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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 30 lipca 2024

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1

Lowrie, John C. (John Cameron), 1808-1900, red. Presbyterian missions. New York: Anson D.F. Randolph, 1986.

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2

Grant, John Webster. Presbyterian home missions and Canadian nationhood. [Italy]: Schena Editore, 1988.

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3

Presbyterian Church in Canada. Home Mission Committee., red. Home missions, western section, Presbyterian Church in Canada. [Winnipeg?: s.n., 1994.

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Presbyterian Church of Canada in connection with the Church of Scotland. Temporalities Fund. Home mission fund. [S.l: s.n., 1985.

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5

1858-1932, MacTavish W. S., i Presbyterian Church in Canada. Committee on Young People's Societies., red. Missionary pathfinders: Presbyterian laborers at home and abroad. Toronto: Musson, 1995.

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6

Brouwer, Ruth Compton. Canadian women and the foreign missionary movement: a case study of Presbyterian women's involvement at the home base and in Central India, 1876 - 1914. Toronto: York University, 1987.

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7

1866-1938, McIntosh W. R., i Presbyterian Church in Canada. Committee on Young People's Societies., red. Canadian problems. Toronto: R.D. Fraser, Presbyterian Publications, 1996.

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8

Olender, Vivian. The Reaction of the Canadian Presbyterian Church Towards Ukrainian Immigrants (1900-1925): :Rural Home Missions as Agencies of Assimilation. Toronto, Canada: University of St. Michael's College, 1985.

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9

Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. General Assembly, red. Centennial of home missions: In connection with the one hundred and fourteenth General assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America, New York City, May 16-20, 1902. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication and Sabbath-School Work, 1986.

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10

Presbyterian home missions: An account of the home missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Publication and Sabbath-School Work, 1986.

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11

Home missions: Presbyterian Church in Canada (western section), 1900-1901. [Toronto?: s.n., 1986.

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12

What Goes with What: Home Decorating Made Easy. Capitol Books, 2001.

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13

Presbyterian Church in Canada Synod of. Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church in Manitoba and the North-West. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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14

At our own door: A study of home missions with special reference to the South and West. New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1986.

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15

The river of life in Ezekiel's vision: A plea for home missions. Toronto: J. Campbell, 1986.

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16

Presbyterian Church in Canada Synod of. Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church in Manitoba and the North-West, June, 1885 [microform]. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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17

Meyer, Lucy Rider. Deaconesses, Biblical, Early Church, European, American: With the Story of the Chicago Training School, for City, Home and Foreign Missions, and the Chicago Deaconess Home. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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18

Meyer, Lucy Rider. Deaconesses, Biblical, Early Church, European, American: With the Story of the Chicago Training School, for City, Home and Foreign Missions, and the Chicago Deaconess Home. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2022.

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19

Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Board. Annual Report Of The Board Of Home Missions Of The Presbyterian Church In The United States Of America. Arkose Press, 2015.

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20

Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. Board. Annual Report Of The Board Of Home Missions Of The Presbyterian Church In The United States Of America. Arkose Press, 2015.

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21

The southern mountaineers. New York: Presbyterian Home Missions, 1986.

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22

Tyndale, Wilson Samuel. Southern Mountaineers. Kessinger Publishing, 2005.

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23

Craig, D. 1849-1925. History of the Development of the Presbyterian Church in North Carolina, and of Synodical Home Missions, Together with Evangelistic Addresses by James I. Vance and Others. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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24

Paul's argument for home missions: A discourse preached by the appointment of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, at their annual meeting in the city of Buffalo, New York, in May, 1854. Philadelphia: Published by the Board of Missions by order of the General Assembly, 1988.

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25

Holmes, Andrew R. Evangelism, Revivals, and Foreign Missions. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0017.

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Dissenters in the long nineteenth century believed that they were on the right side of history. This chapter argues that the involvement of evangelical Nonconformists in politics was primarily driven by a coherent worldview derived from a Congregationalist understanding of salvation and the gathered nature of the church. That favoured a preference for voluntarism and a commitment to religious equality for all. Although Whig governments responded to the rising electoral clout of Dissenters after 1832 by meeting Dissenting grievances, both they and the Conservatives retained an Erastian approach to church–state relations. This led to tension with both those Dissenters who favoured full separation between church and state, and with Evangelical Churchmen in Scotland, who affirmed the principle of an Established Church, but refused government interference in ministerial appointments. In 1843 this issue resulted in the Disruption of the Church of Scotland and the formation of a large Dissenting body north of the border, the Free Church. Dissenting militancy after mid-century was fostered by the numerical rise of Dissent, especially in cities, the foundation of influential liberal papers often edited by Dissenters such as Edward Miall, and the rise of municipal reforming movements in the Midlands headed by figures such as Joseph Chamberlain. Industrialization also boosted Dissenting political capacity by encouraging both employer paternalism and trades unionism, whose leaders and rank and file were Nonconformists. Ireland constituted an exception to this pattern. The rise of sectarianism owed less to Irish peculiarities than to the presence and concentration of a large Catholic population, such as also fostered anti-Catholicism in Britain, in for instance Lancashire. The politics of the Ultramontane Catholic Church combined with the experience of agrarian violence and sectarian strife to dispose Irish Protestant Dissenters against Home Rule. The 1906 election was the apogee of Dissent’s political power, installing a Presbyterian Prime Minister in Campbell-Bannerman who would give way in due course to the Congregationalist H.H. Asquith, but also ushering in conflicts over Ireland. Under Gladstone, the Liberal party and its Nonconformist supporters had been identified with the championship of oppressed nationalities. Even though Chamberlain and other leading Dissenting liberals such as Isabella Tod resisted the extension of that approach to Ireland after 1886, preferring local government reform to Home Rule, most Dissenting voters had remained loyal to Gladstone. Thanks to succeeding Unionist governments’ aggressive foreign policy, embrace of tariff reform, and 1902 Education Act, Dissenting voters had been keen to return to a Liberal government in 1906. That government’s collision with the House of Lords and loss of seats in the two elections of 1910 made it reliant on the Irish National Party and provoked the introduction in 1912 of a third Home Rule Bill. The paramilitary resistance of Ulster Dissenters to the Bill was far from unanimous but nonetheless drove a wedge between British Nonconformists who had concluded that religion was a private matter and would do business with Irish Constitutional Nationalists and Ulster Nonconformists, who had adopted what looked like a bigoted insistence that religion was a public affair and that the Union was their only preservative against ‘Rome Rule’. The declaration of war in 1914 and the consequent suspension of the election due in 1915 means it is impossible to know how Nonconformists might have dealt with this crisis. It was the end of an era.

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26

Kennedy, Thomas C. Quakers. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0004.

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Unitarianism and Presbyterian Dissent had a complex relationship in the nineteenth century. Neither English Unitarians nor their Presbyterian cousins grew much if at all in the nineteenth century, but elsewhere in the United Kingdom the picture was different. While Unitarians failed to prosper, Presbyterian Dissenting numbers held up in Wales and Ireland and increased in Scotland thanks to the Disruption of the Church of Scotland. Unitarians were never sure whether they would benefit from demarcating themselves from Presbyterians as a denomination. Though they formed the British and Foreign Unitarian Association, its critics preferred to style themselves ‘English Presbyterians’ and Presbyterian identities could be just as confused. In later nineteenth-century Scotland and Ireland, splinter Presbyterian churches eventually came together; in England, it took time before Presbyterians disentangled themselves from Scots to call themselves the Presbyterian Church of England. While Unitarians were tepid about foreign missions, preferring to seek allies in other confessions and religions rather than converts, Presbyterians eagerly spread their church structures in India and China and also felt called to convert Jews. Missions offered Presbyterian women a route to ministry which might otherwise have been denied them. Unitarians liked to think that what was distinctive in their theology was championship of a purified Bible, even though other Christians attacked them as a heterodox bunch of sceptics. Yet their openness to the German higher criticism of the New Testament caused them problems. Some Unitarians exposed to it, such as James Martineau, drifted into reverent scepticism about the historical Jesus, but they were checkmated by inveterate conservatives such as Robert Spears. Presbyterians saw their adherence to the Westminster Confession as a preservative against such disputes, yet the Confession was increasingly interpreted in ways that left latitude for higher criticism. Unitarians started the nineteenth century as radical subversives of a Trinitarian and Tory establishment and were also political leaders of Dissent. They forfeited that leadership over time, but also developed a sophisticated, interventionist attitude to the state, with leaders such as H.W. Crosskey and Joseph Chamberlain championing municipal socialism, while William Shaen and others were staunch defenders of women’s rights and advocates of female emancipation. Their covenanting roots meant that many Presbyterians were at best ‘quasi-Dissenters’, who were slower to embrace religious voluntaryism than many other evangelical Dissenters. Both Unitarians and Presbyterians anguished about how to reconcile industrial, urban capital with the gospel. Wealthy Unitarians from William Roscoe to Henry Tate invested heavily in art galleries and mechanics institutes for the people but were disappointed by the results. By the later nineteenth century they turned to more direct forms of social reform, such as domestic missions and temperance. Scottish Presbyterians also realized the importance of remoulding the urban fabric, with James Begg urging the need to tackle poor housing. Yet neither these initiatives nor the countervailing embrace of revivalism banished fears that Presbyterians were losing their grip on urban Britain. Only in Ireland, where Home Rule partially united the Protestant community in fears for its survival, did divisions of space and class seem a less pressing concern.

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27

Grass, Tim. Restorationists and New Movements. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0007.

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Presbyterians and Congregationalists arrived in colonial America as Dissenters; however, they soon exercised a religious and cultural dominance that extended well into the first half of the nineteenth century. The multi-faceted Second Great Awakening led within the Reformed camp by the Presbyterian James McGready in Kentucky, a host of New Divinity ministers in New England, and Congregationalist Charles Finney in New York energized Christians to improve society (Congregational and Presbyterian women were crucial to the three most important reform movements of the nineteenth century—antislavery, temperance, and missions) and extend the evangelical message around the world. Although outnumbered by other Protestant denominations by mid-century, Presbyterians and Congregationalists nevertheless expanded geographically, increased in absolute numbers, spread the Gospel at home and abroad, created enduring institutions, and continued to dominate formal religious thought. The overall trajectory of nineteenth-century Presbyterianism and Congregationalism in the United States is one that tracks from convergence to divergence, from cooperative endeavours and mutual interests in the first half the nineteenth century to an increasingly self-conscious denominational awareness that became firmly established in both denominations by the 1850s. With regional distribution of Congregationalists in the North and Presbyterians in the mid-Atlantic region and South, the Civil War intensified their differences (and also divided Presbyterians into antislavery northern and pro-slavery southern parties). By the post-Civil War period these denominations had for the most part gone their separate ways. However, apart from the southern Presbyterians, who remained consciously committed to conservatism, they faced a similar host of social and intellectual challenges, including higher criticism of the Bible and Darwinian evolutionary theory, to which they responded in varying ways. In general, Presbyterians maintained a conservative theological posture whereas Congregationalists accommodated to the challenges of modernity. At the turn of the century Congregationalists and Presbyterians continued to influence sectors of American life but their days of cultural hegemony were long past. In contrast to the nineteenth-century history of Presbyterian and Congregational churches in the United States, the Canadian story witnessed divergence evolving towards convergence and self-conscious denominationalism to ecclesiastical cooperation. During the very years when American Presbyterians were fragmenting over first theology, then slavery, and finally sectional conflict, political leaders in all regions of Canada entered negotiations aimed at establishing the Dominion of Canada, which were finalized in 1867. The new Dominion enjoyed the strong support of leading Canadian Presbyterians who saw in political confederation a model for uniting the many Presbyterian churches that Scotland’s fractious history had bequeathed to British North America. In 1875, the four largest Presbyterian denominations joined together as the Presbyterian Church in Canada. The unifying and mediating instincts of nineteenth-century Canadian Presbyterianism contributed to forces that in 1925 led two-thirds of Canadian Presbyterians (and almost 90 per cent of their ministers) into the United Church, Canada’s grand experiment in institutional ecumenism. By the end of the nineteenth century, Congregationalism had only a slight presence, whereas Presbyterians, by contrast, became increasingly more important until they stood at the centre of Canada’s Protestant history.

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