Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Prehistoric antiquities”

Fourteen unpublished inscriptions from Sparta are discussed in this article. They were found in 1950–1980 by the Fifth Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities and date from the Roman period, first century BC—second century AD. Eight of the inscriptions are lists of gerontes.

The plundering, looting and neglect of archaeological and heritage sites are quite common in many parts of the world. Turkey is one such country that has a poor record of preservation of archaeological and heritage sites, particularly those of minority ethnic groups and from the prehistoric and ancient periods. In other words, those which are not part of the national/official past of Turkey. The main reason for this is that Turkish formal education neglects the prehistoric and ancient past, and ‘others’ the past of minority groups. This paper will examine and discuss how and to what extent archaeology and heritage related topics are presented in formal education in Turkey, i.e., national, minority groups, prehistoric and ancient pasts and antiquities by analysing the curriculum and textbooks from 2013. Specifically, this paper will demonstrate that history education in schools has a major impact on the development and re-configuration of heritage perception, which can either lead to the protection or neglect of heritage.

In the West Mediterranean islands before the mid-nineteenth century, discoveries of fossil bones, prehistoric deposits in caves and megalithic monuments stimulated ideas about the remote past, as in other parts of Europe where similar phenomena were observed. Many of these ideas were characteristic of a pre-scientific age and their sources are sometimes obscure. Their inspiration can often be traced to the Bible, classical texts, folklore, as well as to advances in palaeontology and direct observation of antiquities. The study of fossils and prehistoric remains progressed gradually, following a similar pattern elsewhere. Two lines of enquiry emerged, one closely linked with progress in the natural sciences and the other concerned with ancient monuments and the background to the classical world.

The article presents an apsidal temple excavated by the 6th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities at Nikoleika, in the chora of ancient Helike. The building was erected at the end of the eighth century, after levelling which probably destroyed a Protogeometric construction. A mudbrick altar erected in the first half of the eighth century lay buried beneath the temple floor: offerings and faunal remains from the altar area are presented, noting evidence for ritual dining. A terminus ante quem for the abandonment of the Geometric temple is provided by mid sixth-century architectural terracottas, presumably from its successor.

Activities of Czech scientists of the late XVIII-XIX centuries. concerning the study of the Slavic peoples, continued by the prominent Czech Slavic scholar, archaeologist, historian, ethnographer, philologist Lubor Niederle (1865–1944) are discussed in the article. The scientist had a good European education on anthropology and archaeology, studying in Germany and France and during his scientific trips to Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Russia, and the Balkan countries. Collected material formed the basis of his first comprehensive monograph about humanity during the prehistoric era, in particular on the lands inhabited by the Slavs. Among a large number of published researches, most important was the multivolume monograph “Slovanské starožitnosti”, in which scientist analyzed the history of the Slavs from the prehistoric period till the early Middle Ages. Publications of L. Niederle were of great interest to Ukrainian scholars (M. Hrushevskyi, F. Vovk, M. Bilyashivskyi, V. Hnatyuk, etc.). They criticized his Russophile position and defending of the dubious claims of Russian researchers about Ukrainian history. Key words: Czech Slavic studies, Lubor Niederle, Slavic antiquities, Ukrainians.

Winifred Lamb was one of the founding members of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, and a pioneering excavator in Anatolia (Caton-Thompson 1964: 51). Lamb had acquired her excavating skills as a member of the British School at Athens, where she was admitted in 1920 after reading Classics at Newnham College, Cambridge and subsequent war service in Room 40 of the Admiralty (The Times [London] 18 September 1963; Woodward 1963; Barnett 1962–3; Annual Report of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 15 [1963] 2–3; Caton-Thompson 1964; Hood 1998: 70–5; Gill in preparation a, c; see also Ridgway 1996). During the early 1920s she excavated with members of the British School at Mycenae (Lamb 1919–21; Lamb, Wace 1921–3a-e), Sparta (Lamb 1926–7a-b; see also Hood 1998: 59–131) and in Macedonia (Heurtley 1939; Lamb 1940; see also Hood 1998: 144–49). Her interest in prehistory was also reflected in her creation of a prehistoric gallery at the Fitzwilliam Museum in the University of Cambridge, where she had been appointed Honorary Keeper of Greek and Roman antiquities in 1920 (Gill 1999a).

Sigmund Freud, a passionate collector of antiquities, often treated these objects as animate beings. He described such blurring of boundaries between persons and things in the protagonist of W. Jensen's novella, Gradiva. Freud began collecting when his father died, but his unusual attitude toward artefacts was established much earlier, presumably as a consequence of repeated early disappointments in human caretakers. It is postulated that this adaptive maneuver was not simply a displacement of love and hate, but a turning away from vulnerability in relationships, toward attachments over which he might retain effective control. The Freud Collection is largely focused on Greco-Roman and Egyptian objects. Freud's profound interest in classical civilization was established in childhood; he was particularly concerned with the struggle between Aryan Rome and Semitic Carthage, a conflict in which he identified with both sides. This ambivalence reflected growing up within a marginal Jewish family in a Germanic environment. Commitment to classical ideals represented an optimal manner of bridging these contrasting worlds. Egyptian artefacts were, for Freud, links to the prehistory of the Jewish people; they also represent an era when maternal deities found their proper place in man's pantheon—an echo of Freud's prehistoric past.

Several rock-cut features, exposed on the surface of a trackway in the Tholos area of Kastri, Kythera, were excavated in July–August 2000 as a synergasia between Kythera Island Project and 2nd Ephoria of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities. Although the surviving deposits were extremely shallow, they produced large quantities of conical cups and other pottery of Late Minoan I date. Further comparative analysis of the features themselves and their finds suggests that these are the remains of tomb chambers similar to those excavated in the area in the 1960s. These tombs and their assemblages show extremely strong cultural connections with Crete, but also idiosyncrasies that probably reflect the particular mortuary customs of the island.

In addition to archaeologists who make stone tools for experimental purposes, there is a growing number of flintknappers who make lithic artifacts for fun and for profit. The scale of non-academic knapping is little known to archaeologists, and is connected to a flourishing market for antiquities, fakes, replicas, and modern lithic art. Modern stone tools are being produced in vast numbers, and are inevitably muddling the prehistoric record. Modern knappers exploit some material sources heavily, and their debitage creates new sites and contaminates old quarry areas. Modern knapping is, however, a potential source of archaeological insights, and a bridge between the professional community and the interested public. Modern knapping also is creating a “twentieth-century stone age,” and archaeologists working with lithic artifacts need to be aware of the problems and potentials.

Johan Gunnar Andersson was a Swedish economic geologist who went to China in 1914 as a mining consultant to the Chinese Government but soon, without prior experience or education in archaeology, became an archaeological geologist who discovered the famous ‘Peking Man’ site at Zhoukoudian and uncovered and defined the prehistoric Chinese Neolithic Period with his excavations and analysis of the site of Yangshao, Henan Province, China. These two discoveries were only the highlights of his pioneering expeditions in China. In his eleven years there he helped open up the country to modern methods in archaeology. As an outgrowth of his excavations in China he founded the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities in Stockholm. This museum became the recipient of a sizeable portion of his many excavated artifacts, some unique in China and in the West.

Edmund Bojanowski was a son of the impoverished noble Polish family. He spent most of his life in Grabonog near Gostyń (Great Poland). For a short period of time, he studied human sciences, including archaeology, at German universities in Breslau and Berlin. After returning permanently from abroad, Bojanowski has completely devoted himself to a charitable, educational and religious work with people from rural areas. In June 1839 he carried out archaeological excavations of a multicultural prehistoric cemetery in Grabonog. The results of this project were published in a popular weekly magazine „Przyjaciel Ludu” (see appendix I) in 1842. Edmund Bojanowski was a very active member of Kasyno Gostyńskie, which among others, was interested in patriotic antiquities (see appendix II). As the devoted servant of God, Edmund Bojanowski was personally beatified by Pope John Paul II in Warsaw on June 13, 1999.

Iron Age tankards are stave-built wooden vessels completely covered or bound in copper-alloy sheet. The distinctive copper-alloy handles of these vessels frequently display intricate ‘Celtic’ or La Tène art styles. They are characterised by their often highly original designs, complex manufacturing processes, and variety of find contexts. No systematic analysis of this artefact class has been undertaken since Corcoran’s (1952a) original study was published in Volume 18 of these Proceedings. New evidence from the Portable Antiquities Scheme for England and Wales and recent excavations have more than quadrupled the number of known examples (139 currently). It is therefore necessary and timely to re-examine tankards, and to reintegrate them into current debates surrounding material culture in later prehistory. Tankards originate in the later Iron Age and their use continued throughout much of the Roman period. As such, their design was subject to varying influences over time, both social and aesthetic. Their often highly individual form and decoration is testament to this fact and has created challenges in developing a workable typology (Corcoran 1952a; 1952b; 1957; Spratling 1972; Jackson 1990). A full examination of the decoration, construction, wear and repair, dating, and deposition contexts will allow for a reassessment of the role of tankards within the social and cultural milieu of later prehistoric and early Roman Britain.

AbstractThe Desert Migrations Project is a new interdisciplinary and multi-dimensional collaborative project between the Society for Libyan Studies and the Department of Antiquities. The geographical focus of the study is the Fazzan region of southwest Libya and in thematic terms we aim to address the theme of migration in the broadest sense, encompassing the movement of people, ideas/knowledge and material culture into and out of Fazzan, along with evidence of shifting climatic and ecological boundaries over time. The report describes the principal sub-strands of the project's first season in January 2007, with some account of research questions, methods employed and some preliminary results. Three main sub-projects are reported on. The first concerns the improved understanding of long-term climatic and environmental changes derived from a detailed palaeoenvironmental study of palaeolake sediments. This geo-science work runs alongside and feeds directly into both archaeological sub-projects, the first relating to prehistoric activity and mobility around and between a series of palaeolakes during wetter climatic cycles; the second to the excavation of burials in the Wadi al-Ajal, exploring the changing relationship between material culture, identity and ethnicity across time, from prehistory to the early Islamic period (the span of the main cemetery zones). In addition, some rock art research and a survey of historic period sites was undertaken in the Wadi ash-Shati and Ubari sand sea.

Magoula Pavlina is a slight elevation, about 1.9 m high and 4 hectares in area, less than 1 km from the beach ridge of an inlet from the Pagasitic Gulf and close to the Salambrias river that runs into the inlet, in a well-watered area of eastern Thessaly that used to be marshy but was drained for agriculture in the 1930s. It is not actually clear that it is a magoula, that is, an artificial mound built up from the remains of ancient settlement debris (p. 18, bottom), like several important sites in the neighbourhood such as Zerelia (Wace and Thompson 1912, 150–66); but some prehistoric pottery was noticed on its surface in 1978. Ploughing for the first time (in the modern era, at least) in 1996 brought a mass of artefacts to the surface, and the Groningen Institute of Archaeology, which was conducting a survey in the region in partnership with the Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in Volos, quickly made an arrangement with the land-owner to give the site a survey. In two days over 9000 items were collected, predominantly pieces of pottery; a sample consisting of pottery, stone and clay artefacts, and mammal and mollusc remains was reserved for close study. This volume publishes the results, replacing earlier partial reports.

The article presents the interest of Polish archaeology before 1945 in the prehistory and early history of the Slavs. The pioneers were Count Jan Potocki towards the end of the 18th century a representative of the Enlightenment period, and then Zorian Dołęga Chodakowski. Chodakowski’s work from 1818 about the Slavs before Christianity opened the Romantic period in Polish antiquarianism. At this time the greatest Polish poets were writing important works relating to the pre-Christian past of Poland, and a statue of the pagan god Światowid (Światowit) was found in the river Zbrucz. Studies of the earliest Slavs were continued by the positivists. At the beginning of the 20th century, one of them was E.Majewski from Warsaw, a promotor of the works of L. Niederle devoted to Slavic antiquities. In the period when the cultural-historical school dominated, prehistoric archaeology was becoming ever more closely associated with nationalism and politics (G. Kossinna). Majewski was one of the first critics of Kossinna’s method and works. In the years 1919–1944 Majewski’s pupil, L. Kozłowski, and J. Czekanowski studied the origin of the Slavs. Both were professors of the University in Lviv. Together with J. Kostrzewski, a prehistorian from Poznań, they regarded the Lusatian culture from the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age as ancient Slavic. This view was important as propaganda in the political and scholarly dispute with prehistorians of the Third Reich. Its significance increased after the discovery and start of excavations of a fortified settlement of the Lusatian culture in Biskupin, in northwestern Poland. During the Second World War, Biskupin was excavated by H. Schleif from the SS-Ahnenerbe. The intention was to refute Kostrzewski’s views. At the same time, Kostrzewski and Kozłowski were writing works intended to confirm the ancient Slavic character of the Lusatian culture. Today their views constitute an interesting chapter in the history of science. Key words: early history of the Slavs, Światowid, Biskupin, Romantic period, Lusatian culture.

Jember has a long history since prehistoric times, and is evidenced by the diversity of relics from prehistoric times to the colonial period. Historical heritage objects become important regional assets that can generate profits and have a significant effect on economic development. One idea that can be initiated is the presence of an ancient museum. Because of that, an effective marketing strategy is needed to increase the people's visit to the museum and other historical tourism. This study aims to explore how the condition of ancient sites and objects in Jember, explore how the potential of building a museum as a location for storing ancient objects in Jember, and formulating marketing strategies on historical tourism and museums as part of Jember tourism programs. This research adheres to the positivist paradigm using qualitative research methods, using a case study approach by exploring the condition of ancient objects in the Jember area in detail. The results showed that the collection of ancient objects from Jember's history varied greatly with a total of more than 600. A number of collections have been placed in the Antiquities Collection Room, with very limited maintenance, and the room conditions that are not yet representative. For this reason, museum is an alternative solution as a place to store ancient art collection, as well as a part of historical tourism in Jember. The formulation of marketing strategy departs from the concept of SWOT Analysis which is then synergized with the concept of Tourism Marketing Mix.

Jember has a long history since prehistoric times, and is evidenced by the diversity of relics from prehistoric times to the colonial period. Historical heritage objects become important regional assets that can generate profits and have a significant effect on economic development. One idea that can be initiated is the presence of an ancient museum. Because of that, an effective marketing strategy is needed to increase the people's visit to the museum and other historical tourism. This study aims to explore how the condition of ancient sites and objects in Jember, explore how the potential of building a museum as a location for storing ancient objects in Jember, and formulating marketing strategies on historical tourism and museums as part of Jember tourism programs. This research adheres to the positivist paradigm using qualitative research methods, using a case study approach by exploring the condition of ancient objects in the Jember area in detail. The results showed that the collection of ancient objects from Jember's history varied greatly with a total of more than 600. A number of collections have been placed in the Antiquities Collection Room, with very limited maintenance, and the room conditions that are not yet representative. For this reason, museum is an alternative solution as a place to store ancient art collection, as well as a part of historical tourism in Jember. The formulation of marketing strategy departs from the concept of SWOT Analysis which is then synergized with the concept of Tourism Marketing Mix.

This is the second publication of tombs from a large Mycenaean cemetery in Achaea to appear in two years; the other, being concerned with tombs at Ayios Vasileios, Chalandritsa (hereafter Chalandritsa) was reviewed in JGA 3 (2018), 449-451 (Aktypi 2017). The two sites both belong to a constellation of sites to the east and south-east of Patras, but there are noteworthy differences between the two. The Chalandritsa tombs were mainly excavated in rescue work carried out by members of the Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities of Achaea at various times between 1989 and 2001; the cemetery contained at least 45 tombs, but only about a dozen produced much useful information, and only two of these were excavated more or less intact. The volume reviewed here publishes the results of research excavations in the Clauss cemetery, carried out for the Archaeological Society between 1988 and 1992 by Prof. A. Papadopoulos of Ioannina University.

Joseph Anderson (1832–1916) was an influential figure within the history of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland and Scottish archaeology during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. But while Anderson is best known for his contribution to the development of Scottish prehistoric and early medieval archaeology, there has been less focus on his role in expanding and studying the Society’s Scottish historical collection. This article considers the ways in which Scottish historical material culture was displayed in the Antiquities Museum and investigated by Anderson from 1869 until 1892, with arrangements in Scotland compared to other national museums in the British Isles and Europe. The Society’s archives and Anderson’s publications have been critically examined within this study to demonstrate that Anderson’s archaeological background influenced his approach to studying historic objects and contributed to his vision of a unified Scottish cultural history contextualised through international comparisons. This article also seeks to show how Anderson was in a privileged position as keeper of the museum for 43 years, allowing him to systematise and apply ideas and methodologies to the Scottish historical collection that had been developing within the Society both prior to and during his keepership.

The Historical Museum in ÅrhusThe Age of Enlightenment resulted in museums coming into existence all over Europe. Their purpose was to preserve exceptional items for posterity and to promote knowledge associated with these items. The museum idea fused with the national movements current at that time. In Århus a Society of History and Antiquities was formed in 1861. The purpose of the society was to promote knowledge of antiquities by creating a collection, and to inform the public about the past through presentations and lectures. The society was led by an honorary committee which was in charge of the scholarly work. The collection was housed in the town hall (fig. 3).Over the years, the museum experienced fluctuations in its development as different people influenced its work. In the beginning, the cause met great support, but public interest was lost during the war with Germany in 1864, and interest was not re-established until later. The greatest scholarly authority of the museum, Edvard Erslev, left town, and others took over (fig. 2). Around 1870, the museum thrived again under the strong influence of Vilhelm Boye, a former employee of the Old Nordic Museum in Copenhagen, who was able to impart great scholarly expertise to the Århus museum. When he moved away from the town, the museum languished again. Around this time, a large new museum was built. However, most of its space was taken up by the art collection, whereas the historical collection was limited to a box-room-like area in the attic (figs. 5 and 10). Christian Kjær, a lawyer, came to the rescue. Although engaged in many other forms of business, he managed to make a constructive contribution to the running of the museum (fig. 6). He maintained good relations with the Old Nordic Museum – or the National Museum as it had been renamed – and he succeeded in raising a considerable government grant for a planned extension to the museum (fig. 7). At the same time, the society was changed into an independent institution under the supervision of the National Museum. The name was changed into The Historical Department of Århus Museum. The scholarly work now secured higher priority, and the museum began to undertake archaeological excavations on a larger scale. The next persons to represent the museum were Captain Smith (fig. 8) and lawyer Reeh, who were both recognised for their professional skills. By the early 1900s, the museum faced a dilemma: the funds were insufficient for working with anything but prehistory, but interest in recent cultural history had grown, and the need to include this in the museum work was pressing. The result was that P. Holm (fig. 12) left the museum committee to found ´Den Gamle By, Danmarks Købstadsmuseum´ (The Old Town, Denmark’s Municipal Town Museum). In the 1920s the two museums began to cooperate, and the historical museum deposited its collections from the Middle Ages and later times in ‘Den Gamle By’. Now the Historical Department of Århus Museum consisted of a prehistoric collection and a coin collection. Librarian Eiler Haugsted (fig. 13) headed the museum and improved the exhibition of the reduced collections.Everyone agreed that the museum and the university would benefit from closer cooperation. The extensive collection of plaster casts of antique works of art was moved to the university’s Department of Classical Archaeology and became the nucleus of its study collection. This resulted in much better space in the museum building. P. V. Glob was appointed Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology and leader of the museum. The engagement of a permanently employed, skilled leader resulted in marked changes in the museum, which now concentrated on Prehistoric Archaeology and Ethnography and soon achieved a special position within these fields. Within a few years – from being a museum run almost completely by volunteers – the museum had developed into a big institution with a large, professional staff. Jens SkriverMoesgård MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

The advent of the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS) has added a great deal to our understanding of prehistoric metal artefacts in England and Wales, namely in expanding enormously the corpuses of objects previously thought to be quite scarce. One such artefact type is the miniature socketed 'votive' axe, most of which are found in Wiltshire and Hampshire. As a direct result of developing such recording initiatives, reporting of these artefacts as detector finds from the early 2000s onwards has virtually trebled the number originally published by Paul Robinson in his 1995 analysis. Through extensive data-collection, synthesising examples recorded via the PAS with those from published excavations, the broad aims of this paper (in brief) are as follows: firstly, produce a solid typology for these artefacts; secondly, investigate their spatial distribution across England and Wales. As a more indirect third aim, this paper also seeks to redress the imbalance of focus and academic study specifically applying to Hampshire finds of this object type, which despite producing a significant proportion of the currently known corpus have never been the subject of detailed analysis.

The collection of the former Jagiellonian University Archaeological Cabinet (Gabinet Archeologiczny Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego) in Kraków is unique in Poland. This is the oldest archaeological academic collection in Poland and the only one to survive to the present day in a nearly unchanged form. The collection’s history goes back to 1867, when it was established by Józef Łepkowski, the creator of the first Chair of Archaeology in the Jagiellonian University. The basic bulk of the collection was accumulated after the January Uprising of 1863, in a period marked by increased interest in antiquities: at that time it was regarded as a patriotic duty to preserve the achievements of Polish science and art. The establishment of the cabinet fit well into the general interest in antiquity observed throughout 19th-century Europe. Today, the collection is divided into two parts (each of them kept separately): Mediterranean and Prehistoric. As the artefacts from the Archaeological Cabinet have not been put on display since the end of WWII, the collection has generally maintained its 19th-century character, becoming in itself a museum monument of a kind.

Female figurines from most periods of ancient Egyptian history occur in a variety of contexts. These images were often fashioned from clay, faience, ivory, stone, and wood. Of these, female figurines discovered in funerary contexts are highly interesting: Did they represent family members of the deceased, or was it a sort of ritual that entailed placing a feminine model with deceased males to serve them in the afterlife? In this paper, I will primarily analyze the social role of women in prehistoric Egypt. Additionally, I will also assess artistic renditions and the overall iconography of feminine figurines from that period. The following questions will help to unravel the aspects: Why were female figurines placed in tombs? What are the artistic features specific to female figurines? What can we learn from the positions in which female figurines were placed? This paper will study examples of female figurine their artistic and social styles and draw comparisons to understand their development. As for the Feminine iconography in this period, we will show the depiction of woman on the antiquities since the age of Badari, with a discussing of the development of the feminine iconography, until the early dynastic era. Through these depictions, we will be able to-functional and social role through the depicted scenes on pottery vessels, mace heads, and tombs. The presence of feminine figurines and iconography in this early stage of the development of ancient Egyptian culture is indicative of the prominent role women essayed in daily life - as mothers, wives, and servants- an aspect the deceased wished to carry forward into the next world.

The presence of Hellenistic amphora production centres in central and east Crete was demonstrated in the 1990s through the survey carried out by J.-Y. Empereur, Ch. Kritzas and A. Marangou. In addition, more recent studies have placed emphasis on wine as a major component of the rural economy of Crete during that period. However, archaeological evidence from excavated sites and well-stratified contexts remains scarce. The rescue excavation carried out in a private plot at Loutra (Rethymnon, west Crete) by the 25th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities brought to light a Hellenistic farmstead with an olive beam press and a pottery kiln mainly producing amphorae. In this study we focus on the ceramic assemblage from the site. The study of the pottery, coupled with thin-section petrography, adds new evidence for the production of amphorae in west Crete during the Late Hellenistic period, and allows the investigation of issues such as the use of raw materials, the clay pastes and the technology of pottery manufacture. Moreover, the proximity of the kiln to the olive beam press sheds light on the use of amphorae for the trade in olive oil on a local and regional scale.

This article presents a preliminary report on the excavation campaigns of 1999 to 2001 conducted in the Sanctuary of Apollo Phanaios at Kato Phana on Chios by the 20th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities in collaboration with the British School at Athens. An account of the stratigraphy and architectural remains encountered is first presented, followed by a selected catalogue of the ceramic and small finds. The report concludes with a discussion of the chronological development of the site. While prior to the resumption of excavation work at Kato Phana in 1999 it was commonly held that the sanctuary had been established in the Late Geometric period, the new finds suggest that the history of cult worship here may extend back to the Late Mycenaean and the subsequent Protogeometric, Early Geometric and Middle Geometric periods. Excavation results now also reveal that by the seventh century BC the sanctuary had been architecturally embellished with permanent stone structures, with further architectural remodelling taking place on at least two subsequent occasions during the Archaic period. Though the paucity of Classical, Hellenistic and Roman finds from the site is puzzling, the Early Christian period provides a wealth of ceramic and small finds and architectural remains.

In 1935 M. E. L. Mallowan was rightly considered to be one of the outstanding British archaeologists of his generation. Having served his apprenticeship under Sir Leonard Woolley at Ur and supervised the prehistoric sounding at Nineveh under R. Campbell Thompson, he had then directed a successful excavation of his own at Arpachiyah (McCall 2001: 41–4), followed by the immediate publication of the final report (Mallowan/Cruikshank 1935).As a result of a change in the Iraq Antiquities Law, the division of antiquities found during excavations ceased. Mallowan, like many other archaeologists whose fieldwork had been sponsored by museums, was obliged to abandon Iraq and look for new opportunities of research in neighbouring eastern Syria, which was virtually terra incognita at this time (Oates/Oates 2001: 121). No doubt, Mallowan's interest in this area has been stimulated by the discoveries of Max von Oppenheim at Tell Halaf, where pottery has been found similar to that excavated by Mallowan at Arpachiyah. Furthermore, in 1934 Poidebard's aerial survey was published, and it included photographs of numerous archaeological sites along the Khabur and its tributaries (Mallowan 1947: 1). In the fall of 1934 Mallowan, accompanied by his wife, Agatha Christie, and an architect, Mr R. H. Macartney, arrived in Syria to inspect a number of sites located along the Khabur and Jaghjagh rivers, as well as in the Khabur plain. After a winter spent in Egypt, Mallowan returned to the Khabur area in the Spring of 1935, not only to continue his survey, but first to excavate Tell Chagar Bazar. Sherds of the same so-called Halaf pottery had been found at the base of the mound, pointing to the possibility of obtaining at this site a long stratigraphical sequence, which would, in turn, serve as a chronological framework for research on other sites (Mallowan 1936: 7–11, Fig. 2). The season's work, however, was not limited to Tell Chagar Bazar. Small teams were detached from the main force for a few days to make trial soundings on some other principal sites, such as Tell Ailun and Tell Mozan (Oates/Oates 2001: 129).

The ‘Tomb of the Philosophers’, owing its name to the iconographic theme depicted on the interior of its walls, offers a rare example of high-quality early Hellenistic painting, which enhances our knowledge on the use of painting materials and techniques in Greece during the late 4th–early 3rd century BC. The tomb was excavated in 2001 by the 17th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, in the area of the east cemetery of the ancient city of Pella and is among the largest built cist graves to have been found in the region to date. This article presents the results of a scientific investigation of the painting materials and techniques used in the tomb’s decoration by means of high-resolution visible- and raking-light imaging, broadband imaging (IRR, UIL, UVR, VIL), X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy and SEM-EDAX microanalysis on a representative number of samples. The examination of the paintings testifies to the application of elaborate painting techniques and to the use of a varied and rich chromatic ‘palette’ (iron oxides, Egyptian blue, malachite, conichalcite, cinnabar, lead white, carbon-based black, a purple organic colorant, yellow-orange arsenic and vanadium-based pigments). Furthermore, iconographic elements of the paintings were better visualized, allowing for a more accurate description and interpretation of the decorative program of the tomb.

Kastraki Hill on the eastern Argolic Gulf, with visible remains of impressive fortifications, has been identified since the mid-19th century as the position occupied by the acropolis of ancient Asine. The first systematic excavations were carried out by the Swedish Institute in the 1920s and revealed the continuous habitation of the site from the Early Helladic period (3rd millennium BC) up to the late 4th-early 5th century AD. Many additions and repairs on the acropolis were made during the Byzantine period and the 2nd Venetian Occupation of the Peloponnese (1686–1715). However, the most destructive interventions in the area are the works carried out by the Italians during World War II. Fearing an invasion of the Allies on this side of the Peloponnese, the Italians fortified the acropolis by making additions to the ancient walls and constructing auxiliary buildings, pillboxes, observation posts and trenches around the rocky outcrop using materials from buildings of the Lower Town. Their departure after the war revealed the extent of the destruction of the antiquities. During the past few decades we have seen interest in approaching sites of recent conflict using archaeological methods that could help researchers understand these transformations of matter in a deeper way. Such is the case of Asine, a palimpsest landscape with archaeological and historical remains of human activity extending from prehistoric to modern European times. This article will attempt to reveal this hidden side of contemporary history and offer a glimpse into the lives of the last inhabitants of the ancient city.

Urgent threats to the Gulf of California ecosystem from modern human activity obscure the fact that humans have interacted with native plants and animals for millennia. Archaeological and historical evidence suggests that indigenous peoples occupied both sides of the Gulf some 13 000 calendar years ago and that they eventually inhabited six major islands and visited most smaller ones. Biologists have increasingly realized that these peoples probably played a role in shaping island biotic communities extant today. How much of a role is unknown, but the best places to find evidence may be archaeological sites, which often contain remains of plants and animals directly used by prehistoric peoples. The opportunity to investigate the interaction between early humans and island biota may be lost because modern island visitors endanger sites. Many people, whether boaters, ecotourists, government officials, scientists or artefact collectors, enjoy picking up artefacts. Small surface sites, with exposed remains, can be completely denuded in minutes. Visitors to small islands can obliterate entire archaeological records, thereby creating the illusion of pristine islands. This problem is bound to worsen as Mexico implements Escalera Náutica, a chain of marinas specifically intended to multiply manyfold the boating population. The Mexican government's management plan for Gulf islands, published in 2000, recognizes only a general need to manage cultural resources. Specific mechanisms for protecting sites should be developed. These should educate visitors about the importance of the archaeological record and the destructiveness of collecting. They should also provide adequate enforcement of Mexico's existing antiquities laws. Conserving the archaeological resources may be the best way of preserving biological data essential to island biogeographers and ecologists.

The two sites of Al 'Ubaid and Eridu in southern Iraq are among the most significant historically for our understanding of the 'Ubaid culture. Al 'Ubaid is the type site while Eridu has yielded, not only the best known 'Ubaid occupation sequence, but also evidence of the development of the settlement from its beginnings as a village to its later floruit as a town, complete with a temple and an extensive extra-mural cemetery. Both sites have been partially excavated, Al 'Ubaid on two occasions and Eridu by at least four expeditions. The results of all these various explorations have been published so that we have a good idea of the nature of both sites. I was able, with T. J. Wilkinson, to visit Al 'Ubaid and Eridu in June 1990 (Fig. 1). During our visits we found indications of the firing of 'Ubaid pottery on the surfaces of both sites; this discovery was unexpected since the existence of pottery kilns had not been mentioned in the published accounts. The purpose of this note is to draw the attention of archaeologists to these remains, to describe them briefly and to discuss their significance.The opportunity to visit Al 'Ubaid and Eridu came during a reconnaissance of prehistoric sites in Iraq carried out with the encouragement of Dr Muayad Said Damerji, then Director General of the State Organization of Antiquities and Heritage in Iraq. I wish to thank Dr Damerji and his staff for the welcome they extended on that occasion and the assistance they provided. I also wish to express appreciation and thanks to T. J. Wilkinson, then the Assistant Director of the British Archaeological Expedition in Iraq and an old friend and colleague, who accompanied me on the reconnaissance and gave valuable help throughout.

In this article we provide a preliminary report of the work carried out between 2010 and 2012 as part of the Makrakomi Archaeological Landscapes Project (MALP). The programme of research is carried out in co-operation between the Swedish Institute at Athens and the 14th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities at Lamia. The interdisciplinary project started in the summer of 2010, when a pilot survey was conducted in and around the hill of Profitis Elias, in the modern municipality of Makrakomi, where extensive traces of ancient fortifications are still visible. Systematic investigations have been conducted since 2011 as part of a five-year plan of research involving surface survey, geophysical survey and small-scale archaeological excavation as well as geomorphological investigation. The primary aim of MALP is to examine the archaeology and geomorphology of the western Spercheios Valley, within the modern municipality of Makrakomi in order to achieve a better understanding of antiquity in the region, which has previously received scant scholarly attention. Through the archaeological surface survey and architectural survey in 2011 and 2012 we have been able to record traces of what can be termed as a nucleated and structured settlement in an area known locally as Asteria, which is formed by the projecting ridges to the east of Profitis Elias. The surface scatters recorded in this area suggest that the town was primarily occupied from the late 4th century BC and throughout the Hellenistic period. The geophysical survey conducted between 2011 and 2012 similarly recorded data which point to the presence of multiple structures according to a regular grid system. The excavation carried out in the central part of Asteria also uncovered remains of a single domestic structure (Building A) which seems to have been in use during the Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. The combined data acquired through the programme of research is thus highly encouraging, and has effectively demonstrated the importance of systematic archaeological research in this understudied area of Central Greece.

Resumen En 1895, Nicolás Sáenz propuso al gobierno chileno la venta de una colección de objetos “incaicos” traídos desde Lima; adquisición aprobada en 1897. Pese a las dificultades ocasionadas por la Guerra del Pacífico, el Museo Nacional (Chile) continuó adquiriendo antigüedades peruanas, siguiendo una tradición de estudios comparados de cultura material. Dentro del marco del evolucionismo social, estas antigüedades servían como medida de civilización, con la cual contrastar la cultura material de los pueblos prehispánicos de Chile. Este artículo analiza la adquisición de la colección Sáenz, como un punto cúlmine de un proceso de tránsito hacia a una arqueología enfocada en las nuevas adquisiciones territoriales post guerra del Pacífico.

Resumen. En el presente artículo se presentan los resultados de la prospección arqueológica del poblado prehispánico de Campoalegre de filiación cultural Quimbaya Tardío I (500-1300 d. C.), realizada en el municipio de Ginebra, Valle del Cauca, en el año 2006. Se documenta la utilización deuna estrategia transdisciplinaria no intrusiva que incluyó la utilización de técnicas tanto de sensores remotos (fotointerpretación aérea), como geoeléctricas y la radiactividad de rayos gamma (aplicada por primera vez en prospecciones arqueológicas en Colombia). Igualmente, se emplearon métodos pedológicos, arqueológicos y topográficos tradicionales como: la observación visual del paisaje, la división espacial en cuadrículas de los sectores seleccionados para intensificar los estudios, el levantamientoy caracterización edafológica de perfiles estratigráficos, el levantamiento topográfico y la ubicacióngeorreferida de las plataformas antiguas, las pruebas de barreno y la excavación de pozos de sondeoy trincheras utilizando niveles arbitrarios.De acuerdo con los reconocimientos de campo y a los estudios de materiales culturales realizados en el laboratorio, podemos sugerir que en el sector prospectado del curso medio del río Guabas, existió un poblado prehispánico, que compuesto originalmente, al menos, por unos veintitrés aterrazamientos o plataformas donde eran construidas las viviendas indígenas, distribuidas de forma dispersa, sobre latopografía del sector, entre los 1.970 y 2.060 msnm. Algunas de ellas estaban escalonadas formando conjuntos de dos o tres terrazas sobre la pendiente. Las dimensiones, asociadas con la función que cumplieron, oscilaron entre 41 y 337 m2.Abstract. In this article presents the results of the pre-Hispanic archaeological exploration of the ancient village of Campoalegre of cultural affiliation Quimbaya Late I (500-1300 AD), held in Ginebra, Valle del Cauca, in 2006. It documents the use of a non-intrusive transdisciplinary strategy that included the use of remote sensing techniques (aerial photo), as geoelectric radioactivity and gamma (applied for the first time in archaeological exploration in Colombia). Alike, were used pedological, archaeologicaland topographical traditional methods as: visual observation of the landscape, the space division in grids in selected sectors to intensify studies, lifting and characterization of pedology and stratigraphic profiles, surveying and Geographic location of antiquities platforms, and digging test holds and trenches using arbitrary levels.Based on field surveys and subsequent studies of cultural materials in the laboratory, we suggest that in the middle course of the Guabas river, there was a prehistoric village, which was originally composed at least by some 23 platforms scattered on the topography of the sector between 1970 and 2060 meters above sea level. Its dimensions, probably associated with the role, ranged between 41 and 337 m2.

»My name is Boye, I dig carins and old mounds«The archaeologist Vilhelm Christian BoyeThe story of Vilhelm Boye is the history of one man’s passionate and insightful involvement in archaeology, which from the first was directed solely towards the Bronze Age. His involvement led to an academic disaster in his youth, but left behind it a developed skill in field archaeology. Despite his problems he persisted with what most obsessed him, namely the preservation of Denmark’s oak coffin graves. His multi-facetted personality and his more popular approach to archaeology may have challenged his contemporaries, and certainly contributed to his more or less deliberate exclusion from a permanent appointment at the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen. Even though he was opposed by powerful people within the Copenhagen museum establishment for nearly twenty years, he had the natural facility of easily winning the trust of others. This enabled him to cope with the situation and turn it to his advantage wherever he found himself. His marriage to Mimi Drachmann brought a welcome stability to his life, but his lack of professional recognition and his exclusion from a place at the top of archaeology continued. Time was running out for Boye, but he managed to leave an impressive body of published work behind him.Vilhelm Christian Boye was the son of the Norwegian-born priest and writer of hymns Caspar Johannes Boye. In 1848 his father was moved to the garrison church in Copenhagen, where the family lived at 29 Bredgade until his father’s death from cholera in 1853. This was a fashionable part of town, its residents including both the composer Niels W. Gade and Professor Adam Oehlenschläger, and even more notably J.J.A. Worsaae lived in the same property as the Boye family from 1850 to 1852. It was probably through his neighbour Worsaae that Boye later became a member of the circle around C.J. Thomsen. We may therefore assume that Boye visited and spent many after-school hours at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, and soon became an assistant during the public tours.Early in the 1840s tension arose between Worsaae and Thomsen, because Thomsen did not want to make Worsaae a junior museum inspector. Worsaae had not hitherto received any stipend or official position, and with some justice felt himself hard done by. Thomsen however did not respond to his request, so he left the Museum, later to be made Director for the Preservation of Ancient monuments. At the same time he taught at Copenhagen University, where Boye from time to time came to his lectures. There is no doubt that Boye wanted an academic career, and presumably hoped that his involvement with the Museum of Northern Antiquities would allow him to complete a study of Scandinavian archaeology. In the meantime Boye studied at the Museum under the direction of both Thomsen and Herbst.In early October 1857 Boye undertook one of his first excavations of a Bronze Age mound, the so-called Loholm barrow at Snørumnedre Mark (fig. 1). The dating of the grave however caused problems for him, but through a comparative study of Bronze Age burial rituals he concluded that the grave had close parallels within this period.The following year three funerary urns and some bronze objects were found in Hullehøj barrow, near Kjeldbymagle on the island of Møn. The barrow was going to be blown up, but the local judge had the work stopped and sent Boye to lead the excavation in May 1859. As the excavation progressed, Boye was able to ascertain that there were both cremations and inhumations in one and the same barrow. The inhumations were surrounded by fist-sized stones and placed at the bottom of the barrow, the cremations higher up within the mound. In comparison with his earlier barrow excavations it is worth noting Boye’s stratigraphic observations, which for the first time supported the division of the Bronze Age into an earlier and a later section. This hypothesis had been suggested earlier, but not hitherto adequately demonstrated. In 1859 Boye published the results of his excavations of 1857-8, as well as those of his recently completed excavation of Aasehøj barrow at Raklev, in the periodical Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie for 1858. This article is his first independent scientific publication, and should have attracted greater attention than it in fact did. In modern perspective the article is a perfectly competent archaeological publication, in which Boye solely through field observations reaches the conclusion that the Bronze Age could be divided into two periods, each with its own burial ritual. Even though Boye had been close to understanding why both cremations and inhumations occurred in the same barrow as early as 1857, he did not reach his final understanding this early. In November 1857 Worsaae had in fact given lectures at the university in which he suggested a division of the Bronze Age, but it is noteworthy that he had not earlier published any or all of his conclusions. His work on the subdivision of the Stone Age was probably more important to Worsaae, while the subdivision of the Bronze Age was more of a footnote, a natural outgrowth of the idea that there was continuous development from one stage to the next. Boye’s article in Annaler thus inevitably supported Worsaae’s hypothesis, although this was presumably not the intention. On the contrary, Boye merely intended to publish his own conclusions. Boye cannot therefore be said to be the sole originator of the subdivision of the Bronze Age, but apart his barrow investigations there was nobody else who reached the same conclusion at the time independently of Worsaae.In 1860 Boye took part in the first major bog excavations, at Vimose and then at Thorsbjerg with Engelhardt. Despite adverse circumstances and appalling weather, the Thorsbjerg excavations produced several important finds including Roman coins, a gilt breastplate, and also a very unusual face mask of silver with gilt (fig. 2). Although Engelhardt did not publish the full excavation report until 1863-69, Boye presented his observations in Annaler as early as 1860, where he discussed earlier interpretations of the many weapons found in bogs. Boye observed that the universal destruction of these weapons did not happen by chance, but was deliberate. Furthermore, the weapons lay in groups of one type, and the shields were pierced by spear points to pin them to the bottom of the bog. Boye’s interpretation of the finds was thus remarkably accurate, because he regarded them as votive offerings of the spoils of war.When Prussian and Austrian troops crossed the Ejder River on 1st February 1864, Boye volunteered within the month and was promoted to lance corporal (fig. 3). In May he was landed to take part in the defence of the island of Als along with the other Danish forces. On his return home in August Boye continued his work at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, but Thomsen’s health was failing, and after a long illness he died on 21st May 1865. The question of who was to succeed Thomsen had long been discussed, and it was indeed Worsaae who was appointed. Although Herbst had been groomed for the job by Thomsen, he found himself outmanouevred. Boye probably already knew by then that he would not be given a position at the Museum. Herbst, his confidant, could no longer help him, and Thomsen’s awareness of his archaeological skills was of no use either. Circumstances thus forced Boye to leave the Museum.Boye’s relationship with the family friend and poet H.C. Andersen resulted in the latter recommending Boye in December 1867 as a Danish tutor to the Brandt family in Amsterdam (fig. 4). On Wednesday 22nd January 1868 Boye departed for Amsterdam via Kiel. During his stay Boye wrote regularly to Andersen, who also travelled to Amsterdam to visit him. His stay in Amsterdam was evidently good for Boye, and contributed to the fact that he never lost his love for archaeology. As early as late August of the same year, Boye travelled to southern Halland in Sweden at the request of Ritmester Peter von Möller, to examine and excavate a large group of barrows known as the Ätterhögar on the Drömmestrup estate, the excavation of which was concluded in early July 1869. Boye thus returned home just in time to take part as a member of the Danish Committee in the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology that was held in Copenhagen from 25th August to 5th September. But his love of Schleswig and the old borderland called him, and soon Boye moved permanently to Haderslev to work as a freelance writer on the daily paper Dannevirke under the editorship of H.R. Hiort-Lorenzen.His coverage of the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology meeting in Copenhagen is the most extensive of Boye’s writings in Dannevirke. He also wrote a series of articles with a marked archaeological-ethnographic content, for example on the antiquities of Brazil, and the discovery of ­Australia.Although Boye supported himself as a writer for Dannevirke, his main occupation seems rather to have been the investigation of the burial mounds of Schleswig, which before 1864 had only been intermittently examined by amateurs. Boye began an extensive programme, and without his efforts and initiative, knowledge of many Schleswig barrows would have been lost. Although the information he recorded was not particularly satisfactory, in that it was mostly based on the memory of local people, his efforts should be seen as a precursor, because the work of protection went slowly at the time. In his search for lost information, in 1875 Boye considered the barrow at Dybvadgård north of Åbenrå, which had been partially excavated by Prince Carl of Prussia in 1864. During the excavations the Prince’s soldiers found an oak coffin, which was despatched to the Museum für Völkerkunde in Berlin. Boye therefore wrote direct to the Prince, who in reply sent a photograph and description of the coffin. During the next eight years Boye managed to accumulate a great deal of information about the barrows of Schleswig, but his work was not without risk, because several of his “missions” involved evading the Prussian authorities and their power to confiscate the antiquities which Boye from time to time illegally sent to the Museum in Copenhagen.In 1874 the Principal of Herlufsholm School, C. Hall, engaged Vilhelm Boye to organise the school’s collection of antiquities, which had been in store for nearly twenty years. In addition to this reorganisation, funds were also made available for the systematic excavation of a nearby barrow at Grimstrup (fig. 5). The barrow however contained very little, mainly urns full of cremated bone, but the excavation was thoroughly recorded and a series of drawings was produced by R. Bertelsen, the school’s teacher of drawing. After this Boye set to work to display the collection in the six cases that were made available. The greater part of the collection came from the Stone Age, filling no fewer than five cases, giving an impression both of coastal finds from shell middens, and grave finds. The Bronze Age display contained only a few bronzes, but rather more pots. Iron Age artifacts were hardly represented at all, and consisted mostly of whetstones, a bowl-shaped buckle, and a pot burnt black.In November of the same year Boye was working at Herlufsholm, he produced his remarkable work Vejledning til Udgravning af Oldsager og deres foreløbige Behandling [Guide to the Excavation of Antiquities and their Initial Study], published under the auspices of the Society for the Historical-Antiquarian Collection in Århus. Boye’s Guide is the first of its type, and one can clearly detect his close association with Herbst, who had contributed to the scientific content of the work.Boye’s link with the antiquarian collection in Århus had not come about by chance. During his time at the Museum of Northern Antiquities he had early on made contact with the person mainly responsible for the establishment of the Århus collection, Edvard Erslev. Boye joined the museum in 1871, re-arranged the collection, and produced a guide for visitors. For the first time the museum acquired a new and professional look. Boye thus functioned as part of the leadership until 1876, when he gave up his museum post in favour of the schoolteacher Emmerik Høegh-Guldberg. The continued problems facing Dannevirke and Hiort-Lorenzen’s mounting confrontation with the judicial authorities in Flensborg probably caused Boye to consider his position with the newspaper. This culminated with the expulsion of Hiort-Lorenzen, who then took up the post of chief editor of Nationaltidende in Copenhagen. Boye also travelled to Copenhagen in early 1878, and on 15th November the year after he married Mimi Drachmann, sister of the poet Holger Drachmann (fig. 6 ). Not suprisingly, Boye got a job at the Nationaltidende, where he edited the newspaper’s Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications until 1885. In the seven years Boye worked at the paper, no fewer than 150 numbers of the Communications appeared, Boye writing more than 400 pages of them himself. The articles include a multiplicity of archaeological and ethnographic topics such as “Egypt’s Ancient Cultures” and “A Copper Age in Scandinavia”.In 1882 Count Emil Frijs of Frijsenborg commissioned Boye to catalogue and organise his estate’s collection of prehistoric and medieval objects, which came from the area round the lake and castle ruin at Søborg in northern Zealand. Attempts had been made to drain the lake since 1793, and several antiquities had been found at various times during the work. The recording project culminated in the publication of a small book, Fund af Gjenstande fra Oldtiden og Middelalderen i og ved Søborg Sø [Finds of Objects from the Prehistoric and Medieval Periods in and around Søborg Lake], which among other things contains some of the first photographic illustrations of Danish antiquities (fig. 7).Worsaae’s death in 1885 inaugurated a new era, and Herbst was finally able to take over the post of head of the Museum (fig. 8). Boye’s long friendship with Herbst had in the previous years resulted in him becoming a regional inspector for the Museum. Herbst was probably even then considering Boye for a future post in the Museum, and was indicating that he himself could not be overlooked when it became time to nominate a successor to Worsaae. After his appointment to the Museum of Northern Antiquities in 1885, Boye continued his activities as inspector in northern Zealand, and was frequently called when new finds were recovered from Bronze Age barrows.In contrast to Herbst, Boye rapidly fell in with the group of younger workers, particularly Henry Petersen (fig. 9). Over the years they became close friends with a common interest in new finds, as during the excavation of Guldhøj in 1891. Boye had no draftsman at the excavation, but he did have a local photographer who recorded some aspects of the opening of the first oak coffin. These are the first photographs ever to be taken during an excavation, even though photography by then was nothing new (fig. 10).With the reorganising of the National Museum, Boye was made senior assistant of the historical section on 1st April 1892, under Henry Petersen. He was responsible for the Museum’s archive and library, but fieldwork and travels are what particularly characterise his work in these years. When the small Bronze Age barrow on which the Glavendrup rune stone had been erected in 1864 was nearly completely destroyed by ploughing, Boye undertook a restoration of the barrow itself and the associated ship-shaped arrangement of stones in 1892 (fig. 11). The restoration’s outcome was the construction of a new barrow on which was placed the rune stone, and the re-erection of the stones in the ship arrangement.At the same time, chamberlain A. Oxholm undertook a small excavation of the Bronze Age barrow at Tårnholm, and recovered an oak coffin containing the remains of a woman, a fine necklace, a belt plate, and a small bronze dagger. Boye was immediately informed, and in connection with his investigations at Tårnborg was able to go to Tårnholm and lead a new excavation of the barrow, in which A.P. Madsen was also involved, and recover two more oak coffins (fig. 12).If we now consider Boye’s last major work, the publication of the major volume Fund af Egekister fra Bronzealderen i Danmark [Finds of Oak Coffins from the Danish Bronze Age], there are several indications that suggest that Boye began the work with the early intention that its coverage should be wide, and contain his long-term investigations into and knowledge of the country’s oak coffin graves. It is particularly noteworthy that his work as an archaeological journalist and with the Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications seems to have been a kind of precursor to this, as the last chapters contain sections that are clearly derived from his contributions to the Communications. The manuscript was completed in April 1896, and A.P. Madsen prepared for it no fewer than 27 full-page folio sized copperplates. The work was dedicated to “the veterans of Danish archaeology”, C.F. Herbst the museum director, and Japetus Steenstrup, with whom Boye had first collaborated more recently.His many years of a wandering existence and work-related disruptions had however told on him, and soon after the book was published Boye became ill. From his private correspondence from 1896 it emerges that Boye often had insufficient time to be with his nearest and dearest. Despite his illness he travelled one last time to visit relatives at Viken, but his illness worsened and he had to travel rapidly to Lund and on to Copenhagen. Boye died on 22nd September apparently as the result of a stroke, and was buried in Søllerød churchyard north of Copenhagen.Boye’s potential as a researcher was noticed early on by Thomsen, but just as quickly suppressed by Worsaae, who may more or less deliberately have sought to out-manoeuvre his colleague. Boye’s character and energy may have seemed a threat, and although he never finished an academic education he nevertheless displayed a remarkable archaeological acuity, but was unable to bolster his own reputation. Some of the blame for this must rest with the Museum’s aged leaders, who never supported or developed Boye’s evident skills to any great extent. It must also be stressed that some of Boye’s earlier career problems are closely connected to the lack of vision and jealousy of these same leaders. When he departed for Amsterdam Boye had no expectation of a Museum post, but despite this he intelligently kept up his contacts with Copenhagen, particularly with Herbst, knowing full well that Worsaae’s leadership would one day end. This somewhat bold presumption turned out to be correct, and helped his archaeological career.There is no doubt that Boye in his later years tried hard to recover his lost reputation and save his career from the disaster it suffered when he was younger, but the price was high and it also affected his health. We must today recognise that his reputation was restored to the highest level, and we must thank him for the fact that, through him, a uniquely detailed knowledge of the Bronze Age people themselves was preserved for Danish archaeology, as well as of their most prominent contribution to the Danish landscape: the barrows.Anders Otte StensagerInstitut for forhistorisk arkæologiKøbenhavns UniversitetTranslated by Peter Rowley-Conwy

Explicitly regional projects have been a comparatively recent phenomenon in Mediterranean archaeology. Classical archaeology is by far the strongest discipline in the university, museum and antiquities services career structures within the Mediterranean countries. It has always been dominated by the ‘Great Tradition’ of classical art and architecture: even today, a university course on ‘ancient topography’ in many departments of classical archaeology will usually deal predominantly with the layout of the major imperial cities and the details of their monumental architecture. The strength of the tradition is scarcely surprising in the face of the overwhelming wealth of the standing remains of the Greek and Roman cities in every Mediterranean country. There has been very little integration with prehistory: early prehistory is still frequently taught within a geology degree, and later prehistory is still invariably dominated by the culture-history approach. Prehistory in many traditional textbooks in the north Mediterranean countries remains a succession of invasions and migrations, first of Palaeolithic peoples from North Africa and the Levant, then of neolithic farmers, then metal-using élites from the East Mediterranean, followed in an increasingly rapid succession by Urnfielders, Dorians and Celts from the North, to say nothing of Sea Peoples (from who knows where?!). For the post-Roman period, church archaeology has a long history, but medieval archaeology in the sense of dirt archaeology is a comparatively recent discipline: until the 1960s in Italy, for example, ‘medieval archaeology’ meant the study of the medieval buildings of the historic cities, a topic outside the responsibility of the State Archaeological Service (the Superintendency of Antiquities) and within that of the parallel ‘Superintendencies’ for monuments, libraries, archives and art galleries.

Geophysical prospecting methods have been extensively used to outline buried antiquities in terrestrial sites. Despite the frequent application of these mapping and imaging approaches for the detection of archaeological relics in deep-water marine environments (e.g., shipwrecks), the aforementioned processes have minimal contribution when it comes to understanding the dynamics of the past in coastal and shallow aquatic archaeological sites. This work explores the possibilities of multicomponent geophysical techniques in revealing antiquities that have been submerged in diverse shallow coastal marine environments in the eastern Mediterranean. A group of four sites in Greece (Agioi Theodoroi, Olous, Lambayanna) and Cyprus (Pafos) spanning from prehistory to Roman times were chosen as test sites to validate the efficiency of electrical resistivity tomography, magnetic gradiometry, and ground penetrating radar methods. The comprehensive analysis of the geophysical data completed the picture for the hidden archeological elements in all the sites. The results manifest the significance and the potential of these methods for documenting and understanding the complex archaeological sites encountered in the Mediterranean. In view of climate change and the risks related to future sea level rise and erosion of low-level coastal areas, the results of this work could be integrated in a strategic framework to develop an effective interdisciplinary research model that can be applied to similar shallow water archaeological surveys, thus substantially contributing towards cultural resources management.

Born in Rovereto in the North of Italy during the Risorgimento, and a student at Padua, Vienna and Rome, Orsi is best known for his work in Sicily from 1888 onwards, as inspector and then director of the Syracuse museum. His long and distinguished career began with research in the Trentino where he studied the antiquities of all periods, and his first publication (the first of over 300) appeared in I 878. The Italian archaeological establishment, and prehistorians such as Pigorini, Chierici and Strobel, soon became aware of Orsi's tireless ability as a fieldworker and scholar in his home area. His stratigraphic excavations in the rock-shelter of Colombo di Mori in 1881, his particular interest in prehistory and his early three-fold division of the North Italian Neolithic in 1882 were notable and clearly marked the beginning of systematic research in the Trentino. Orsi became a regular contributor to the Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana from 1882 and later other journals such as the Monumenti Antichi and the Notizie degli Scavi of the Accademia dei Lincei widely publicized his discoveries in Sicily. By 1893 the editors of the American Journal of Archaeology had drawn attention to his 'immense activity in Sicily , . . By his means Sicily is becoming the part of Italy where the most interesting excavations are being carried on' (293).

El uso de murallas desde los primeros momentos de la sedentarización ha buscado el cierre de asentamientos y, aunque generalmente estas construcciones procuraban la protección de sus habitantes, pudieron jugar también un papel importante en aspectos como la demostración de fuerza o de independencia política, jurídica e incluso como ornamento. En el presente trabajo realizamos una visión diacrónica de las estructuras en piedra, con especial interés de aquellas estudiadas en el marco de los proyectos de investigación desarrollados por el Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Granada, mostrándose nuevos datos procedentes de nuestros archivos recientemente digitalizados y que permiten observar de una manera más detallada la fábrica de algunas de ellas, lo que demuestra los cambios de hábitos constructivos y su adaptación a los cambios culturales. Palabras Clave: Estructuras defensivas, Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce, Bronce FinalTopónimos: Península IbéricaPeriodo: Edad del Cobre, Edad del Bronce ABSTRACTThe use of walls from the earliest moments of sedentarisation has sought to enclose settlements and, although the goal of these constructions has generally been the protection of their inhabitants, they may have played an important role in aspects such as the demonstration of strength or political and legal independence, and even as ornamentation. This paper presents a diachronic view of stone wall structures, with particular focus on those studied within the framework of the research projects carried out by the Department of Prehistory and Archaeology of the University of Granada. New data from our recently digitalised archives are included, enabling us to observe in greater detail the construction of some of these structures, evidencing changes in building habits and their adaptation to cultural changes. 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Shannon Dawdy has presented us with a provocative dialogue on the question ‘is archaeology useful?’ In it, she forecasts a rather bleak future for our field, raising doubts about whether archaeology should be useful and whether it is ‘threatened with its own end-time’. Woven throughout her paper are major concerns about the use of archaeology for nationalistic ends and heritage projects which she deems fulfil the needs of archaeologists rather than those of the public they serve. In the final section of her paper, when she asks, ‘can archaeology save the world?’, Dawdy recommends that we reorient our research ‘away from reconstructions of the past and towards problems of the present’ (p. 140). In my contribution to this dialogue, I introduce an issue that reflects on cultural heritage, antiquities and artefact preservation, which, though they may seem antithetical, are closely aligned with Dawdy's concerns. As a prehistorian with a focus on the third millennium B.C. in the Near East and South Asia, I consider these issues to be the ‘big stories’ that have emerged in the early years of this third millennium, and those that speak directly to the usefulness of archaeology. Of course, it is not the only thing we do, but it is ‘useful’.

Amateur archaeologists in DenmarkThe article briefly sums up the history of amateur archaeology in Denmark and mentions the most renowned amateur archaeologists and collectors of artefacts, mainly from the island Fyn. Attention focuses on describing the close collaboration between amateur and profession al archaeologists, which has resulted in the institution of museums all over the country, often through donations of extensive artefact collections from skilful and wealthy amateur archaeologists.The first museum was established in Copenhagen by Ole Worm (1588-1654), who studied the Danish prehistory. The king, Frederik III (1609-1670), made the museum into a kunstkammer, which included not only archaeological artefacts but also curiosities. Later, the artefact collections were gathered in the Old Nordic Museum, which became the present National Museum in 1892.Ole Worm’s contemporary, the nobleman Jesper Friis (1593-1643) of Ørbæklunde on Fyn created an extensive and comprehensive kunstkammer including two Egyptian mummy coffins (fig. 1). Another native of Fyn, Professor Thomas Broder Bircherod (1661-1731) also had a collection of curios. In the 19th century, Lauritz Schebye Vedel Simonsen (1780-1858), the owner of the manor Elvedgård, and Niels Frederik Bernhard Sehested (1813-1882), owner of the manor Broholm, had large collections of artefacts. The latter was a talented amateur archaeologist, who undertook systematic excavations of almost 400 Iron Age graves on the Møllegårdsmarken site. The finds were published in well-illustrated books. Sehested had a small museum built in the manor garden, where he exhibited his finds. The museum still exists (fig. 2). He also experimented with the practical manufacturing and use of prehistoric tools – a novelty at the time (fig. 3). Even King Frederik VII (1808-1863), once the governor of Fyn, was a passionate collector, who undertook or initiated many excavations.The 20th century saw many wealthy amateur archaeologists, who built museums and issued archaeological publications, as for instance the prefect of the island Bornholm, Emil Vedel (1824-1909), who – assisted by the teacher, Johan Andreas Jørgensen (1840-1908) – made comprehensive investigations into several hundred graves at Lousgaard on Bornholm. Vedel initiated the horizontalstratigraphic excavation method, which resulted in the introduction of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Danish archaeology. As an acknowledgement for this, Emil Vedel was appointed vice president of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab,” a credit to an amateur archaeologist!The chemists Christen Mikkelsen (1844-1924) and his son, Poul Helweg Mikkelsen (1876-1940) represented two generation s of very active amateur archaeologists on Fyn. Both left large private collections, which they willed to The National Museum and Fyns Stiftsmuseum (the museum of the diocese of Fyn) (fig. 4). Poul Helweg Mikkelsen is especially remembered for his excavation of the Ladby Viking ship. Out of his own pocket he paid for the building of a cupola covering the Viking ship, which was left in situ, thus making this Viking ship grave unique in Scandinavia.JensWinther (1863-1955), a grocer on the island of Langeland, paid a museum with his own money (fig. 5). He was a skilful amateur archaeologist, who carried out numerous excavations and introduced a new excavation technique, surface digging, involving the gradual exposure of the surface through the removal of thin successive earth layers – a technique that set a fashion. His excavations at the Troldebjerg site functioned as training excavations for future professional archaeologists. For instance, P.V. Glob, the later professor of archaeology and keeper of national antiquities, was one of Winther’s ”pupils”. Also Winther’s lifelong housekeeper, Miss Hornum, was a skilful amateur archaeologist – so skilful that she was invited to take part in the excavation of Inuit settlements in Greenland. Later she was admitted the second female member of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab,” following professor Brøndsted’s recommendation.Svend Dyhre Rasmussen (fig. 6), an amateur archaeologist from Sjælland, found the famous medieval high-backed fields and the adjoining village of Borup Ris. His fellow islander, Karl Kristian Nielsen (fig. 7) was a hardworking amateur archaeologist, who undertook both prehistoric and medieval excavations for forty years. He was a modest, self-taught man working as a charcoal burner and thus nicknamed ” the learned charcoal burner”. He was the first amateur archaeologist honoured with the membership of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab” (fig. 8).The article also mentions the wide section of the population – comprising all classes – that has contributed to collectin g and preserving our relics of the past in such a comprehensive manner. Another purpose of the article is to show the connection between important events in Danish history and the amateur archaeological initiatives that resulted from them. The article gives a survey of Danish amateur archaeology, which is organised in numerous associations that stimulate the public interest in this field.A new initiative was the founding of a countrywide organisation of amateur movements, the SDA, in 1990 (fig. 9).The SDA has initiated courses, publication of an amateur archaeological periodical and the ambitious project, ”Operation Golden Horn” aiming at a countrywide registration and mapping of finds and relics. The history of the amateur archaeologist associations on Fyn is described, including examples of the work of smaller groups (fig. 11). The cooperation between amateur archaeologists and museum employees on Fyn culminated in 1984 with the exhibition” Past time and spare time”.An important part of amateur archaeologists’ work is the participation in the annual excavation camps, where the amateurs enjoy the pleasure of finding artefacts and learn how to register them scholarly correctly. Cooperation on a Scandinavian level resulted in a Nordic Amateur Archaeologists’ Excavation Camp (the NAU) in connection with Odense’s 1000th anniversary in 1988 (fig. 12). Since then, similar excavation camps have been held in other Nordic countries, and in Estonia. The cooperation with Estonia has given a wider perspective, which includes international cooperation at different levels.The amateur archaeologists’ knowledge of their own neighbourhood has proved important, as they co nt act the profession al archaeologists when farming methods or public construction work is unexpectedly revealing archaeological finds. In such cases, retired and unemployed amateur archaeologists have made an ”ambulance service”, which offers assistance to museums at short notice. Another special initiative was taken by the amateur ar chaeologists on Bornholm, who created a special branch for detector amateurs. This has helped both Norwegian and Swedish museums investigating known sites and thus gain a more differentiated picture of Iron Age settlements. A third special branch of amateur work is the investigation of the submarine settlement of Tybrind Vig, which is an example of a well functioning coopertion with the marine-archaeological group in Fredericia.When in the 1991, Professor Henrik Thrane, Doctor of Philosophy, made the Hollufgård Museum on Fyn and its collection s more user-friendly and accessible to the public by creating ”open stores”, he also gave the amateur archaeologists the possibility of self-tuition. The publication of the archaeological journal ”Archaeology and the natives of Fyn” in 1979 was a result of cooperation between the museum and amateurs (fig. 13). Finally, in 1993, the SDA journal now carrying the name of” Archaeology for everyone” was published. To stimulate the interest in archaeology among the youth, so-called Hugin and Munin clubs have been started, with branches in Copenhagen, on Fyn and in Jutland.The Erik Westerby foundation (initiated by this famous amateur archaeologist) was created to support Danish archaeologists. In 1994, Axel Degn Johansson was the first amateur archaeologist to receive the price, along with 100.000 Dkr, and later another twelve amateur archaeologists have enjoyed grants and presents of money from the foundation.Finally, the importance of the amateur movement for the present and the future is mentioned, and it is stressed that good cooperation between amateurs and museum professionals is very important. Amateur archaeologists will also benefit from the new and refined methods of dating and analysing archaeological finds and – when detecting new finds in the field – of the exact position determination offered by the GPS system. The importance of publicattention on archaeology is stressed, and so the interest of amateur archaeologists is seen as a necessary part in the important and comprehensive task of preserving the past for the future.Jane Kjærgaard AndresenOdenseTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

This article reconsiders the important work of Leroi-Gourhan through the lens of Christopher Johnson's ‘Leroi-Gourhan and the Limits of the Human’ (2011) by returning to the context of French prehistory of the 1860s that lies behind Leroi-Gourhan's discoveries and interpretations of hominid remains and artefacts in the Grotte du Renne. The Exposition universelle of 1867 and French publications of the period capture the importance of ‘préhistoire’ for Second Empire France materialized in Napoleon III's establishment at Saint-Germain-en-Laye of the first national Musée des Antiquités Nationales dedicated to their collections. The archaeological discoveries, and the debates they inspired, did not escape the encyclopaedic bricolage and designs of Flaubert. With delicious clins d'oeil to the question of ‘l'homme fossile’ and ‘l'homme futur’ that he had already debated with Louis Bouilhet, this article uncovers how Flaubert's Légende de Saint Julien details the ‘limits of the human’ in Johnson's reading of Leroi-Gourhan. By returning to ‘real’ counterparts for the legendary Stag in Flaubert's tale, its contextual, allegedly fantastical, ‘préhistoires’ can better be excavated. To find the non-legendary, extreme contemporary, sources for Flaubert's disturbing text crucially informs a critique of the dehistoricization of seeing in post-war French cultural studies and sciences of the human.

We’ll have trouble now!The Archaeological Society of Jutland was founded on Sunday, 11 March 1951. As with most projects with which P.V Glob was involved, this did not pass off without drama. Museum people and amateur archaeologists in large numbers appeared at the Museum of Natural History in Aarhus, which had placed rooms at our disposal. The notable dentist Holger Friis, the uncrowned king of Hjørring, was present, as was Dr Balslev from Aidt, Mr and Mrs Overgaard from Holstebro Museum, and the temperamental leader of Aalborg Historical Museum, Peter Riismøller, with a number of his disciples. The staff of the newly-founded Prehistoric Museum functioned as the hosts, except that one of them was missing: the instigator of the whole enterprise, Mr Glob. As the time for the meeting approached, a cold sweat broke out on the foreheads of the people present. Finally, just one minute before the meeting was to start, he arrived and mounted the platform. Everything then went as expected. An executive committee was elected after some discussion, laws were passed, and then suddenly Glob vanished again, only to materialise later in the museum, where he confided to us that his family, which included four children, had been enlarged by a daughter.That’s how the society was founded, and there is not much to add about this. However, a few words concerning the background of the society and its place in a larger context may be appropriate. A small piece of museum history is about to be unfolded.The story begins at the National Museum in the years immediately after World War II, at a time when the German occupation and its incidents were still terribly fresh in everyone’s memory. Therkel Mathiassen was managing what was then called the First Department, which covered the prehistoric periods.Although not sparkling with humour, he was a reliable and benevolent person. Number two in the order of precedence was Hans Christian Broholm, a more colourful personality – awesome as he walked down the corridors, with his massive proportions and a voice that sounded like thunder when nothing seemed to be going his way, as quite often seemed to be the case. Glob, a relatively new museum keeper, was also quite loud at times – his hot-blooded artist’s nature manifested itself in peculiar ways, but his straight forward appearance made him popular with both the older and the younger generations. His somewhat younger colleague C.J. Becker was a scholar to his fingertips, and he sometimes acted as a welcome counterbalance to Glob. At the bottom of the hierarchy was the student group, to which I belonged. The older students handled various tasks, including periodic excavations. This was paid work, and although the salary was by no means princely, it did keep us alive. Student grants were non-existent at the time. Four of us made up a team: Olfert Voss, Mogens Ørsnes, Georg Kunwald and myself. Like young people in general, we were highly discontented with the way our profession was being run by its ”ruling” members, and we were full of ideas for improvement, some of which have later been – or are being – introduced.At the top of our wish list was a central register, of which Voss was the strongest advocate. During the well over one hundred years that archaeology had existed as a professional discipline, the number of artefacts had grown to enormous amounts. The picture was even worse if the collections of the provincial museums were taken into consideration. We imagined how it all could be registered in a card index and categorised according to groups to facilitate access to references in any particular situation. Electronic data processing was still unheard of in those days, but since the introduction of computers, such a comprehensive record has become more feasible.We were also sceptical of the excavation techniques used at the time – they were basically adequate, but they badly needed tightening up. As I mentioned before, we were often working in the field, and not just doing minor jobs but also more important tasks, so we had every opportunity to try out our ideas. Kunwald was the driving force in this respect, working with details, using sections – then a novelty – and proceeding as he did with a thoroughness that even his fellow students found a bit exaggerated at times, although we agreed with his principles. Therkel Mathiassen moaned that we youngsters were too expensive, but he put up with our excesses and so must have found us somewhat valuable. Very valuable indeed to everyon e was Ejnar Dyggve’s excavation of the Jelling mounds in the early 1940s. From a Danish point of view, it was way ahead of its time.Therkel Mathiassen justly complained about the economic situation of the National Museum. Following the German occupation, the country was impoverished and very little money was available for archaeological research: the total sum available for the year 1949 was 20,000 DKK, which corresponded to the annual income of a wealthy man, and was of course absolutely inadequate. Of course our small debating society wanted this sum to be increased, and for once we didn’t leave it at the theoretical level.Voss was lucky enough to know a member of the Folketing (parliament), and a party leader at that. He was brought into the picture, and between us we came up with a plan. An article was written – ”Preserve your heritage” (a quotation from Johannes V. Jensen’s Denmark Song) – which was sent to the newspaper Information. It was published, and with a little help on our part the rest of the media, including radio, picked up the story.We informed our superiors only at the last minute, when everything was arranged. They were taken by surprise but played their parts well, as expected, and everything went according to plan. The result was a considerable increase in excavation funds the following year.It should be added that our reform plans included the conduct of exhibitions. We found the traditional way of presenting the artefacts lined up in rows and series dull and outdated. However, we were not able to experiment within this field.Our visions expressed the natural collision with the established ways that comes with every new generation – almost as a law of nature, but most strongly when the time is ripe. And this was just after the war, when communication with foreign colleagues, having been discontinued for some years, was slowly picking up again. The Archaeological Society of Jutland was also a part of all this, so let us turn to what Hans Christian Andersen somewhat provocatively calls the ”main country”.Until 1949, only the University of Copenhagen provided a degree in prehistoric archaeology. However, in this year, the University of Aarhus founded a chair of archaeology, mainly at the instigation of the Lord Mayor, Svend Unmack Larsen, who was very in terested in archaeology. Glob applied for the position and obtained it, which encompassed responsibility for the old Aarhus Museum or, as it was to be renamed, the Prehistoric Museum (now Moesgaard Museum).These were landmark events to Glob – and to me, as it turned out. We had been working together for a number of years on the excavation of Galgebakken (”Callows Hill”) near Slots Bjergby, Glob as the excavation leader, and I as his assistant. He now offered me the job of museum curator at his new institution. This was somewhat surprising as I had not yet finished my education. The idea was that I was to finish my studies in remote Jutland – a plan that had to be given up rather quickly, though, for reasons which I will describe in the following. At the same time, Gunner Lange-Kornbak – also hand-picked from the National Museum – took up his office as a conservation officer.The three of us made up the permanent museum staff, quickly supplemented by Geoffrey Bibby, who turned out to be an invaluable colleague. He was English and had been stationed in the Faeroe Islands during the war, where he learned to speak Danish. After 1945 he worked for some years for an oil company in the Gulf of Persia, but after marrying Vibeke, he settled in her home town of Aarhus. As his academic background had involved prehistoric cultures he wanted to collaborate with the museum, which Glob readily permitted.This small initial flock governed by Glob was not permitted to indulge inidleness. Glob was a dynamic character, full of good and not so good ideas, but also possessing a good grasp of what was actually practicable. The boring but necessary daily work on the home front was not very interesting to him, so he willingly handed it over to others. He hardly noticed the lack of administrative machinery, a prerequisite for any scholarly museum. It was not easy to follow him on his flights of fancy and still build up the necessary support base. However, the fact that he in no way spared himself had an appeasing effect.Provincial museums at that time were of a mixed nature. A few had trained management, and the rest were run by interested locals. This was often excellently done, as in Esbjerg, where the master joiner Niels Thomsen and a staff of volunteers carried out excavations that were as good as professional investigations, and published them in well-written articles. Regrettably, there were also examples of the opposite. A museum curator in Jutland informed me that his predecessor had been an eager excavator but very rarely left any written documentation of his actions. The excavated items were left without labels in the museum store, often wrapped in newspapers. However, these gave a clue as to the time of unearthing, and with a bit of luck a look in the newspaper archive would then reveal where the excavation had taken place. Although somewhat exceptional, this is not the only such case.The Museum of Aarhus definitely belonged among the better ones in this respect. Founded in 1861, it was at first located at the then town hall, together with the local art collection. The rooms here soon became too cramped, and both collections were moved to a new building in the ”Mølleparken” park. There were skilful people here working as managers and assistants, such as Vilhelm Boye, who had received his archaeological training at the National Museum, and later the partners A. Reeh, a barrister, and G.V. Smith, a captain, who shared the honour of a number of skilfully performed excavations. Glob’s predecessor as curator was the librarian Ejler Haugsted, also a competent man of fine achievements. We did not, thus, take over a museum on its last legs. On the other hand, it did not meet the requirements of a modern scholarly museum. We were given the task of turning it into such a museum, as implied by the name change.The goal was to create a museum similar to the National Museum, but without the faults and shortcomings that that museum had developed over a period of time. In this respect our nightly conversations during our years in Copenhagen turned out to be useful, as our talk had focused on these imperfections and how to eradicate them.We now had the opportunity to put our theories into practice. We may not have succeeded in doing so, but two areas were essentially improved:The numerous independent numbering systems, which were familiar to us from the National Museum, were permeating archaeological excavation s not only in the field but also during later work at the museum. As far as possible this was boiled down to a single system, and a new type of report was born. (In this context, a ”report” is the paper following a field investigation, comprising drawings, photos etc. and describing the progress of the work and the observations made.) The instructions then followed by the National Museum staff regarding the conduct of excavations and report writing went back to a 19th-century protocol by the employee G.V. Blom. Although clear and rational – and a vast improvement at the time – this had become outdated. For instance, the excavation of a burial mound now involved not only the middle of the mound, containing the central grave and its surrounding artefacts, but the complete structure. A large number of details that no one had previously paid attention to thus had to be included in the report. It had become a comprehensive and time-consuming work to sum up the desultory notebook records in a clear and understandable description.The instructions resulting from the new approach determined a special records system that made it possible to transcribe the notebook almost directly into a report following the excavation. The transcription thus contained all the relevant information concerning the in vestigation, and included both relics and soil layers, the excavation method and practical matters, although in a random order. The report proper could then bereduced to a short account containing references to the numbers in the transcribed notebook, which gave more detailed information.As can be imagined, the work of reform was not a continuous process. On the contrary, it had to be done in our spare hours, which were few and far between with an employer like Glob. The assignments crowded in, and the large Jutland map that we had purchased was as studded with pins as a hedge hog’s spines. Each pin represented an inuninent survey, and many of these grew into small or large excavations. Glob himself had his lecture duties to perform, and although he by no means exaggerated his concern for the students, he rarely made it further than to the surveys. Bibby and I had to deal with the hard fieldwork. And the society, once it was established, did not make our lives any easier. Kuml demanded articles written at lightning speed. A perusal of my then diary has given me a vivid recollection of this hectic period, in which I had to make use of the evening and night hours, when the museum was quiet and I had a chance to collect my thoughts. Sometimes our faithful supporter, the Lord Mayor, popped in after an evening meeting. He was extremely interested in our problems, which were then solved according to our abilities over a cup of instant coffee.A large archaeological association already existed in Denmark. How ever, Glob found it necessary to establish another one which would be less oppressed by tradition. Det kongelige nordiske Oldsskriftselskab had been funded in 1825 and was still influenced by different peculiarities from back then. Membership was not open to everyone, as applications were subject to recommendation from two existing members and approval by a vote at one of the monthly lecture meetings. Most candidates were of course accepted, but unpopular persons were sometimes rejected. In addition, only men were admitted – women were banned – but after the war a proposal was brought forward to change this absurdity. It was rejected at first, so there was a considerable excitement at the January meeting in 1951, when the proposal was once again placed on the agenda. The poor lecturer (myself) did his best, although he was aware of the fact that just this once it was the present and not the past which was the focus of attention. The result of the voting was not very courteous as there were still many opponents, but the ladies were allowed in, even if they didn’t get the warmest welcome.In Glob’s society there were no such restrictions – everyone was welcome regardless of sex or age. If there was a model for the society, it was the younger and more progressive Norwegian Archaeological Society rather than the Danish one. The main purpose of both societies was to produce an annual publication, and from the start Glob’s Kuml had a closer resemblance to the Norwegian Viking than to the Danish Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie. The name of the publication caused careful consideration. For a long time I kept a slip of paper with different proposals, one of which was Kuml, which won after having been approved by the linguist Peter Skautrup.The name alone, however, was not enough, so now the task became to find so mething to fill Kuml with. To this end the finds came in handy, and as for those, Glob must have allied him self with the higher powers, since fortune smiled at him to a considerable extent. Just after entering upon his duties in Aarhus, an archaeological sensation landed at his feet. This happened in May 1950 when I was still living in the capital. A few of us had planned a trip to Aarhus, partly to look at the relics of th e past, and partly to visit our friend, the professor. He greeted us warmly and told us the exciting news that ten iron swords had been found during drainage work in the valley of lllerup Aadal north of the nearby town of Skanderborg. We took the news calmly as Glob rarely understated his affairs, but our scepticism was misplaced. When we visited the meadow the following day and carefully examined the dug-up soil, another sword appeared, as well as several spear and lance heads, and other iron artefacts. What the drainage trench diggers had found was nothing less than a place of sacrifice for war booty, like the four large finds from the 1800s. When I took up my post in Aarhus in September of that year I was granted responsibility for the lllerup excavation, which I worked on during the autumn and the following six summers. Some of my best memories are associated with this job – an interesting and happy time, with cheerful comradeship with a mixed bunch of helpers, who were mainly archaeology students. When we finished in 1956, it was not because the site had been fully investigated, but because the new owner of the bog plot had an aversion to archaeologists and their activities. Nineteen years later, in 1975, the work was resumed, this time under the leadership of Jørgen Ilkjær, and a large amount of weaponry was uncovered. The report from the find is presently being published.At short intervals, the year 1952 brought two finds of great importance: in Februar y the huge vessel from Braa near Horsens, and in April the Grauballe Man. The large Celtic bronze bowl with the bulls’ heads was found disassembled, buried in a hill and covered by a couple of large stones. Thanks to the finder, the farmer Søren Paaske, work was stopped early enough to leave areas untouched for the subsequent examination.The saga of the Grauballe Man, or the part of it that we know, began as a rumour on the 26th of April: a skeleton had been found in a bog near Silkeborg. On the following day, which happened to be a Sunday, Glob went off to have a look at the find. I had other business, but I arrived at the museum in the evening with an acquaintance. In my diary I wrote: ”When we came in we had a slight shock. On the floor was a peat block with a corpse – a proper, well-preserved bog body. Glob brought it. ”We’ll be in trouble now.” And so we were, and Glob was in high spirits. The find created a sensation, which was also thanks to the quick presentation that we mounted. I had purchased a tape recorder, which cost me a packet – not a small handy one like the ones you get nowadays, but a large monstrosity with a steel tape (it was, after all, early days for this device) – and assisted by several experts, we taped a number of short lectures for the benefit of the visitors. People flocked in; the queue meandered from the exhibition room, through the museum halls, and a long way down the street. It took a long wait to get there, but the visitors seemed to enjoy the experience. The bog man lay in his hastily – procured exhibition case, which people circled around while the talking machine repeatedly expressed its words of wisdom – unfortunately with quite a few interruptions as the tape broke and had to be assembled by hand. Luckily, the tape recorders now often used for exhibitions are more dependable than mine.When the waves had died down and the exhibition ended, the experts examined the bog man. He was x-rayed at several points, cut open, given a tooth inspection, even had his fingerprints taken. During the autopsy there was a small mishap, which we kept to ourselves. However, after almost fifty years I must be able to reveal it: Among the organs removed for investigation was the liver, which was supposedly suitable for a C-14 dating – which at the time was a new dating method, introduced to Denmark after the war. The liver was sent to the laboratory in Copenhagen, and from here we received a telephone call a few days later. What had been sent in for examination was not the liver, but the stomach. The unfortunate (and in all other respects highly competent) Aarhus doctor who had performed the dissection was cal1ed in again. During another visit to the bogman’s inner parts he brought out what he believed to be the real liver. None of us were capable of deciding th is question. It was sent to Copenhagen at great speed, and a while later the dating arrived: Roman Iron Age. This result was later revised as the dating method was improved. The Grauballe Man is now thought to have lived before the birth of Christ.The preservation of the Grauballe Man was to be conservation officer Kornbak’s masterpiece. There were no earlier cases available for reference, so he invented a new method, which was very successful. In the first volumes of Kuml, society members read about the exiting history of the bog body and of the glimpses of prehistoric sacrificial customs that this find gave. They also read about the Bahrain expeditions, which Glob initiated and which became the apple of his eye. Bibby played a central role in this, as it was he who – at an evening gathering at Glob’s and Harriet’s home in Risskov – described his stay on the Persian Gulf island and the numerous burial mounds there. Glob made a quick decision (one of his special abilities was to see possibilities that noone else did, and to carry them out successfully to everyone’s surprise) and in December 1952 he and Bibby left for the Gulf, unaware of the fact that they were thereby beginning a series of expeditions which would continue for decades. Again it was Glob’s special genius that was the decisive factor. He very quickly got on friendly terms with the rulers of the small sheikhdoms and interested them in their past. As everyone knows, oil is flowing plentifully in those parts. The rulers were thus financially powerful and some of this wealth was quickly diverted to the expeditions, which probably would not have survived for so long without this assistance. To those of us who took part in them from time to time, the Gulf expeditions were an unforgettable experience, not just because of the interesting work, but even more because of the contact with the local population, which gave us an insight into local manners and customs that helped to explain parts of our own country’s past which might otherwise be difficult to understand. For Glob and the rest of us did not just get close to the elite: in spite of language problems, our Arab workers became our good friends. Things livened up when we occasionally turned up in their palm huts.Still, co-operating with Glob was not always an easy task – the sparks sometimes flew. His talent of initiating things is of course undisputed, as are the lasting results. He was, however, most attractive when he was in luck. Attention normally focused on this magnificent person whose anecdotes were not taken too seriously, but if something went wrong or failed to work out, he could be grossly unreasonable and a little too willing to abdicate responsibility, even when it was in fact his. This might lead to violent arguments, but peace was always restored. In 1954, another museum curator was attached to the museum: Poul Kjærum, who was immediately given the important task of investigating the dolmen settlement near Tustrup on Northern Djursland. This gave important results, such as the discovery of a cult house, which was a new and hitherto unknown Stone Age feature.A task which had long been on our mind s was finally carried out in 1955: constructing a new display of the museum collections. The old exhibitio n type consisted of numerous artefacts lined up in cases, accompaied ony by a brief note of the place where it was found and the type – which was the standard then. This type of exhibition did not give much idea of life in prehistoric times.We wanted to allow the finds to speak for themselves via the way that they were arranged, and with the aid of models, photos and drawings. We couldn’t do without texts, but these could be short, as people would understand more by just looking at the exhibits. Glob was in the Gulf at the time, so Kjærum and I performed the task with little money but with competent practical help from conservator Kornbak. We shared the work, but in fairness I must add that my part, which included the new lllerup find, was more suitable for an untraditional display. In order to illustrate the confusion of the sacrificial site, the numerous bent swords and other weapons were scattered a.long the back wall of the exhibition hall, above a bog land scape painted by Emil Gregersen. A peat column with inlaid slides illustrated the gradual change from prehistoric lake to bog, while a free-standing exhibition case held a horse’s skeleton with a broken skull, accompanied by sacrificial offerings. A model of the Nydam boat with all its oars sticking out hung from the ceiling, as did the fine copy of the Gundestrup vessel, as the Braa vessel had not yet been preserved. The rich pictorial decoration of the vessel’s inner plates was exhibited in its own case underneath. This was an exhibition form that differed considerably from all other Danish exhibitions of the time, and it quickly set a fashion. We awaited Glob’s homecoming with anticipation – if it wasn’t his exhibition it was still made in his spirit. We hoped that he would be surprised – and he was.The museum was thus taking shape. Its few employees included Jytte Ræbild, who held a key position as a secretary, and a growing number of archaeology students who took part in the work in various ways during these first years. Later, the number of employees grew to include the aforementioned excavation pioneer Georg Kunwald, and Hellmuth Andersen and Hans Jørgen Madsen, whose research into the past of Aarhus, and later into Danevirke is known to many, and also the ethnographer Klaus Ferdinand. And now Moesgaard appeared on the horizon. It was of course Glob’s idea to move everything to a manor near Aarhus – he had been fantasising about this from his first Aarhus days, and no one had raised any objections. Now there was a chance of fulfilling the dream, although the actual realisation was still a difficult task.During all this, the Jutland Archaeological Society thrived and attracted more members than expected. Local branches were founded in several towns, summer trips were arranged and a ”Worsaae Medal” was occasionally donated to persons who had deserved it from an archaeological perspective. Kuml came out regularly with contributions from museum people and the like-minded. The publication had a form that appealed to an inner circle of people interested in archaeology. This was the intention, and this is how it should be. But in my opinion this was not quite enough. We also needed a publication that would cater to a wider public and that followed the same basic ideas as the new exhibition.I imagined a booklet, which – without over-popularsing – would address not only the professional and amateur archaeologist but also anyone else interested in the past. The result was Skalk, which (being a branch of the society) published its fir t issue in the spring of 1957. It was a somewhat daring venture, as the financial base was weak and I had no knowledge of how to run a magazine. However, both finances and experience grew with the number of subscribers – and faster than expected, too. Skalk must have met an unsatisfied need, and this we exploited to the best of our ability with various cheap advertisements. The original idea was to deal only with prehistoric and medieval archaeology, but the historians also wanted to contribute, and not just the digging kind. They were given permission, and so the topic of the magazine ended up being Denmark’s past from the time of its first inhabitant s until the times remembered by the oldest of us – with the odd sideways leap to other subjects. It would be impossible to claim that Skalk was at the top of Glob’s wish list, but he liked it and supported the idea in every way. The keeper of national antiquities, Johannes Brøndsted, did the same, and no doubt his unreserved approval of the magazine contributed to its quick growth. Not all authors found it easy to give up technical language and express themselves in everyday Danish, but the new style was quickly accepted. Ofcourse the obligations of the magazine work were also sometimes annoying. One example from the diary: ”S. had promised to write an article, but it was overdue. We agreed to a final deadline and when that was overdue I phoned again and was told that the author had gone to Switzerland. My hair turned grey overnight.” These things happened, but in this particular case there was a happy ending. Another academic promised me three pages about an excavation, but delivered ten. As it happened, I only shortened his production by a third.The 1960s brought great changes. After careful consideration, Glob left us to become the keeper of national antiquities. One important reason for his hesitation was of course Moesgaard, which he missed out on – the transfer was almost settled. This was a great loss to the Aarhus museum and perhaps to Glob, too, as life granted him much greater opportunities for development.” I am not the type to regret things,” he later stated, and hopefully this was true. And I had to choose between the museum and Skalk – the work with the magazine had become too timeconsuming for the two jobs to be combined. Skalk won, and I can truthfully say that I have never looked back. The magazine grew quickly, and happy years followed. My resignation from the museum also meant that Skalk was disengaged from the Jutland Archaeological Society, but a close connection remained with both the museum and the society.What has been described here all happened when the museum world was at the parting of the ways. It was a time of innovation, and it is my opinion that we at the Prehistoric Museum contributed to that change in various ways.The new Museum Act of 1958 gave impetus to the study of the past. The number of archaeology students in creased tremendously, and new techniques brought new possibilities that the discussion club of the 1940s had not even dreamt of, but which have helped to make some of the visions from back then come true. Public in terest in archaeology and history is still avid, although to my regret, the ahistorical 1960s and 1970s did put a damper on it.Glob is greatly missed; not many of his kind are born nowadays. He had, so to say, great virtues and great fault s, but could we have done without either? It is due to him that we have the Jutland Archaeological Society, which has no w existed for half a century. Congr tulat ion s to the Society, from your offspring Skalk.Harald AndersenSkalk MagazineTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

New investigations of the magnificent cart from FredbjergThe magnificent carts of Dejbjerg type from the Pre-Roman Iron Age (fig. 6) appear to be related to the vehicles used by the elite in the Celtic oppidae in Late la Tène times. The Danish group of carts comprises six almost identical vehicles (fig. 3), presumably produced in Danish workshops during Martens’ phase IIB 2. Of these, two were deposited in graves (those from Langå and Kraghede) in phase IIB 2, two were abandoned on settlements in the Early Roman Iron Age and the final two were deposited in the bog at Dejbjerg, possibly late in the Early Roman Iron Age, as more than 100 year old antiquities.The Danish carts each included more than 300 metal fitting of iron or bronze, a similar number of nails and more than 100 wooden components. A replica was constructed using methods as near as possible to the original in collaboration between Odense Museums and the Iron Age Village of Næsby in 1983-88. The vehicle was built according to drawings and descriptions produced on the basis of investigations of the all the Danish examples. The project was then continued by the mus­eum in Skjern-Egvad in 1996-2002. It has given such extensive knowledge of the cart’s construction and its performance that it is now possible to interpret wear traces and repairs on the original cart components.In 1969, potsherds, quernstones and bronze fittings turned up on a newly ploughed moorland plot at Fredbjerg in Western Himmerland (fig. 1). The items were declared to be danefæ, i.e. treasure trove belonging to the Danish State, by the Keeper of National Antiquities and their discovery prompted the Prehistoric Museum at Moesgård to carry out an archaeological excavation. This revealed the remains of a longhouse with living quarters to the west and a sunken eastern end (fig. 2) in which the remains of a cart of Dej­bjerg type were found (figs. 4-8). North of the house – not far from the original find site for the bronze fittings, which probably derive from an ornamented yoke – were traces of smithing and bronze casting activities (figs. 11-12). The remains of the yoke and cart formed part of the metal depot from a workshop associated with the last phase of the house. This was dated on the basis of pottery to the first half of the Early Roman Iron Age. At least two further houses were located in the area but it is uncertain whether there was a village at the site. The best parallel to this find is seen in the cart fittings from the longhouse in the village at Dankirke, which burnt down in the first part of the Early Roman Iron Age.In addition to a number of iron fittings (figs. 4, 5, 8) the cart remains from Fred­bjerg comprise parts of the undercarriage and the body of the vehicle; these are of Dejbjerg I type. The boards of the undercarriage had fingered fittings with rectangular perforations (fig. 5). The very long axle bolts on the shafts indicate a heavy axle construction (fig. 4). A very long iron fitting probably derives from the cart’s front axle. The corner plates from the body of the vehicle were found together with an iron-reinforced handle (fig. 6). Fluted ornamental nails (fig. 7) show no evidence of the red enamel seen on corres­ponding nails from Dejbjerg II. In addition to above, there are the cast fittings for a pikestaff or goad (stimulus) (fig. 10) and two cast ring-headed pins of bronze (fig. 9); these presumably constitute parts of the harness. The remaining bronzes comprise animal figures, rods and punch-decorated sheet fittings (figs. 11-12) which probably plated a wooden yoke. There are no exact parallels to a yoke of this type but a number of leather decorated yokes from chariot burials dated to the Hallstatt period show a certain similarity to the punch-decorated fittings from Fredbjerg (fig. 13). The double ducks may have functioned as terrets (rein rings) on the yoke.The Fredbjerg cart has, therefore, both fittings and ornamentation in common with the other carts of Dejbjerg I type, as well as having a series of special, local feat­ures. This suggests that some of the cart’s cast and punch-decorated bronze fittings could have been based on the same models as the fittings seen on the other carts, whereas the other fittings may have been produced according to local models related to the zoomorphic ornaments such as fibulae, Holstein belts and North Jutish cast belts. Jens Martens links these to the first horizon of princely graves in his phase IIB 1 (fig. 15).As the Fredbjerg house was constructed in Martens’ phase IIB 2, and abandoned in the first part of the Early Roman Iron Age, the cart is slightly older than the house. The Fredbjerg cart was – like the other examples – produced in one or more Danish workshops by Celtic influenced craftsmen as a symbol demonstrating the power of the weapon-bearing elite, described by Tacitus in Germania (chapter 10) from 98 BC – perhaps on the basis of an older tradition. Shortly after the birth of Christ the elite came under the influence of Roman culture (and mythology) and the carts were broken up. Only a few were preserved and these apparently functioned in rites of the fertility cult (without weapons) associated with the cart cleansing cere­mony which Tacitus describes in the above-mentioned work (chapter 40), probably according to a later tradition. If it is true that Nerthus (Njord) and Freja/Frøj were linked with the cult’s rite, then it is possible that the carts discovered at Rappendam and Tranbær also resulted from fertility rites concerning pars-pro-toto cart sacrifices. In other words, the old fertility gods may have been worshipped from period II of the Pre-Roman Iron Age (like the Rappendam find) and onwards until the later part of the Early Roman Iron Age (like the Tranbær/Dejbjerg finds), when they were overcome and taken as hostages by the weapon-bearing Ases with Roman and Greek colleagues who were worshipped up into the Viking Age. Per Ole SchovsboNæstved

Introduction. The steppe zone of the Volga basin is interesting in connection with the study of the Orlovskaya, Cis-Caspian, and Khvalinskaya cultures. These cultures have an important significance for the prehistorical archaeology of Eastern Europe. The Orlovskaya culture is characterized by the appearance of the most ancient ceramics in the region, early signs of domestication are connected with the Cis-Caspian culture but the earlier metal items were found in the Khvalinskaya culture. Together with the main features of these cultures, the important question is a determination of reliable boundaries of them. From 2007 more than 60 radiocarbon dates were obtained. The basis consisted of the materials of the Varfolomeevskaya site. The most of dates had been done on the organics from ceramics. That was under dispute. Methods and materials. During the last eight years, more than 30 radiocarbon dates were obtained on the different organic materials (charcoal, animal bones, and food charred crusts) from new open stratified sites – Algay and Oroshaemoe. This set of dates gave the possibility to develop a reliable chronological schema for the Neolithic-Eneolithic in the region under consideration. The comparison of dates on the different organic materials has been done. Results. The chronological framework of the Orlovskaya culture, the Cis-Caspian culture of transition period and the Eneolithic Khvalinskaya culture for the steppe zone of the Volga basin was determined. The place of the Orlovskaya cultural antiquities among of Neolithic cultures of neighboring regions was established. The age of transitional Neolithic-Eneolithic Cis-Caspian culture with the earliest pieces of evidence of domestication in Eastern Europe was definite. The chronological framework of the Khvalinskaya Eneolithic culture in the steppe zone was considered and made the comparison with the Cis-Caspian culture. Authors’ contribution. A.A. Vybornov is prepared the archaeological part of the article and did analysis and their interpretation of the radiocarbon dates on the Neolithic of the steppe zone of the Volga basin. F.F. Giljazov collected all dates of the Orlovskaya culture of the Algay and Oroshaemoe sites. N.S. Doga did an analysis of dates of the Cis-Caspian and Khvalinskaya cultures on these sites. M.A. Kulkova obtained the radiocarbon dates for different layers of the Algay and Oroshaemoe sites and did the correlations on the different organic materials. B. Philippsen obtained the AMS dates on charcoal, bones, charred crusts and did their correlation.

Objectives Our knowledge of the social structure of pre-historic peoples is limited by the scant physical record, largely limited to archeological fragments of biological materials, tools, and funereal art. The Natufian, who lived near present day Jerusalem around 9000 BCE, was a culture first identified by Dorothy Garrod, a British paleo-archeologist. The Natufian produced what may be the world’s first expression of sexuality in art in the Ain-Sakhri statue, depicting two figures intertwined in a coital embrace. Our aim was to better illustrate Garrod’s seminal work, and the significance of the Ain Sakhri statue in our understanding of pre-historical concepts of sexual self-awareness. Methods Archives of the British Museum (London), the Pitts River Museum and the Dorothy Garrod Photographic Archive (Oxford), the Mathurin collection at the Musée des Antiquités Nationales (St Germain-en-Laye, France), and digital. humanities.ox.ac.uk were consulted to identify biographical information on Dorothy Garrod and her archeological work. Secondary sources on the Natufian peoples and their art were identified through PubMed, digital archive sources, and the Garrod archives as cited. Results Dorothy Garrod (1892-1968) was a prolific early 20th century scientist in paleo archeology and a pioneer for women in a male-dominated field, the first prehistorian, and first woman, to be elected to a professorship at Cambridge University (19391952). She established comprehensive excavations in the Levant in the Middle East on Mount Carmel near Jerusalem where she identified the ancient Natufian cultures. There, her mentor, AH Breuil, had found a 10 cm stone figure, now known as the ‘Ain Sakhri’ figurine, from 9,000 BCE and identified by him to be a product of Garrod’s Natufian culture. Unlike other contemporary Natufian sculptures found in the Wadi Khareitoun region, which were worked in bone or antler, the Ain Sakhri was chiseled from calcite. The Ain Sakhri, depicting two intertwined figures and with a phallic shape, is regarded as the world’s oldest known sculpture of people making love. Conclusions Dorothy Garrod was a ground-breaking pioneer in paleo archeology and the 1st female professor at Cambridge from 1939-1952. Her early 20th century work on the Natufian people revealed a complex, sophisticated pre-historic culture which produced the Ain Sakhri, the first sculpted depiction of coitus, predating the historical record of sexual self-awareness by thousands of years.