia, he had radically changed his views and was fascinated by the extreme revolutionary idea embed in peculiar realities of the Russian Empire. Criticizing ideas preferred by Marxist and social democrats, he demanded anarchistic and freedom patterns. He created his own, original revolutionary doctrine, whose the central axis was proletariat, which was to cause revolution giving freedom for all the people enslaved in the country of tsars. After the return from the exile, he lived abroad in Switzerland, but his eccentric ideas found many adherents in Russia in the first two decades of the twentieth century. They had stimulated their own activity within the framework of so-called working conspiracy in times of Revolution in 1905 and other anarchistic and radical groups existing in the area of the Russian Empire.
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Vargas-Ramos, Daliana. "Un encuentro con José Martí en las letras de Mario Oliva Medina". Temas de Nuestra América Revista de Estudios Latinoaméricanos 38 (29.08.2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/tdna.38-e6.
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Mario Oliva Medina es profesor universitario, y prolífico escritor chileno que reside en Costa Rica desde 1976 cuya pasión ha sido los estudios sobre AméricaLatina. De espíritu martiano, se destaca dentro de su producción gran cantidad de artículos tales como La Musa Proletaria en Costa Rica 1900-1948, Revista Repertorio Americano: algunos alcances sobre su trayectoria 1919-1958, Las ideas socialistas 1880-1930, La Revista Renovación 1911-1914: de la política a la literatura y Gabriela Mistral en Costa Rica, publicados en diversas revistas especializadas nacionales e internacionales. También ha dedicado tiempo importante a la escritura de libros sobre nuestras realidades entre ellos: Artesanos y obreros costarricenses 1880-1914, Como alas de mariposa, Cien años de poesía popular en Costa Rica 1850-1950, Los intelectuales y las letras centroamericanas sobre la Guerra Civil Española, (editado también como España desde lejos) y José Martí en la historia y la cultura costarricenses.
Publicado originalmente en: Vargas, D. (2012). Un encuentrocon José Martí en las letras de Mario Oliva Medina. Temas De Nuestra América Revista De Estudios Latinoaméricanos, 28 (51-52), 27-35
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Smith, Kevin Michael. "Romanticism Strait: Coloniality and Liminality in Im Hwa’s Maritime Poetry". Journal of Korean Studies 28, nr 1 (1.03.2023): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-10213169.
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Abstract This article examines the colonial-era poet and critic Im Hwa’s (林和 1908–1953) maritime literary trope of Hyŏnhaet’an (玄海灘), the strait separating the Korean peninsula from the Japanese archipelago, as it encompasses Korea’s contradictory peripheral location within the Japanese empire. Im Hwa’s repeated invocations of this body of water served as a channel for navigating the escalating pressures of colonial censorship, in which the romanticized, masculinist figure of the valiant “youth” (ch’ŏngnyŏn) substituted for the former working-class protagonist from Im’s esteemed “short narrative poems” (tanp’yŏn sŏsasi) during the heyday of the proletarian literary movement. Further, Im’s fixation on the vicissitudes of the seafaring journey across the strait can be said to articulate the precarious position occupied by Korean colonial subjects of the Japanese emperor, neither permitted full assimilation nor capable of enduring perpetual subjugation as second-class citizens. The article concludes by exploring how the liminality of passage across Hyŏnhaet’an exemplifies both the tensions between nationalism and social class in the revised geopolitical contours of Im’s anti-colonial, oceanic imagination, what he eloquently referred to as a “new map of the peninsula” (pando ŭi sae chido).
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Kok, Jan, Erik Beekink i David Bijsterbosch. "Environmental Influences on Young Adult Male Height. A Comparison of Town and Countryside in the Netherlands, 1815-1900". Historical Life Course Studies 6 (28.09.2017): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9330.
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The first phase of industrialization has often been associated with decreasing standards of living for workers, and early industrial towns and cities gained bad reputations. One of the best indicators for living conditions in early life is young adult height, and the literature has often pointed at urban-rural differences in heights to illustrate the initial decrease of living standards due to urbanization and industrialization. But how was urban residence connected to height? Causal mechanisms can include disease environment related to crowdedness, food availability or the nature of urban versus rural work. But perhaps urban-rural differences can simply be attributed to compositional effects, e.g. in cities relatively more poor, illiterate or incomplete families were to be found. Another question is whether urban-rural differences are limited to large cities compared to the rest, or whether we also find differences between towns and villages. In this brief, exploratory paper, we combine two detailed local datasets to provide answers to these questions. We contrast an early industrializing town, with a typical proletarian sub-culture of tile bakers and a significant middle class (Woerden in the province of South-Holland) to an agrarian community (the village of Akersloot and surrounding area in the province of North-Holland). Our dataset allows us to disentangle effects of the family composition, the family’s socio-economic status, food prices, and the environment on bodily growth of 1,738 young men. Our results suggest that the specific conditions of urban workers were more important for the physical development of their children than the urban or rural setting itself.
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Reichert, William O. "Jonathan Ree. Proletarian Philosophers: Problems in Socialist Culture in Britain, 1900-1940. New York: Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press. 1984. Pp. viii, 146. $19.95." Albion 17, nr 3 (1985): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048996.
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Gabriel, Elun. "‘Messiah of the Masses and Prophet of the Proletariat’: Reexamining Eugene Debs in the Framework of Spiritual Socialism". Left History: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Historical Inquiry and Debate 26, nr 1 (17.04.2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1913-9632.39692.
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The following paper is concerned with the role that Christianity played in the discourse, life, and campaign of the prominent American socialist, Eugene Debs. Considering that socialism in the United States is often deemed impossible due to a myriad of factors—a prominent one being the underlying Protestant ethos of the state—Debs’ campaigns earned unprecedented support for the presidency in 1904, 1908, 1912, and 1920. I contend that Debs’ presidential campaigns offer a unique case for exploring the reconciliation of a secular socialist program with the Protestant and individualistic ethos of American society. Though an avowed secularist, it is well documented that Debs’ admired the historical Jesus, and he notably challenged the alignment of the Protestant Churches with industrial capitalism at the turn of the twentieth century. Using first and secondhand documentation on Debs’ campaigns, this paper proposes that Debs’ presentation of socialism as a necessary and logical expression of Christianity was important for overcoming the ideational barrier that Protestant Christianity poses for socialist candidates in the US. Where scholars like Jacob Dorn contend that Debs was effective at overcoming the “either-or” thinking that often plagues orthodox socialism, I contend that Debs’ appeal to a Jesus-centered Christianity importantly presented a new “either-or” maxim, where Christians were faced with choosing between capitalist Churchianity, or true Christianity.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Proletariĭ (Geneva, 1905)"
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Beaulieu, Michel S. "A Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1715.
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“The Proletarian Prometheus: Socialism, Ethnicity, and Revolution at the Lakehead, 1900-1935” is an analysis of the various socialist organizations operating at the Canadian Lakehead (comprised of the twin cities of Port Arthur and Fort William, Ontario, now the present-day City of Thunder Bay, and their vicinity) during the first 35 years of the twentieth century. It contends that the circumstances and actions of Lakehead labour, especially those related to ideology, ethnicity, and personality, worked simultaneously to empower and to fetter workers in their struggles against the shackles of capitalism. The twentieth-century Lakehead never lacked for a population of enthusiastic, energetic and talented left-wingers. Yet, throughout this period the movement never truly solidified and took hold. Socialist organizations, organizers and organs came and went, leaving behind them an enduring legacy, yet paradoxically the sum of their efforts was cumulatively less than the immense sacrifices and energies they had poured into them. Between 1900 and 1935, the region's working-class politics was shaped by the interaction of ideas drawn from the much larger North Atlantic socialist world with the particularities of Lakehead society and culture. International frameworks of analysis and activism were of necessity reshaped and revised in a local context in which ethnic divisions complicated and even undermined the class identities upon which so many radical dreams and ambitions rested.Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2007-12-14 20:26:40.652
Książki na temat "Proletariĭ (Geneva, 1905)"
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Millenarian Bolshevism 1900-1920: Empiriomonism, God-Building, Proletarian Culture. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Rowley, David G. Millenarian Bolshevism 1900-1920: Empiriomonism, God-Building, Proletarian Culture. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Proletariĭ (Geneva, 1905)"
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Thayer, Willy. "Sorel: Sovereign Critique". W Technologies of Critique, tłumacz John Kraniauskas, 97–104. Fordham University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286744.003.0033.
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This chapter analyzes Georges Sorel's Reflections on Violence from 1908. It explains how Sorel presents himself not just as a thinker of violence but as a violent thinker. In his work, Sorel does not produce an apology for violence, for war, or for the proletarian general strike that is undifferentiated within a single revolutionary conatus and destroy the relations of property and expropriation of the historical scene. The chapter mentions Sorel's evangelization of the violent strike that is upheld as the illegitimate means of pursuing just ends or his intention to confront legitimate but unjust regulation. Sorel is a violent thinker not because he adheres to the different kinds of de facto violence that the workers' strike poses against de jure violence but because of the technology through which Reflections of Violence feeds the violence that it aspires to interrupt.
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Ó Briain, Lonán. "Songs of the Golden Age in the Democratic Republic". W Voices of Vietnam, 71–107. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197558232.003.0004.
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Following the Geneva Accords of 1954, the VOV employed an array of ensembles that performed newly composed red music and revolutionary songs (ca khúc cách mạng) from the First Indochina War. Chapter 3 examines the construction of the DRV’s broadcasting and performing arts infrastructure at a time when radio was the principal mass medium for sound-based communications and the primary source for news and cultural programming. These infrastructural developments coincided with an escalation of tensions in the Second Indochina War (1955–75), when the DRV used radio to inundate southern listeners with their propaganda. With a particular focus on the central site for cultural production (state radio) and the most prominent musical form of the era (red music), this chapter illustrates how the DRV’s Ministry of Culture used radio productions on socialist themes as technologies of governmentality. Broadcasters reified the roles of men, women, and children in the ears and minds of their listening public. Their productions also played a crucial role in defining cultural boundaries between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie as broadcasters sought to sonically territorialize the socialist state. Based on interviews with former station employees, analyses of iconic songs, and archival documents, the research suggests the ongoing veneration of singers, songs, and stories from this golden age of radio music constructs a particular narrative about Vietnamese history that commemorates the achievements of the CPV and perpetuates its control in the reform era.