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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Prisoners of war – Germany – Correspondence"
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Kokebayeva, G. K. "THE PROBLEM OF DETERMINING THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL STATUS OF PRISONERS OF WAR ON THE SOVIET-GERMAN FRONT". History of the Homeland 94, nr 2 (12.07.2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_2_101.
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The article deals with the problem of determining the international legal status of prisoners of war on the Soviet-German front. The object of the study is the telegrams and letters of the governments of the USSR and Nazi Germany to the embassies of neutral countries. The Hague Convention of 1907 and the Geneva Convention of 1929 provided real protection to prisoners of war. The Soviet government did not recognize the international treaties concluded by the former Russian governments, including The Hague Convention of 1907, and also did not join The Geneva Convention of 1929. The outbreak of hostilities on the Soviet-German front required the determination of the legal status of Soviet and German prisoners of war. The correspondence between the governments of the two countries, carried out through the mediation of neutral states, did not affect the legal status of prisoners of war on the eastern front. The results of our research show that the problem of prisoners of war has become an object of ideological confrontation between the authorities of the warring totalitarian states.
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Dulatov, B. K. "POSTAL CORRESPONDENCE OF AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AND GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR OF THE OMSK MILITARY DISTRICT AS A SOURCE FOR STUDYING THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR DETENTION IN CAPTIVITY". Rusin, nr 60 (2020): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/6.
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Drawing on the archives, the author analyses the reports of military censorship commission members, whose official function was to systematise and analyse the personal correspondence of Austro-Hungarian and German prisoners of the First World War. The letters of soldiers and officers to their families and friends are reflective of the captivity hardships they had to face in the Russian camps. Of particular scientific interest is the information about their daily life, political stance, contacts with the locals and social adaptation. The author describes different attitudes of the prisoners of war to their conditions and new social status, focusing on a range of emotions of the individual prinsoners of war reported about by the military censors. Written personal correspondence is a unique primary source for studying the past. Thus, the analysis of archival documents provides the information about different reactions of prisoners of war to the same historical event. Such a variety of opinions contributes to the comparative analysis aimed at establishing the truth. New archival documents introduced by the author into the academic circulation supplement the data about the conditions of prisoners of the First World War, namely those dispersed in the Omsk military district in the summer of 1917.
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Öktem, Emre, i Alexandre Toumarkine. "Will the Trojan War take place? Violations of the rules of war and the Battle of the Dardanelles (1915)". International Review of the Red Cross 97, nr 900 (grudzień 2015): 1047–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383116000503.
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AbstractThe Battle of the Dardanelles is one of the key episodes of World War I on the Ottoman front between the British, the French, the Australians and New Zealanders on the one side, and the Ottoman army under German command on the other. Immediately after the Great War, the former belligerents engaged in another war, which protracts up until the present day: allegations of violations of the rules of war are mutually addressed, in order to become a salient element of political propaganda. Through the analysis of the major controversial issues (use of dum-dum bullets and asphyxiating gases, attacks on non-military objects and sites, treatment of prisoners of war) and the study of various sources (official documents, correspondence and reports issued by belligerent forces, memoirs of Dardanelles’ veterans, ICRC reports) this article scrutinizes two crucial questions. Were the rules of war taken seriously on the battlefield? Was the law instrumentalized by the belligerents?
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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War". Herald of an archivist, nr 2 (2020): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
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The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
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Kolpakov, P. A., i R. A. Arslanov. "Counterintelligence Activities of Gendarmerie Railway Police before and during World War I". Nauchnyi dialog 12, nr 10 (23.12.2023): 360–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-10-360-377.
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The article analyzes the role of the gendarmerie railway police in the system of counterintelligence agencies in the Russian Empire before and during World War I. Based on documentary materials, the goals of enemy espionage on railways are revealed. Measures taken by the gendarmerie to restrict photography of railway infrastructure are examined. Through analysis of secret correspondence between gendarmerie leaders and railway department heads, categories of individuals most actively recruited by German and Austro-Hungarian intelligence for espionage are identified: prisoners of war, foreign nationals not involved in combat, and children. The organization of surveillance of foreign officials’ railway transport movements within the Russian Empire is also explored. The conclusion is drawn that the gendarmerie railway police’s ability to carry out counterintelligence tasks was complicated by their simultaneous duties as general and political police, as well as the scale of the infrastructure they were tasked with protecting.
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Raudsepp, Anu. "Erakirjad infoallikana Eesti ja Lääne vahel stalinismist sulani (1946–1959) [Abstract: Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959]". Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, nr 4 (9.09.2019): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.01.
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Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959
After the Second World War, the Iron Curtain isolated Estonia from the rest of the world for a long time, separating many Estonian families from one another. Up to 80,000 Estonians fled from Estonia to the West due to the Second World War. Information on Estonia and the West was distorted by way of propaganda and censorship until the end of the Soviet occupation. The situation was at its most complicated during the Stalinist years, when information and the movement of information were controlled particularly stringently.
The only possible communication channel between Estonia and the West for private individuals during the era of totalitarianism was the exchange of letters, and even this was exceedingly restricted and controlled. The unique correspondence between Kusta Mannermaa (1888–1959) and his nephew Väino Veemees (1919–1987) and a friend named Jaakko Valkonen (1891–1968), who was a schoolteacher in Finland, inspired the writing of this article. Nearly 80 letters from the years 1946–1959 have been examined. The primary aim of this study is to identify how opportunities for relaying information between Estonia and the West were already sought and found during the post-war decades regardless of censorship, and what the important themes were. Thematically speaking, three main themes are focused on: the establishment, disruption and restoration of written contacts between Estonian war refugees and Estonia; Estonian expatriate literature in Kusta Mannermaa’s private letters, and his cultural contacts with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen in 1946–1959.
During the post-war years, expatriate newspapers, including especially the Eesti Teataja [Estonian Gazette] in Sweden (starting from 1944) and the Eesti Rada [Estonian Path] in Germany (starting from 1945), obtained information on the Estonian homeland primarily from newspapers in Soviet Estonia (Rahva Hääl [the People’s Voice], Sirp ja Vasar [the Sickle and Hammer], and others) and from radio broadcasts, in isolated cases also from released German prisoners of war and Estonians who had escaped from Estonia, and very rarely from private letters. Unlike previously held viewpoints, it can be assumed that contacts between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians were already altogether closer starting in the latter half of the 1940s. Kusta Mannermaa’s correspondence helps to bring more clarity to this question. First of all at the end of 1945, he revived his correspondence with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen. Contacts between Finnish and Estonian private individuals had been prohibited since the summer of 1940 in connection with the annexation of Estonia by the Soviet Union. The occupying German authorities permitted the exchange of letters for only a short period of time in the spring of 1942. When communication by way of letters was allowed between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians in connection with the repatriation policy, Väino Veemees also wrote from Bonn to his relatives in Estonia. Namely, the greater portion of Estonians who had reached the West from Estonia (up to 40,000) were located in the occupation zones administered by the Western Allies in Germany after the war. More than 30,000 of them were living in the so-called displaced persons (DP) camps that had been established by the Allied military authorities or the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA).
The postal system had ceased to operate in Germany at the end of the war until the American military administration allowed country-wide postal deliveries to resume there at the end of October, 1945.
Prior to the mass deportation of 1949, the sending of letters from the Estonian homeland to the West was banned, and correspondence between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians was cut off. Letters from Finland reached Estonia at least until the end of 1949. Contact between Estonians living on either side of the Iron Curtain was interrupted for a lengthy period of time. According to numerous sources, correspondence already started being revived in 1954–1955. The turning point came after the 20th CPSU Congress in 1956, when Stalin’s personality cult was denounced.
Correspondence with relatives or kindred spirits living in the West was emotionally necessary on the one hand, but politically dangerous on the other. Yet by using self-censorship, it was nevertheless possible to maintain correspondence even in the Stalinist period by concealing important information written between the lines. Family ties gave strength to the soul at the most difficult time for Estonia during the post-war Stalinist repressions, and later on as well. For this reason, regardless of the obstructions of the Soviet regime, people tried to maintain contact with relatives and friends living in the Estonian homeland and those in the West, and to know about one another’s fate.
The importance of the written word in spiritual and intellectual selfpreservation has to be stressed. On a spiritual level, it is very difficult to live in isolation in the cultural space of Europe without knowing about cultural life in the rest of the world. Yet it was even more important for Estonians who remained in their homeland to know that the fostering of Estonian culture and language was continuing in the free world. Every fragment of information on culture from the free world, especially books, was important for intellectual and spiritual resistance and self-preservation. It was not allowed to send books to or out of Estonia in the latter half of the 1940s. Mainly literature, including Estonian expatriate literature and newer Finnish literature, as well as original Estonian literature and literatuure translated into Estonian published in those years in Soviet Estonia, was discussed in Mannermaa’s correspondence with the West in those years. It turns out from the current study that information on Estonian expatriate literature, for instance, already reached Estonia ten years earlier than has hitherto been believed, by 1947 at the latest. How widely this information was known in cultural circles, however, is another question.
The exchange of books with the West was allowed from the mid-1950s. A number of sources refer to the circumstance that the period from the end of 1955 to 1958 was a better time in the postal connection between Estonia and the West compared to the subsequent years. The authorities had not yet managed to update the censorship regulations in the new liberalised conditions. Together with the revival of correspondence under liberalised conditions, the sending of books also began again for the first time in over ten years starting from the mid-1950s. Thus Mannermaa sent Estonian classics to his relatives abroad starting in 1956, for instance new editions of the works of Juhan Liiv and F. R. Kreutzwald. Jaakko Valkonen sent him Finnish literature, for instance books by Mika Waltari, which were immensely popular at that time. In 1958 at the latest, but most likely already a few years earlier, Estonian expatriate literature also reached Estonian cultural figures in the Estonian homeland. Thereat numerous sources allude to exceptionally more liberal conditions from 1955 to the start of 1958 compared to later times. In some cases, expatriate Estonians who had gained citizenship in foreign countries were even able to use this liberalisation of conditions in those years to achieve the release of their relatives from Estonia to the West.
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Malahovskis, Vladislavs. "HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CRIMINAL CASE’S NO. 31 MATERIALS DEALING WITH THE DESTRUCTION OF THE AUDRINI VILLAGE’S INHABITANTS BY NAZI GERMANY’S OCCUPATION POWER". Administrative and Criminal Justice 1, nr 86 (31.03.2019): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/acj.v1i86.4018.
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Audrini has been an administrative center in Rezekne region since 1990. Before the Second World War, Audrini was one of the villages in Makaseni rural municipality populated by old believers. The tragedy of Audrini is destruction of Audrini inhabitants by Nazi German occupation institutions (22.12.1941. – 01.04.1942). Escaped prisoners of Red Army were hidden in the village. The Nazis burnt down village buildings. In the Ancupanu hills, arrested inhabitants of the village were shot; 30 men – inhabitants of Audrini – were publicly shot at the Marketplace in Rezekne. The punishment action was done in accordance with the German Security Police Commander’s orders; in the action local collaborators – Rezekne and Malta police officers – participated. Criminal case No 31 was initiated on August 5th, 1964. In 1965, an open trial in Riga was held (11.10.1965.–10.30.1965), where six former German police officers were accused of Audrini people killing. Criminal case No.31 consists of 37 huge volumes. Basically, there are three kinds of documents: 1) protocols of witnesses’ testimonies; 2) Rezekne region police reports and correspondence with higher instances; 3) the documents related to criminal investigation process. The paper reveals the reasons for the initiation of the Audrini village’s criminal case, the content of the documents available in the criminal case. The reasons for destruction of Audrini inhabitants are stated as well as the revealing of Audrini tragedy in Soviet propaganda and arts after the completion of criminal proceedings.
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Grady, Tim. "British prisoners of war in First World War Germany". First World War Studies 10, nr 2-3 (2.09.2019): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1774123.
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MACKENZIE, S. P. "BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR IN NAZI GERMANY". Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 28, nr 109 (1.10.2003): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2003.17.
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Sribniak, Milana. "Ukrainian Diplomacy in the Process of Repatriating Ukrainian Prisoners of War from the Territories of Germany and Austro-Hungary (1918-1919)". Facta Simonidis 14, nr 1 (31.12.2021): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.23.
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Signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the Ukrainian People’s Republic (URP) triggered the process of repatriating Ukrainian prisoners of war from Ukrainian and multinational camps in Austro-Hungary and Germany. In order to facilitate the process, the Ukrainian government sent military and sanitary missions to those countries. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian prisoners’ mass repatriation in 1918 was seriously impeded by the fact that a considerable number of them worked at industrial plants in Germany and Austro-Hungary, and there was no one to replace them. In 1919, Ukrainian diplomats did not have much opportunity to effectively help the Ukrainian prisoners of war due to unfavorable international political conditions. Despite all the efforts of the military and sanitary missions sent to Germany and Austro-Hungary by the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the assistance given to the Ukrainian prisoners of war was limited and did not meet the government’s expectations. The mass repatriation of the Ukrainian POWs was further complicated by the UPR’s insufficient financial resources, which forced the government to withdraw all of its military and sanitary missions in 1920.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Prisoners of war – Germany – Correspondence"
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Wilkinson, Oliver. "Challenging captivity : British prisoners of war in Germany during the First World War". Thesis, Lancaster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616571.
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This thesis investigates the experience of British servicemen captured by the Germans during the First World War. It draws on a range of primary sources including reports on the POW camps together with debrief statements, diaries, letters, magazines and testimony produced by British POWs. It also applies theoretical concepts offered by Erving Goffman, Michel Foucault, Anthony Giddens and Michel de Certeau as interpretive frameworks. The research is presented in two parts. The first explores the physical and psychological challenges that confronted the captured. It assesses the differences between Officer camps, Other Rank camps and working camps, considering the regulations governing each and the challenges - and opportunities for re-empowerment - each presented. The second section analyses the ways in which POWs responded, revealing a broad range of coping strategies as well as techniques adopted by certain categories of prisoners in response to specific challenges. By examining the POW experience the thesis makes an original and significant contribution to the history of the First World War. It places the POW experience in the context of masculinities in wartime, revealing how these were challenged and how they could be preserved. In addition, it links the prisoners' experiences to their precaptive military and civilian lives, exploring the uniqueness of the challenges they faced and the learnt adaptive strategies they possessed to respond. It also considers how prisoners physically and psychologically reconnected with their home worlds despite the dislocation caused by capture. In sum the thesis offers a new interpretation of captivity which moves away from escape views, conditioned by post-Second World War representations which have crystallised in the popular imagination. Its findings also offer broad insights into how power, authority and identity might function in other enclosed social institutions and in society generally.
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Wienand, C. A. "Performing memory : returned German Prisoners of War in divided and reunited Germany". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/19576/.
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The thesis explores the history of returned German Prisoners of War in post-war Germany from the mid-1950s to the present. This history is examined as a history of memory, applying a comparative perspective to Germany during and after its division. At its core lies the question of how the experiences of war captivity were transformed into various types of private and public as well as individual and collective memories. The time-frame allows for an analysis of the long-term evolution of these memory formations throughout the post-war decades and after the transition from divided to reunited Germany. By conceiving memory as a social act of communication, the thesis argues that memory is manifest in complex memory formations in which various levels and layers of memory intersect. It analyses the construction and development of these memory formations in four chapters, each representing a specific communicative framework: (a) representations of returnees in the mass media; (b) political debates about financial compensation for returnees; (c) constructions of transformation narratives in autobiographical writings and oral history interviews; and (d) institutionalised and non-institutionalised memory projects by individual returnees. In comparing memory constructions in accordance with the different post-war political frameworks, this project examines the relationship between political ideology and memory constructions on both the public and the private level. The thesis argues that the memory formations were shaped by the interplay of political, social, and personal interests of various collective and individual memory agents involved in the construction of memory. These memory agents comprised the heterogeneous group of returnees themselves, their family members and friends, the mass media, political agents, and veterans’ associations. These determining factors resulted in characteristic asymmetries which have shaped the history of returnees as a history of memory.
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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "The German Armed Forces Supreme Command and British and American prisoners-of-war, 1939-1945 : policy and practice". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64687.pdf.
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Vick, Alison Marie. "A Catalyst for the Development of Human Rights: German Internment Practices in the First World War,1914-1929". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/23242.
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This thesis is a transnational study of the military actions and responses related to prisoners of war in World War I. Building on the works human rights scholars, I explore the how the collective rights afforded to prisoners of war under the 1906 Geneva Convention and 1907 Hague Convention served as a precursor to the concept of human rights that emerged after World War II. I argue that German military treated prisoners of war according to national interest, rather than international law. Specifically, I explore how the concepts of "military necessity" and "reciprocity" drove German internment practices, and how German internment practices escalated in violence during the last two years of the war. The violent practices committed by the Germans against prisoners of war produced an international demand to hold the perpetrators of wartime atrocities accountable for their actions in the postwar period.Master of Arts
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Feltman, Brian K. "The Culture of Captivity: German Prisoners, British Captors, and Manhood in the Great War, 1914-1920". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274323994.
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Watt, Mary R. "The 'stunned' and the 'stymied' : The P.O.W. experience in the history of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion, 1939-1945". Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1996. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/966.
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Stimulated by a pronouncement of Joan Beaumont that prisoners of war are a neglected subject of historical inquiry this thesis undertakes an empirical and analytical study concerning this topic. Within the context of the prisoner of war experience in the history of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion during the Second World War, it puts a case for including non-operational strands of warfare in the body of Australian official military history. To facilitate this contention the study attempts to show the reasons for which historians might study the scope and range of the prisoner of war experience. Apart from describing the context and aims of the study, the paper utilizes Abraham Maslow's theory of a hierarchy of needs to highlight the plight of prisoners of war. Amongst the issues explored are themes of capture, incarceration and recovery. Suggestions are made to extend the base of volunteer soldiers curriculum in favour of a greater understanding of the prisoner of war and an awareness that rank has its privileges. In addition to the Official Records from the Australian War Memorial, evidence for the study has been drawn mainly from the archive of the 2/11th Infantry Battalion, Army Museum of Western Australia, catalogued by the writer as a graduate student, December 1992, and military literature that were readily available in Perth. At every opportunity the men are allowed to speak for themselves thus numerous and often lengthy quotations are included.
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Regan, Patrick Michael Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Neglected Australians : prisoners of war from the Western Front, 1916-1918". Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38686.
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About 3850 men of the First Australian Imperial Force were captured on the Western Front in France and Belgium between April 1916 and November 1918. They were mentioned only briefly in the volumes of the Official Histories, and have been overlooked in many subsequent works on Australia and the First World War. Material in the Australian War Memorial has been used to address aspects of the experiences of these neglected men, in particular the Statements that some of them completed after their release This thesis will investigate how their experiences ran counter to the narratives of CEW Bean and others, and seeks to give them their place in Australia???s Twentieth Century experience of war.
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Théofilakis, Fabien. "Les prisonniers de guerre allemands en mains françaises (1944-1949) : captivité en France, rapatriement en Allemagne". Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100184/document.
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Entre fin 1944 et fin 1948, près d’un million de prisonniers de guerre allemands a été détenu en France métropolitaine par les nouvelles autorités. Figure honnie de l’occupation allemande et de la défaite nazie, ces soldats de Hitler désormais vaincus deviennent un enjeu majeur de la sortie de guerre, ou plutôt des sorties de guerre, tant les temporalités et les modalités diffèrent, parfois divergent selon les nombreux acteurs. Les autorités du GPRF sont tout de suite confrontées à un gigantesque défi logistique : prendre en charge une masse de prisonniers, alors que la France de la Libération peine à subvenir aux besoins de sa propre population. Or ces prisonniers sont avant tout réclamés et gardés comme une main-d’œuvre pour la reconstruction de la France. De militaire, la captivité allemande en mains françaises devient économique et pose avec urgence le problème de l’entretien de cette force de travail. La sortie hors du camp offre certes des solutions, mais diffuse progressivement la gestion à l’ensemble de la société : employeurs, maires, mais aussi populations locales et opinions publiques entrent en contact avec cette nouvelle présence allemande. Et la « question PGA » de devenir une affaire de politique intérieure qui fait rejouer la diversité discordante des vécus de guerre : où se situe la limite entre le traitement économiquement rentable mais politiquement peu patriotique ? Qui doit être prioritaire dans l’affectation de la main-d’œuvre prisonnière ? Le travail de celle-là doit-il revenir à l’employeur ou bénéficier à l’ensemble de la nation ? Les réponses engagent une certaine idée de la Reconstruction. Cette question du traitement des PGA dépasse le cadre national pour devenir un enjeu des relations franco-américaines de l’après-guerre et de facto de la politique allemande des deux alliés au statut si inégal : 70% des prisonniers gérés par les Français ont été cédés par les Américains qui entendent conserver leur responsabilité de puissance détentrice. Avec la fin du conflit, puis le début de la guerre froide, qui bouleverse les priorités américaines, la gestion des PGA à l’échelle internationale permet d’observer comme le bilatéralisme transatlantique est progressivement intégré dans le cadre européen qui lui impose son calendrier. Comment les Français entendent-ils ainsi répondre aux demandes de libération à partir de 1946 sans contrarier le plan Monnet ?Between the end of 1944 and the end of 1948, almost one million German prisoners of war were detained in metropolitan France by the new authorities. As hated figures of the German occupation and the Nazi defeat, Hitler’s soldiers, henceforth vanquished, became a main issue of how to get out of the war, which involved a large number of actors. The authorities of the provisional government of the French republic were immediately confronted with a huge logistical challenge: to take care of a mass of prisoners, whereas France at the time of Liberation already had some difficulties to provide for its own population. Whereas German prisoners had been claimed and kept above all as labor to rebuild France. From being military in nature, the German captivity in French hands became an economic phenomenon and posed the question of the maintenance of this labor force. Removing the prisoners from camps presented some solutions, but spread progressively the management to the whole society: employers, mayors, but also local populations and public opinions who came in contact with this new German presence. The “German POWs question” became an issue of domestic policy, which made the conflicting diversity of war experiences resonate: Where is the line between the economically profitable treatment, but politically not so patriotic? Who must have priority in the allocation of POW labor? Must the work of this latter be due to the employer or to benefit the whole nation? Answers to these problems defined a certain idea of the reconstruction. This question of the treatment of POWs exceeds the national framework to become an issue of the Franco-American relationships in the after-war period and, de facto, of German policy - decided by two allies with such unequal status: 70% of the prisoners managed by the French had been transferred by the Americans who wanted to keep the responsibility as the detaining power. With the end of the conflict, then the beginning of the Cold War, which changed American priorities, the management of the German POWs at the international scale gives the opportunity to observe how the transatlantic bilateralism was progressively integrated into the European framework which set its own agenda. How could the French authorities meet the claims for liberation from 1946 without thwarting the Monnet plan?
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Junková, Veronika. "Vězeňská zkušenost (1914-1918)". Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357881.
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The diploma thesis The Prison Experience (1914-1918). Cyril Dušek's correspondence from prison deals with the correspondence which theoretically and metodically considers to be a historical source and a mean of communication between prisoners and their families. It focuses on the political prisoner's correspondence during the World War I. Correspondence from prison was the only way to connect prisoners with their friends and families, thus it is very significant in research. It provides an interesting insight into the everyday life in prison, further it reveals the various individual perception manners and development of human thinking in the tense situations. The main aim of the thesis is to analyze a prison correspondence of Cyril Dušek (1881-1924) who was a responsible redactor of the magazine Čas and a member of the resistance movement, further to present its importance in the context of the other preserved correspondence, the censorship aspects of correspondence from prison and also to desribe the everyday life of the political prisoners.
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Bonosi, Lorenzo. ""Hilde Domin e la scrittura dell’impegno - Gesellschaftskritik e questioni letterarie nei carteggi con Heinrich Böll, Günter Eich ed Erich Fried"". Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11562/994145.
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Jewish-born Hilde Domin (1909-2006) returned to Germany in 1961 after more than twenty-three years of exile, spent in Italy, the UK, and the Dominican Republic. Ever since her first activities as a translator, poet and novelist, Domin criticized post-war Germany severely. Nevertheless, contrary to other exiled jewish-origin writers, Domin – who was defined as the 'Poetess of the return' by H.G. Gadamer – always proved to be ready to overcome and forgive, provided a systematic come-to-terms would take place in the newly-born Federal Republic of Germany. Despite Domin and G. Eich were discussing the most urgent political issues of their time (eg. the role of the new left, the Middl East Issue, the German “Süsterhenn law” (for putting artistic liberty under the control of a moral law), they had a thoroughly different idea of poetry and engagement. Whereas Domin would openly take sides, Eich’s lyric (including the Maulwürfe (1968)) never openly addressed a given, definite subject. It is no surprise thus that Eich always refused to interpret his own poems for the Domin-edited anthology Doppelinterpretationen (1965). The analysis of the discussion and the lyric work by Domin an Eich gives insight into the possible and actual role of poetry in contemporary society. Also with H. Böll Domin debated relevant political issues of the time, but without any focus on the literary work as such. Domin was very critical towards the establishment of post-war (Western) Germany, mostly as Böll was, but, again, she expected him to explicitly take the field. The different idea of the writer vis-à-vis of society and politics becomes well evident with an open letter Domin wrote to Böll in 1971, to which he replied severely, stating that he wanted not to have any public image, nor to be one, and that Germany needed no preceptors. Thus, the major difference between Domin and Böll was their view of the intellectual’s role in society. Contrary to Domin, Austrian exiled and London-based poet E. Fried was programmatically writing – according to Domin – political poems. Their different view, both of technical literary issues, and of the political content becomes evident in the discussion about Fried’s poems to be included in Domin’s lyric anthology Nachkrieg und Unfrieden (1970), in which they discuss many literature topics, including poems by Paul Celan meant for the anthology. The correspondence deals with the so-called Roma-Affäre, an episode of racism against the Roma-community, the Middle-East Issue and the related German and Western positions, the Vietnam war, clearyfying for instance the difference between poetry as such and the political poem. The study highlights Hilde Domin’s relevant contribution to the discourse of memory in post-war Western Germany.
Książki na temat "Prisoners of war – Germany – Correspondence"
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Parsons, Martin L. Friendly foe: The letters of Leo Schnitter, a German POW in England. Peterborough, Cambs: DSM, 2000.
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Michael, Luick-Thrams, red. Signs of life =: Lebenszeichen : the correspondence of German POWs at Camp Algona, Iowa 1943-46. [Iowa?]: TRACES, 2002.
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Kowalewski, Konstanty. Kriegsgefangenenpost: Listy do matki. Wyd. 2. Szczecin: K. Kowalewski, 2001.
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1928-, Bleistein Roman, red. Kassiber: Aus der Haftanstalt Berlin-Tegel. Frankfurt am Main: J. Knecht, 1987.
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Calliari, Tullio. Quando finirà la nostra schiavitù?: Lettere dal lager, 1943-1945. Trento: Il margine, 2013.
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Tibaldi, Italo. Compagni di viaggio: Dall'Italia ai lager nazisti : i trasporti dei deportati, 1943-1945. Milano: F. Angeli, 1994.
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Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. Letters and papers from prison. London: SCM Press, 1985.
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Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. Widerstand und Ergebung: Briefe und Aufzeichnungen aus der Haft. Gütersloh: Chr. Kaiser, 1998.
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Posti, Orlando Orlandi. Roma '44: Le lettere dal carcere di via Tasso di un martire delle Fosse Ardeatine. Roma: Donzelli, 2004.
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Avagliano, Mario. Gli internati militari italiani: Diari e lettere dai lager nazisti, 1943-1945. Torino: Einaudi, 2009.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Prisoners of war – Germany – Correspondence"
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Rothenhäusler, Gisela, i Reinhold Adler. "A Tale of Two Towns: Heritage and Memory of Civilian Internment in Baden-Württemberg, Germany, 1942–2012". W Prisoners of War, 205–21. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-4166-3_12.
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Carr, Gilly. "“My Home Was the Area Around My Bed”: Experiencing and Negotiating Space in Civilian Internment Camps in Germany, 1942–1945". W Prisoners of War, 189–204. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-4166-3_11.
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Nagel, Jens. "Remembering Prisoners of War as Victims of National Socialist Persecution and Murder in Post-War Germany". W Memorialization in Germany since 1945, 134–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230248502_13.
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Hofstetter, Rita, i Bernard Schneuwly. "During the War, the IBE Prepares the Post-War Period". W The International Bureau of Education (1925-1968), 75–81. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41308-7_5.
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AbstractIn the midst of the cataclysm of war, the IBE continued its activities: although the Conferences were suspended between 1940 and 1945, the international surveys, the documentation work, the collection of information, the permanent exhibition and the educational correspondence with countries, even the belligerent ones, continued. Nevertheless, the IBE’s functioning and its priorities were profoundly restructured: its causes now had a humanitarian dimension, with the focus on people in captivity: it organised a Service of Intellectual Assistance to Prisoners of War.
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Franklin, Muriel. "Letters from Africa—North East and West, from Canada and from Prisoners of War in Germany". W Scrap Book of the Working Men's College in Two World Wars, 203–14. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003212676-32.
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Feltman, Brian K. "Prisoners of Peace". W The Stigma of Surrender, 136–64. University of North Carolina Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619934.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the postwar captivity experience of German soldiers and how delayed repatriation intensified their sense of emasculation by threatening their prospects for employment and underscoring the fact that surrender had severed their ties with the soldiers who returned home by December 1918. Prisoner correspondence after the Great War reveals a growing sense of abandonment and frustration with what appeared to be an endless conflict. In Germany, relief associations organized efforts to persuade the war's victors to commence repatriation, but the fragile German government was powerless to force the return of approximately 800,000 German prisoners from around the world. The rest of this chapter discusses the impact of the political and economic realities of the postwar era on the German government's approach to prisoner relief.
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Feltman, Brian K. "Separation". W The Stigma of Surrender, 73–105. University of North Carolina Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619934.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the psychological struggles of life in captivity and argues that prisoner correspondence reflected an acute desire to reestablish ties with former units and friends beyond the barbed wire. Feelings of detachment and uselessness burdened military prisoners who preferred duty on the western front to the consequences of being safely removed from it. Surrender brought a soldier's loyalty and manhood into question, but there was a sure path to redemption. The Great War's belligerents generally accepted that prisoners had a duty to attempt escape. The rest of this chapter discusses the value that German soldiers placed on escape attempts and suggests that while escapes never threatened to turn the tide of the war, the resulting security increases aggravated a camp system low on manpower reserves. It also considers escape attempts as a reflection of the prisoners' desire to resume an active role in Germany's collective struggle, thus helping to repair their damaged sense of manhood.
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"Letters from Captivity: The First World War Correspondence of the German Prisoners of War in the United Kingdom". W Finding Common Ground, 87–110. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004191860_006.
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Kitchen, Martin. "Foreign Workers and Prisoners of War". W Nazi Germany at War, 153–74. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315845357-7.
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Moore, Bob. "Defeat and Internment". W Prisoners of War, 60–89. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840398.003.0003.
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The defeat and incarceration of the bulk of the French Army after June 1940 justifies separate treatment on account of its sheer scale. Having taken some 1.8 million French servicemen as prisoners, the Germans removed around 1.5 million of them to Germany to augment the agricultural labour force inside the Reich where most remained for the duration of the war. Although the terms of the Geneva Convention were largely adhered to, the prisoners’ captivity was also influenced by the bilateral treaties between Pétain’s Vichy regime and Berlin. The Germans also engaged in some largely unsuccessful attempts to encourage the French prisoners to become civilians with the promise of better pay and conditions, and at the same time used them as bargaining counters with the Vichy authorities to extract much more useful civilian skilled industrial labour from France—the so-called Relève. With so many men held as hostages, the Vichy regime also saw the prisoners as an important domestic political issue and went to great lengths to offer protection to their wives and families. There were wartime repatriations and some escapes, but the majority of the officers and soldiers of 1940 remained in Germany until their liberation
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Prisoners of war – Germany – Correspondence"
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Birzniece, Māra. "Censorship and Self-Censorship in the Letters of Salaspils Camp Prisoners". W International scientific conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/ms22.02.
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The study of World War II correspondence is relevant to communication science; furthermore, it is an interdisciplinary topic that provides insight into the representation of places of incarceration and related aspects. By studying the letters of people imprisoned in the Salaspils camp, it is possible to establish the depiction of censorship and self-censorship of that time, as well as other categories (for example, relationships, communication, conditions, etc.) from the perspective of the authors of the correspondence. At present, it is possible to observe similarities with the censorship implemented in Russia and the methods of limiting information with the methods how censorship was achieved during World War II and the era of Nazi Germany. The state power strictly controls the information space and restricts freedom of speech. The aim of the work is to analyse the presence of censorship and self-censorship in the correspondence by prisoners of the Salaspils camp. The theoretical part of the paper consists of the study of interpersonal communication with an emphasis on the communication by letters, censorship and self-censorship in the totalitarian regime. The research results have been obtained using qualitative and quantitative content analysis. The censorship stamp appears in 24 of the 123 prisoners’ letters, revealing the presence of censorship and self-censorship. The letters employ the technique of self-censorship suppression and interpretation. In the letters with a stamp, self-censorship appears explicitly, substantiated by providing minimal negative information about the conditions and events in the camp. The letters, which do not have a censorship stamp, expressly contain negative information about the events in the Salaspils camp, such as mortality of children, blood sampling, deportations and interrogations. Comparing the correspondence that has been inspected with the correspondence that does not have a censorship stamp, it was concluded that such letters (without a stamp) were delivered to the addressee by unofficial means, for example, by taking these letters out of the camp territory and handing them over during working hours, making arrangements with the guards or other prisoners.