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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Prime Minister – Great Britain Diaries"

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Uchaev, Anton N., Elena I. Demidova i Natalia A. Uchaeva. "The Prime Minister of Canada William Lyon Mackenzie King’s Perception of the USSR during World War II: 1939–45". Herald of an archivist, nr 2 (2021): 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-593-602.

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The article analyzes the specificity of the Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King’s attitude to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The study analyzes the frequency of the Prime Minister referencing the USSR in his diary from September 1, 1939 to September 2, 1945, as well as his reaction to a number of the most significant events of the Second World War associated with the Soviet Union: the German attack on the USSR, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Canada, the battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, the victory over Germany. In the course of work, both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special methods (historical-chronological and content analysis) have been used to study the materials of the diary. The use of the historical-chronological method is due to the need to correlate information from the diary with the overall historical picture of the studied period, and the use of content analysis helps to create a more reliable picture of Canadian Prime Minister’s perception of the Soviet participation in World War II. The article has made allowances for the fact that Mackenzie King sought to create his own positive image in his diaries, planning their posthumous publication. But, since the USSR was not a key topic for the Prime Minister (as evidenced by keywords statistics), it can be stated that the leader of the Canadian liberals was quite frank, at least as frank as a person who, in his lifetime, was known as an extremely cautious politician could be. It is clear, that King was well aware of the significance of the events on the Eastern Front. But throughout the war he retained both a negatively neutral attitude towards the USSR (due to its communist nature) and his perception of the Soviet Union as part of Asia and thus a step below the Anglo-Saxon world, which had a higher level of culture and moral principles. The objective reality, i.e. absence of hostilities in Canada, its maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States, and priority of economic and domestic policy for King, explains that a lesser part of his attention was paid to the events in the USSR in comparison with processes associated with England and the United States.
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Poretskova, E. A. "Great Britain and the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (1992)". Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, nr 2 (2012): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-101-103.

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The article describes the ratification of Maastricht treaty on European Union by British parliament. Particular attention is paid to the role of Prime Minister John Major in the framing of a treaty and its acceptance in the context of escalated intraparty and interparty relations.
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Loury, Glenn C. "The Black Man Who One Day May Become Prime Minister of Great Britain". Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, nr 43 (2004): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4133540.

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Nadeau, Richard, Richard G. Niemi i Timothy Amato. "Prospective and Comparative or Retrospective and Individual? Party Leaders and Party Support in Great Britain". British Journal of Political Science 26, nr 2 (kwiecień 1996): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000442.

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We argue that voters' assessments of party leaders are comparative and prospective rather than individual and retrospective. Therefore, a prospective leadership-comparison evaluation should outperform a leader-approval, retrospective indicator as a determinant of government and party popularity. Using data from 1984–92, a popularity function that includes a variety of economic and political components, and several dependent variables, we test this hypothesis by comparing the performance of a ‘best prime minister’ question and the more usual ‘approval’ questions about party leaders. We find that the former gives consistently better results than the latter.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s". Kyiv Historical Studies 12, nr 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.

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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War". Balcanica, nr 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.

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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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Oats, Lynne, i Pauline Sadler. "POLITICAL SUPPRESSION OR REVENUE RAISING? TAXING NEWSPAPERS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WAR". Accounting Historians Journal 31, nr 1 (1.06.2004): 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.1.93.

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In 1797 the Prime Minister of Great Britain announced a substantial increase in the stamp duty on newspapers. This increase, and indeed the tax itself, has been variously represented as an attack on press freedom and an act of suppression of the working classes. This paper reconsiders these representations by reference to primary sources and concludes that the increases in stamp duty were part of a revenue raising exercise in which taxes on a number of luxury items were increased, including newspapers which were not at the time viewed as being necessities.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP". European Historical Studies, nr 24 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.

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The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
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Kolmakov, M. A. "BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, nr 02 (30.06.2023): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.

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Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state structure, which consisted in strengthening the power of the Whig group through a system of political control over the opposition in parliament and the ministry. The main goal of Walpole's domestic policy was to have MPs and ministers work in the interests of the Hanoverian dynasty, thereby distributing finances among their opponents in the Whig faction. In such realities, the political power of the opposition gradually decreased, and Walpole's influence over the king, parliament and ministries gradually increased. As a result, Walpole kept Parliament and the ministry on his side by supporting the Hanoverian dynasty, including through the introduction of low export duties and a reduction in the public debt. The activity of Robert Walpole was a reflection of the domestic policy of Great Britain in the 20s of the XVIII century, which showed the trends and moods that existed in the country.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe i Olga Shumilo. "Margaret Thatcher and the EU". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, nr 11-2 (1.11.2020): 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.

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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Prime Minister – Great Britain Diaries"

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Dyson, Stephen Benedict. "Prime minister and core executive in British foreign policy process, outcome and quality of decision /". Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2004/s%5Fdyson%5F112304.pdf.

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LaCoco, Kimberly Paz D. G. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's decision to go to war in Iraq an evaluation of motivating factors /". [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9842.

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LaCoco, Kimberly. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq: An Evaluation of Motivating Factors". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9842/.

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Blair sent British troops to join U.S. forces in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 at great political cost to himself. What motivated him to take this step? Sources for this work include: autobiographies and biographies of individuals close to Blair; journal and newspaper articles and monographs on this topic; Prime Minister's speeches and press conferences. Part one is comprised of five chapters including the Introduction; Blair's years at school; Blair's early political career; and From Parliament to Prime Minister. Part two includes four chapters that analyze motivating factors such as, Anglo-American Relations; Blair's personality, faith, and his relationship with Gordon Brown; and finally, Blair's perception of Britain's Manifest Destiny. All of these factors played a role in Blair's decision.
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Depelteau-Paquette, Marie. "Le pouvoir du premier ministre dans la nomination du haut personnel de l’État au Canada : vers un processus plus transparent et moins discrétionnaire, comme en Grande-Bretagne ?" Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7119.

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Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint.
This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.
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Książki na temat "Prime Minister – Great Britain Diaries"

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Gladstone, W. E. The Diaries of William Gladstone. Charlottesville, Va: InteLex Corporation, 2002.

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E, Gladstone W. The Gladstone diaries: Withcabinet minutes and prime-ministerial correspondence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.

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E, Gladstone W. The Gladstone diaries: With cabinet minutes and prime-ministerial correspondence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.

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E, Gladstone W. The Gladstone diaries: With Cabinet minutes and prime-ministerial correspondence. Oxford: Clarendon, 1986.

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E, Gladstone W. The Gladstone diaries: With cabinet minutes and prime-ministerial correspondence. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.

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Donoughue, Bernard. Downing Street diary: With Harold Wilson in No. 10. London: Jonathan Cape, 2005.

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Seatrobe, J. B. Oh, Prime Minister! London: Robson Books, 1999.

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1934-, King Anthony, red. The British Prime Minister. Wyd. 2. London: Macmillan, 1985.

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Stephen, King Anthony, red. The British Prime Minister. Wyd. 2. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1985.

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Rentoul, John. Tony Blair: Prime Minister. London: Time/Warner Paperbacks, 2001.

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Części książek na temat "Prime Minister – Great Britain Diaries"

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Renwick, Robin. "‘The Prime Minister of Great Britain has nothing to hide from the President of the United States’". W Fighting with Allies, 43–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379824_6.

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"Proclamation Defining Terms for Japanese Surrender, July 26, 1945". W Documents On The Tokyo International Military Tribunal, redaktorzy Neil Boister i Robert Cryer, 1–2. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199541928.003.0001.

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Abstract We-B e President of the United States, the President of (1) the National Government of the Republic of China, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing the hundreds of millions of our countrymen, have conferred and agree that Japan shall be given an opportunity to end this war.
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Fletcher, Winston. "1951: Watershed Year". W Powers of Persuasion, 7–9. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199228010.003.0002.

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Abstract 1951 was a watershed year for Britain, and for British advertising. It was the year which marked the beginning of the transition from the trough of the Second World War, and post-war restrictions and privations, to the sunny uplands of economic affluence. Prime Minister Attlee ’s Labour government had always intended the year to be a watershed. On 3 May 1951, a century after the Victorians ‘ Great Exhibition of 1851, large crowds congregated on the South Bank of the Thames to see the King and Queen open the Festival of Britain, which was designed to celebrate British post-war achievements—to advertise to the world that Britain had said goodbye to austerity and shabbiness, and was well on the way to recovery and prosperity. Deputy Prime Minister Herbert Morrison called the Festival ‘the people giving themselves a pat on the back ’.
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Wright, Patrick, i Andrzej Krauze. "Introduction: Everyday Life, Nostalgia and the National Past". W On Living in an Old Country, 1–27. Oxford University PressOxford, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199541959.003.0001.

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Abstract 1979 is well remembered as the year in which Margaret Thatcher became Prime Minister of Great Britain. But 1979 was also the year of a far lesser return to the old nation, for one day that summer I made my own somewhat uncertain way through the arrival hall at Heathrow having spent some five years living in North America, mostly in Vancouver.
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Chitadze, Nika, i Vinay Kumar. "The Trilateral Security Pact Between Australia, the UK, and the United States and Its Geopolitical Impact on the Indo-Pacific Region". W Global Geopolitical Impacts and Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, 38–60. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-1690-0.ch002.

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AUKUS (Australia, United Kingdom, United States) is a trilateral defense treaty concluded between Australia, Great Britain, and the United States. As part of the emergency security pact announced by US President Joe Biden, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, the US and UK will reportedly provide Australia with the technology and capability to host nuclear submarines that could be deployed in the Indo-Pacific region. It is being used to prevent China's growing influence in the region. The agreement will allow Australia to use American technology to build nuclear submarines for the first time in its history. As a result, Australia will become the seventh country—after the US, UK, France, China, India, and Russia—to operate nuclear submarines.
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Brummer, Alex. "Governance". W The Great British Reboot, 220–54. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300243499.003.0008.

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This chapter discusses the noise and parliamentary divisions that were not silenced until the general election held on 12 December 2019, which swept Prime Minister Boris Johnson back into office. It cites the dissonance that remained suppressed as the nation confronted coronavirus, lockdown, and the economic slump from 23 March 2020. It also mentions new Labour leader, Sir Keir Starmer, who was keen to make his mark by bringing lawyerly, forensic questioning to politics. The chapter points out the rate of Britain in international league tables as one of the best-run, most-respected, and least-corrupt countries among the advanced nations, which is a verdict of almost every independent assessment. It notes the conduct of the Brexit debate, the mercurial behaviour of the nation's elected politicians and the condemnation by leading policymakers that suggest a nation that had lost faith in its institutional structures.
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Macdonnell, Francis. "“Perfidious Albion”". W Insidious Foes, 91–105. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092684.003.0006.

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Abstract Winston Churchill replaced Neville Chamberlain as the Prime Minister of Great Britain on May 10, 1940. The Churchill government initiated a new intimacy in Anglo-American relations. From the beginning of his tenure in office, Churchill pursued policies aimed at fully involving the United States in the war effort against Hitler. In 1940 and 1941 the United States and Great Britain jointly undertook a series of dramatic steps which served to draw the two English-speaking powers together: these steps included the destroyers for bases deal (August 1940), the Lend-Lease bill (March 1941), and the drafting of the Atlantic Charter (August 1941).
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Auerswald, David P., i Stephen M. Saideman. "Does Membership Matter?" W NATO in Afghanistan. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0007.

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This chapter looks at two countries, Australia and New Zealand, that are partners with but not members of NATO. Australia and New Zealand have British-style political institutions, with the key decisions made by the prime minister and his or her minister of defense. The chapter then assesses whether membership in NATO makes a difference. It argues that non-membership can actually be a shield that countries use to deflect harder choices and more responsibilities. Otherwise, the domestic dynamics work like they do in Great Britain or Canada, demonstrating that the military constraints imposed by nations are driven far more by domestic politics than by NATO institutions.
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Tyler, Amanda L. "8. World War II and the demise of the Great Writ". W Habeas Corpus: A Very Short Introduction, 72–91. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190918989.003.0009.

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This chapter explores the role of habeas corpus during World War II in the US and Great Britain. On the American side, the chapter details how suspension ruled in the Hawaiian Territory but the mass incarceration of Japanese Americans on the mainland followed in the absence of a suspension under Executive Order 9066. As the chapter details, this happened even though lawyers counselled President Franklin D. Roosevelt that doing so would violate the Suspension Clause. The chapter continues by contrasting the experience in Britain, where Prime Minister Winston Churchill led the push to retreat from its citizen detention program under Regulation 18B and restore a robust habeas privilege. The chapter also compares habeas decisions rendered by the high courts in both countries while asking larger questions about what can be learned from these events.
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Winter, Jay. "The Road from Paris". W The Day the Great War Ended, 24 July 1923, 153—C6.P125. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192870735.003.0007.

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Abstract The Entente Cordiale between France and Britain broke down long before the delegates arrived at Lausanne. The difference between Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Poincaré and Curzon was over whether France believed that her agreement of 1914 to act in lockstep with Britain in achieving peace was still in effect. The French answer was no; after 1918, each went her own way. This meant that Britain would not have French backing for a strong anti-Turkish front at the peace conference. France was not going to go to war, no matter what happened at Lausanne or in Anatolia. The price for this parting of the ways was British indifference to French pleas for support over her occupation of the Ruhr in January 1923, when the conference was in session. This chapter charts French disengagement from hostilities in Anatolia, and her preparation for what may be termed not dollar diplomacy but the diplomacy of investment by French companies and banks.
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