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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Presidents, united states, election, 1920"
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Raj, Kirath. "The Presidents' Mental Health". American Journal of Law & Medicine 31, nr 4 (grudzień 2005): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880503100405.
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Calvin Coolidge had a successful run in politics for over twenty years before ultimately becoming president of the United States in 1923. Throughout Coolidge's first term as president, he worked long, hard hours, was active in Congress, and maintained a strong relationship with the media. This changed, however, during the second term of his presidency. Less than a month after his second-term election, Coolidge's son died of blood poisoning. This traumatic event caused the President to enter into a deep depression. In his autobiography, Coolidge admitted that when his son died, the power and glory of the presidency went with him. His grief, which has since been coined pathological grief, had an effect on the President's mind, body and spirit. President Coolidge lost interest in his job and began sleeping fourteen hours a day, ultimately earning a reputation as one of the most ineffectual presidents ever to hold office. His depression rendered him incapable of making decisions, and as a result most of his duties were delegated to members of his Cabinet. Though the White House knew for four years that Coolidge's depression rendered him incompetent, he remained in office until the end of his second term.
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TRAVKINA, Natalia. "Presidential Campaign 2020 in the United States: Factors of Growing Uncertainty". Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, nr 3 (23) (2020): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-3-32-51.
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The article analyzes the prospects for the 2020 presidential campaign after primary elections, which ended with the victory of incumbent President D. Trump in the Republican Party and former Vice-President J. Biden in the Democratic Party. A powerful external factor influencing the usual course of the presidential race has been the COVID-19 pandemic that hit the United States, which is the main element of the growing uncertainty about the possible outcome of the presidential election. An important consequence of the coronavirus pandemic was the gradual slide of the American economy into crisis as early as in the first quarter of this year. Economic turmoil in a year of presidential elections has been one of the most reliable indicators for upcoming change in the White House at least since 1920.
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Rulli, Daniel. "Campaigning In 1928". Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 31, nr 1 (1.04.2006): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.31.1.42-46.
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While the military and political accomplishments of World War I were clearly limited, the war, nonetheless, established a foundation for unparalleled economic growth in the United States during the 1920s. A significant consumer economy grew as many Americans worked fewer hours, earned higher salaries, invested in the stock market, and bought everything from washing machines to Model T Fords. This culture of consumerism in the 1920s changed the politics of American society and set the tone for American attitudes about economic political issues for decades to come. In the early 1920s, President Warren G. Harding's policies were generally conservative, especially regarding taxes, tariffs, immigration restriction, labor rights, and business regulation. Continuing Republican policies, President Calvin Coolidge included federal tax cuts and high tariffs. The expansive economy of the 1920s was fueled by the use of factory machine manufacturing and standardized mass production. The economic boom also resulted from the effects of World War I on technology, scientific management, the rapid increase in worker productivity, the psychology of mass consumption (with installment credit) behind the purchase of radios, motion picture tickets, electric appliances, and automobiles. Certainly, federal policies that supported big business with high tariffs, cutbacks in the authority of the Federal Trade Commission to regulate unfair trade practices, and the reduction of corporate and personal income taxes contributed to the boom as well. It was with this backdrop that Herbert Hoover and Al Smith squared off in the election of 1928. Hoover was born in Iowa and orphaned as a child. He began a career as a mining engineer soon after graduating from Stanford University in 1895. Within twenty years he had used his engineering knowledge and business skills to make a fortune as an independent mining consultant. In 1914, Hoover administered the American Relief Committee and during World War I he headed the Commission for Relief in Belgium and the U.S. Food Administration and was chairman of the Interallied Food Council. After the war he directed the American Relief Administration. Then Assistant Secretary of the Navy Franklin D. Roosevelt said of Hoover in 1920, "He is certainly a wonder and I wish we could make him President of the United States. There could be no better one." In 1919 Hoover founded the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace at Stanford University. As Secretary of Commerce in the Harding and Coolidge administrations from 1921 to 1929, Hoover was widely celebrated for his leadership. The man who had fed Belgium, had run the U.S. Food Administration, revolutionized the Department of Commerce, and ministered to victims of the 1927 Mississippi flood appeared the ideal candidate in 1928. Hoover seemed more practical than Woodrow Wilson, glowed with respectability compared to the Harding administration, was easily more inspired than Coolidge, and was generally considered more "purely American" than his Democratic opponent, New York Governor Alfred E. Smith.
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Mubdir ABDULKAREEM, Maher, i Ali Ibrahim IDAN. "THE FIRST LADY AND HER POLITICAL EFFECT ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (HISTORICAL STUDY)". RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, nr 04 (1.07.2023): 331–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.24.20.
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The Americans adopted the title of First Lady for the wife of the President of the United States of America, and the president’s wife bore several titles until it crystallized and became known by this name, as Washington bore the title of Lady Washington in 1789, and she is the wife of President George Washington, the first president of the United States of America, The institutionalization of the first lady's office began within the executive branch of the White House when she appointed Mrs. Edith Roosevelt (1901-1909) as a social secretary to assist her in dealing with her official correspondence, and in organizing social affairs in the White House, thus becoming the first first lady to employ a private secretary With it, he receives a salary, and Edith Roosevelt worked to expand the eastern wing of the White House building to receive guests. In 1920, women were given the right to vote in the American elections according to the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution, so that Florence Harding would be the first woman to vote for her husband for the presidency of the United States of America, and she played an influential role in the intervention to choose members of the Cabinet, especially the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Treasury. The first lady's political thought evolved until she set her sights on the American presidency to lead the United States of America herself, and for the first time in American history Hillary Clinton revealed this when she ran for the US presidency on behalf of the Democratic Party in 2016, but lost it to Republican candidate Donald Trum
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Kerry, Happiness P. "Electoral fraud and democratic election: a comparison of Nigeria 2019 elections and United States 2020 elections". Journal of Global Social Sciences 2, nr 7 (1.09.2021): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v2i7.27.
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The 2020 elections in the United States’ 2020 elections were full of controversies despite recording the highest voters turnout since 1900. These electoral disputes are due to claims made by the then President, Donald Trump. Though the supreme court dismissed the claims of electoral fraud, the impact has left the American citizens more polarised at the national, state, and congressional levels. Scholars have argued that electoral fraud has existed since modern democratic development in the mid and late 19th century and is still occasionally an issue in some well-established democracies, while other scholars are not in support of such claims. Compared to the 2019 elections conducted in Nigeria, reports of electoral frauds have been on the front burner right from 1999. Its impact had made citizens have voters apathy and no trust in the democratic system in Nigeria. This paper used the qualitative research method to analyse the United States 2020 election cases of electoral fraud in an advanced democracy and diagnosed Nigeria’s 2019 and the United States 2020 elections. First, the study looked at the issues and challenges that have affected elections in both countries. Second, the paper used Game theory and the Conspiracy theory to assess the impact of a more proximate determinant of Election Day fraud; it examines Nigeria’s strategic efforts to combat electoral fraud using card reader technology. Finally, the paper concluded that there is no basis for comparison regarding elections in Nigeria and United States despite the hitches observed by the world in the United States elections. Electoral fraud will be inevitable regardless of how democratic a country claims to be if certain democratic tenets are not in place.
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Adrangi, Bahram, i Joseph Macri. "Does the Misery Index Influence a U.S. President’s Political Re-Election Prospects?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 12, nr 1 (1.02.2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm12010022.
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We seek to determine whether a United States President’s job approval rating is influenced by the Misery Index. This hypothesis is examined in two ways. First, we employ a nonlinear model that includes several macroeconomic variables: the current account deficit, exchange rate, unemployment, inflation, and mortgage rates. Second, we employ probit and logit regression models to calculate the probabilities of U.S. Presidents’ approval ratings to the Misery Index. The results suggest that Layton’s model does not perform well when adopted for the United States. Conversely, the probit and logit regression analysis suggests that the Misery Index significantly impacts the probability of the approval of U.S. Presidents’ performances.
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Sell, Friedrich L., i Jürgen Stiefl. "Missing the Popular Vote: Pitfalls in US Democracy and Reform Proposals". Intereconomics 56, nr 4 (lipiec 2021): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-0985-6.
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AbstractOnly a few years ago, it was a widespread belief that globalisation would trigger processes of democratisation worldwide. However, even old and established democracies such as the United States have recently revealed serious weaknesses. This article shows that the US election system is heavily distorted and recommends profound and transparent Electoral College reforms in the election of US presidents. Furthermore, the article highlights the implications the challenges facing American democracy have for Europe.
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Losev, K. V., i V. V. Mikhailov. "SOVIET-CHILEAN ECONOMIC RELATIONS AND GEOPOLITICAL INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE IN THE LATE 1960S — EARLY 1970S". Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), nr 4 (2022): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-4-68-79.
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The article is devoted to the study of the influence of economic and geopolitical considerations on US policy in Chile during the 1970 presidential election and on the decision of The Nixon administration to overthrow the legitimately elected President S. Allende through a military putsch. It is shown that neither Chile’s political nor economic ties with the Soviet Union were the main Reasons for this decision. The main reasons for the active US invasion of internal Chilean political life were fears in the American establishment about the fate of the revenues of American campaigns from mining in Chile, as well as geopolitical considerations for which the overthrow of the democratic regime in Chile could be a response to the Soviet Union for supporting the Communist regime in Cuba
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Goethals, George R. "Almost “Nothing New Under the Sun”: American politics and the election of Donald Trump". Leadership 13, nr 4 (7.08.2017): 413–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715017724533.
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Donald Trump’s surprising 2016 election as President of the United States was unusual both in the set of states he won and in clearly winning the electoral vote while decisively losing the popular vote. His victory is somewhat less surprising given recent Republican domination of American politics, a context which provides Trump both leadership opportunities and constraints. A large factor in Trump’s rise is the leader–follower dynamics of crowds, seen throughout time, which enabled him to win an uncritical and devoted following. An important part of that dynamic was Trump’s validation of the social identity of the white working class in the United States, especially in comparison to Hillary Clinton’s both implicit and explicit denigration of that base of Trump support. Trump’s identity story for his base is unusually exclusive, highlighted by ingroup vs. outgroup hostility. His appeal is compared to inclusive identity stories successfully related by other US presidents, which suggest how future leaders might effectively touch “the better angels of our nature.”
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Shugart, Matthew Soberg. "The Electoral Cycle and Institutional Sources of Divided Presidential Government". American Political Science Review 89, nr 2 (czerwiec 1995): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082428.
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Presidents often lack legislative majorities, but situations of opposition-party majorities (“divided government”) are much less common outside the United States. The president's party's share of seats tends to increase in early-term elections but decline in later elections. Thus opposition majorities often result after midterm elections. Opposition majorities rarely occur in elections held concurrently with the presidential election but are more likely to do so if legislators enjoy electoral independence from their parties due to features of electoral laws.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Presidents, united states, election, 1920"
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Carlton, Rebecca Lynne. "Was the torch passed? : a fantasy theme analysis of the presidential campaign rhetoric of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Robert Francis Kennedy". Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834154.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the 1960 presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy and the 1968 presidential campaign of Robert F. Kennedy in order to analyze the similarities and differences that exist in their campaigns and their rhetoric. Specifically, the study examines the primary campaign rhetoric of the candidates and determines the rhetorical vision and fantasy themes that are created in three speeches from each campaign. The following research questions are proposed: What are the differences and similarities between John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, in terms of their presidential rhetoric, their presidential campaigns, and their rhetorical visions? Does Robert Kennedy's rhetoric seem to be an extension of his brother's rhetoric or does it stand as his own?The study selects three speeches from each campaign as artifacts. The first speech by each candidate was the announcement of his candidacy. The second followed soon thereafter, before primary election results were a factor. The last speech reviewed in each campaign occurred after primary election results were announced, and the candidates had achieved success and failure in their campaigns.Fantasy theme analysis is employed to determine the fantasies that exist in the rhetoric and the rhetorical vision that is presented in each campaign. The analysis finds that each vision is comprised of four fantasy themes. The findings reveal that Robert Kennedy's rhetoric and rhetorical vision act as an entity separate from John Kennedy's, with unique goals and a different focus.Department of Speech Communication
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Howard, Jennifer M. "Blogging politics a case study of the 2004 election /". Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/1384.
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Rigali, James Henry. "Restoring the republic of virtue : the presidential election of 1824 /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10379.
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Latham, Evelyn Hartzell. "The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2192.
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This thesis briefly reviews the content of Article II, section 1 of the Constitution which established the Electoral College (modified by Amendment XII), and the principel reform plans that have developed over the years. The reform efforts are examined, together with their possible effects on the entire political system.
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Schmidt, Inge B. "The missing generation : youth political participation in the United States following the 2000 Presidential Election and September 11, 2001 /". Connect to online version, 2005. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2005/99.pdf.
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Geidner, Nicholas W. "The influence of new media on the early stages of the 2008 presidential election : a critical analysis". Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1365513.
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The Internet is rapidly becoming an important part of a presidential candidate's media strategy. Specifically, a candidate's website has distinct implications and uses in the early stages of a presidential campaign. Using an eclectic approach, this research examines the campaign websites of the candidates for the U.S. Presidency in 2008. By examining the websites using content analysis, analog criticism, media criticism, and scenario analysis emerging trends become apparent and conclusions on their further implications can be drawn. This research presents two major conclusions on the affects of campaign websites on the early stages of a presidential campaign. First, the design structure and features available on the Internet could be used to give the user a feeling of direct connection with the campaign, which in turn could motivate political involvement. Second, a candidate's new media strategy and usage must match with the overarching rhetorical style of the rest of the campaign. These two major concepts serve as starting points for further academic research and a greater understanding of our changing democratic system.Department of Telecommunications
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Erickson, Benjamin M. "A Rhetorical Criticism: Bill Clinton's A Man from Hope; Bringing Together Myth, Identification and Civic Engagement". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2006. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/EricksonBM2006.pdf.
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Lewis, Ted Adam. "The Effect of American Political Party on Electoral Behavior: an Application of the Voter Decision Rule to the 1952-1988 Presidential Elections". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503830/.
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The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?
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Brocker-Knapp, Skyler Lillian. "The 2016 Presidential Election: Demographic Transformation and Racial Backlash". PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3827.
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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate.
The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.
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Broussard, James Allen. "A champion for the disaffected: Ross Perot's 1992 presidential crusade". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187056.
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In 1992, Ross Perot, billionaire entrepreneur from Texas, headed the most powerful independent presidential candidacy of the twentieth century, garnering nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. Perot's rhetoric demanded fundamental reform through a seemingly contradictory message calling for both individual responsibility and collective patriotism and sacrifice: corporate populism, a traditional, albeit profoundly paradoxical ideological appeal. Perot spoke of rekindling the "American Dream" for the next generation, whose prospects appeared bleak because of a post-Cold War credit crisis and withering of the United States' industrial base. He saw linkages between this crisis and a host of social problems, and advocated controversial solutions that made coalition-building difficult. Perot looked to his followers to develop consensuses on many issues of the day. Heading a "grassroots" movement organized from the top down, with disciples from all points on the ideological compass, however, Perot found consensus a rare commodity. As a result, his campaign lacked cohesion. Perot's methods, personality, and wealth raised disturbing questions about the future of representative democracy, but his unfolding campaign also highlighted shortcomings in American electoral institutions and processes. Perot's treatment by the press, for example, provides a case study of the mass-production of political portraits and the impact of those images. That so many citizens voted for a man often portrayed as a suspicious, morally rigid, unscrupulous, vengeful demagogue indicates how widely disaffection with American political institutions had spread. Tapping this discontent, Perot created the potential for a new kind of politics in the United States. He catalyzed discourse on policy issues like foreign trade, welfare reform, military policy, and Executive branch responsibility. He focused attention on chronic problems like the national debt, the annual budget deficit, and the insolvency of "entitlement" programs like Social Security and Medicare. His presence seems to have provoked an unusually high turnout on election day. He helped pioneer a new era of direct dialog between candidates and citizens through the use of interactive and electronic media. Finally, Perot's candidacy symbolizes the emergence of a new centrist political movement--a force which in 1994 began to dramatically reshape the American political landscape.
Książki na temat "Presidents, united states, election, 1920"
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1943-, Haggerty Brian A., red. Financing the 1984 election. Lexington, Mass: Lexington Books, 1987.
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Watson, Richard Abernathy. The presidential contest: With a guide to the 1988 presidential race. Wyd. 3. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 1988.
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Wattenberg, Martin P. The rise of candidate-centered politics: Presidential elections of the 1980s. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1991.
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Witcover, Jules. 85 days: The last campaign of Robert Kennedy. New York: Quill, 1988.
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Miller, Kristie. Ruth Hanna McCormick: A life in politics, 1880-1944. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992.
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Karabell, Zachary. The last campaign: The election of 1948. New York: Knopf, 2000.
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Benjamin, Pat. The Perot legacy: A new political path. New York: Morgan James Publishing, 2013.
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Lichtman, Allan J. Prejudice and the old politics: The presidential election of 1928. Wyd. 2. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2000.
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Buell, Emmett H. Attack politics: Negativity in presidential campaigns since 1960. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 2008.
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Buell, Emmett H. Attack politics: Negativity in presidential campaigns since 1960. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 2008.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Presidents, united states, election, 1920"
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Procter, Ben. "Running for President". W William Randolph Hearst, 163–92. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195112771.003.0009.
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Abstract Beginning in 1901, William Randolph Hearst was fast approaching a crossroads in his life. Although the owner and editor-in-chief of four powerful newspapers in the United States, with a daily circulation approaching the two-million mark, he was, to a certain extent, at loose ends within the Hearst publishing empire. For the first time in fourteen years, since first rehabilitating the San Francisco Examiner in 1887, he had no specific duties, no all-encompassing routine. He had removed himself as the hands-on leader of the Morning Journal with the appointment of Arthur Brisbane to that position late in 1899. He had then applied his astounding energies and organizational talents to the election of a Democratic president in 1900, but to no avail. And he gradually realized, as the campaign continued to its inexorable conclusion, that no one, other than himself, would-or could-shoulder the domestic and foreign policies that he had advocated over the past two years and that were paramount, he believed, to the betterment of the United States and the American people.
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Jamieson, Kathleen Hall. "1952: The Election of a Popular Hero". W Packaging The Presidency, 39–89. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195089417.003.0002.
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Abstract In June 1950, the first armed confrontation of the Cold War began as North Korean troops crossed the thirty-eighth parallel dividing North and South Korea. The UN condemned the move and called on its members to help South Korea. Although an international contingent of troops was assembled under U.S. command, the majority of those sent came from the United States. As 1950 inoved into ‘51 and ‘52, and the Korean War, with its attendant cost in American lives, showed little prospect of ending soon, the mood of the nation soured. Things at home were not going smoothly for the Truman Administration either. Wisconsin Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy was engaged in his own little war, a well-publicized search for Communists in government, and a Senate investigation into activities of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation revealed that members of the corporation had sub mitted to pressures from Democratic politicians in making loans. “Korea, Communism, and Corruption” were the millstones the Republicans were prepared to hang around Harry S. Truman’s neck in the primaries and general election of 1952, were he to run for a second complete term of office.
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Krell, Marc A. "Introduction: Uncovering Jewish-Christian Dialectic in History". W Intersecting Pathways, 1–3. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195159356.003.0001.
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Abstract When speaking at his first political rally as the United States Demo cratic candidate for vice president in 2000, Senator Joseph Lieberman of Connecticut stated, “There are some people who might actually call Al Gore’s selection of me an act of chutzpah!” Regardless of the eventual election outcome, Vice President Gore clearly made a bold decision to break down religious and cultural barriers that had prevented American Jews from seeking the highest public offices in a Christian-dominated country. In fact, rather than focusing on Lieberman’s centrist political positions as a reason for his choice, Gore seized the moment to showcase Lieberman’s religious affiliation and to emphasize the fact that Lieberman was the first Jew to be the vice presidential candidate of any major party, comparing it to the election of the first Catholic president in 1960, John F. Kennedy.
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Mills, Richard M. "American Political Institutions and Processes: Soviet Evaluations". W As Moscow Sees US, 161–220. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195062601.003.0007.
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Abstract The concept of an information-patterning system is particularly significant to the Soviets’ treatment of institutions and processes. The Soviet “learning net” willed two things, first that American politics be analyzed from ideological perspectives, and second that increasing amounts of hard data about American politics be incorporated. In either case, or in combination, over the decades so many Soviets have presented their materials on elections, political parties, the president, Congress, and the Supreme Court in such a scattered way that it is difficult to reorganize them under these conventional headings. There have been rare exceptions to this scattering effect, but the Soviets have not yet written the kinds of systematic, general, critical studies of American politics produced in the United States by Mintz and Cohen (1971), Dye and Zeigler (1970-1987), Greenberg (1989), Parenti (1980), and many others. The earliest major American attempt to systematize the widely dispersed elements of information was Frederick Barghoorn’s The Soviet Image of the United States: A Study in Distortion (1950). The book’s title and content were very faithful to the unrelievedly negative and abusive spirit in the Soviet materials of the mid- and late 1940s.
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Rabe, Stephen G. "Overthrowing Governments". W Kissinger and Latin America, 49–83. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501706295.003.0003.
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This chapter details how the first crisis for the Nixon administration came with the news that leftist Salvador Allende had captured a plurality of the vote in the September 1970 presidential election. It reviews the U.S. role in destabilizing the Allende government. The historical literature tends to give scant attention to the United States and Chile after September 11, 1973. To recount the complete story about the U.S. role in Chile demands investigating not only the war against Allende but also the myriad of ways that the Nixon and Ford administrations and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger bolstered the Pinochet dictatorship. The chapter also analyzes Kissinger's lead role in encouraging the overthrow of President Juan José Torres (1970–1971), the socialist political and military leader of Bolivia.
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Meriwether, James H. "Majority Rule, 1980–1994". W Tears, Fire, and Blood, 206–36. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469664224.003.0007.
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In hindsight, ending white minority rule in Namibia and South Africa may seem inevitable. Yet when the 1980s dawned, apartheid was in full force, South Africa's repressive government was in full control of Namibia, and Nelson Mandela was locked away on Robben Island as the African National Congress (ANC) suffered in exile. The Ronald Reagan administration was heading to the White House, and it seemed unlikely the United States would assume a robust stance of promoting change with "constructive engagement" and top-level opposition to economic sanctions. Yet the struggle in South Africa, the pressure from regional states, the Cold War dynamics of Cuban and Soviet involvement, and the global anti-apartheid movement forced change in Washington and Pretoria. Efforts by Desmond Tutu and other South African voices, organizations including the Free South Africa Movement, and activists across the United States helped promote divestment and the passage of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act. In March 1990, Namibia became the final African nation to cast off the external rule of an imperial age. Newly released political prisoner Nelson Mandela attended, and four years later his election as president of South Africa finally ended the last vestige of white minority rule in Africa.
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Beckett, Katherine. "From Crime to Drugs-and Back Again". W Making Crime Pay, 44–61. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195136265.003.0004.
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Abstract The salience of the crime and drug issues declined dramatically following President Richard Nixon’s departure from office. Neither President Gerald Ford nor President Jimmy Carter mentioned crime related issues in their State of the Union addresses or took much legislative action on those issues. During and after the 1980 election campaign, however, the crime issue once again assumed a central place on the national political agenda. Like conservatives before him, candidate and President Ronald Reagan paid particular attention to the problem of street crime and promised to enhance the federal government’s role in combating it. Once in office, however, the institutional difficulties associated with this project led the Reagan administration to shift its attention from street crime to street drugs. Political and public concern about the drug problem increased throughout the 1980s; by August 1989 President George Bush characterized drug use as “the most pressing problem facing the nation.” Shortly thereafter, a New York Times/CBS News Poll reported that 64% of those polled-the highest percentage ever recorded-thought that drugs were the most significant problem in the United States.
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Williams, Daniel K. "The Christian Right". W The Oxford Handbook of Christian Fundamentalism, 571–89. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198844594.013.34.
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Abstract The Christian Right (or Religious Right) developed in the United States in the late 1970s as a reaction against the era’s secular and culturally liberal trends such as feminism and the sexual revolution, but it was rooted in a decades-long fundamentalist or conservative evangelical alliance with political conservatism that began in the early twentieth century. This chapter surveys American white evangelicals’ growing commitment to the Republican Party between the 1920s and the 1970s, and explains why this long-standing partisan commitment developed into a deeper alliance during the presidential election of 1980 and the presidency of Ronald Reagan. The chapter discusses the evolution of the Christian Right after the 1980s and traces the narrowing of its political interests to two key concerns—abortion and same-sex marriage—along with religious liberty for American evangelical Christians.
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Beckeld, Benedict. "Oikophobia in the United States". W Western Self-Contempt, 117–29. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501763182.003.0009.
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This chapter delves into the American beginning and the descent into oikophobia. It first describes that the history of the United States is, to a considerable extent, the history of immigrant assimilation and the history of the conflict between the federal government and the separate states. The chapter also mentions the two legal milestones for the United States, namely the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution (1913), which allows for the election of federal senators directly by the people rather than by their state legislatures, as well as the Nineteenth (1920), giving women the vote. The chapter then peeks at some oikophobic traces in the generation of American writers who become expatriates in Paris and London in the 1920s. It further elaborates on the first very clearly oikophobic wave: the Beat Generation of the 1950s. The role diversity plays on this trajectory merits repetition. Today, diversity has become a professed goal of politicians and anyone claiming a certain cultural savoir faire.
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Shapiro, Robert Y., i Lawrence R. Jacobs. "Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, and Democracy: How Presidents Use Public Opinion". W Navigating Public Opinio, 184–200. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195149333.003.0011.
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Abstract The relationship between public opinion and government policymaking is fundamental to understanding how democracy works in the United States and in liberal democracies generally. Some theorists argue that the existence of free and periodic elections of leaders in government is all that (procedural) “democracy” requires to assure citizens’ control of public policy (from the American founders to Schumpeter [1950] and Zaller [1992]), others maintain that there should also be identifiable influences of public opinion on some important portion of government policies (e.g., the “substantive democracy” of Key 1961; Page and Shapiro 1983, 1992; Stimson, MacKuen, and Erikson 1995; Jacobs and Shapiro 1994d, 2000 ), not only on a country’s domestic policies but also on a nation’s foreign and defense policies.