Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Pre-Industrial legacies”

The goal of the research is the creation of sustainable models, to be compared with contemporary municipalities, aiming sustainability. The method of indicator comparisons is promoted by the European Environmental Agency and the European Committee, although that known “sustainable” indicators refer to data from cities that are not sustainable. Identifying the insufficient way to sustainability, the research investigates the function and flows, of 28 autonomous, self-sufficient settlements in Epirus, before the industrialization, based on their cyclical ecosystem behavior, in four fields: political, economic, environmental, and social. The settlements as ecosystems are applied in the DPSIR framework of EEA, giving the perfect function, which concerned political autonomy, self-preservation, a high quality of life and education level, as out-flows culture, legacies, and pan European trade. Therefore, sustainability and cyclical urban ecosystem are indeed identical terms, concerning social, economic, and environmental excellence. The fields are highly interdependent. The basis, or the “Driving force”, for the ecosystemic function to sustainability is an independent-strong local authority, empowered by local economy of the primary sector. These condition in a “green” built environment, is able to achieve strong social cohesion. The ecosystemic-function of the preindustrial models as benchmarks can lead the way to a contemporary sustainability excellence.

This essay explicates, develops, and assesses the basic argument in Rudra Sil's Managing “Modernity”: Work, Community, and Authority in Late-Industrializing Japan and Russia. Sil presents “a flexible, integrative theoretical framework” and an interdisciplinary, comparative historical narrative. He hypothesizes that a “syncretist” strategy, when founded on durable legacies and when filtered through “congruent” intrafirm relationships, is much more likely than “modernist,” “revolutionary,” and “traditionalist” strategies to strengthen “managerial authority” and economic performance in large industrial enterprises. Four case studies (pre- and postwar Japan and Russia) attest to the benefits of “synthetic institutionalism” as a theory-building strategy and of syncretic incrementalism as an institution-building strategy. Sil's book focuses on the sources of managerial authority and the patterns of shop-floor behavior, not on system dynamics and interinstitutional interactions. Nonetheless, Managing “Modernity” is a major work for multiple authences and for multiple reasons.

This Article examines several legal aspects of Reconstruction. It first looks at how the Texas and North Carolina supreme courts helped mediate the transition from a pre-war to a post-war society. Were the courts composed of unconditional Unionists, Conservatives, or a mix? Did they try to help the people of their states accept slav- ery's demise or did they aggravate the sting of defeat? A closely related issue is how Reconstruction lawmakers adjusted the legal rights of blacks following the abolition of slavery. Did they leave a permanent imprint on civil rights law or did they confirm Tourgee's judgment that Reconstruction was ultimately a "fool's errand"?' The Article next examines state constitutional history, which is also necessary for a full understanding of Reconstruction's legal legacy. North Carolina's Reconstruction constitution encompassed not only racial reforms but also a variety of attempts to catch up with social and economic reforms enacted in other parts of the nation before the war. Texas's Reconstruction constitution did the same, albeit to a lesser extent, because Texas had already adopted some of the social and economic reforms in question before the war. Texas enacted a new constitution at the end of Reconstruction and North Carolina added extensive amendments to its constitution at the end of Reconstruction, but both states stopped far short of eradicating all Reconstruction-era constitutional reforms. The Article next examines the evolution of economic law in Texas and North Carolina during the Reconstruction era. Reconstruction had profound economic as well as political consequences for the South. A new agricultural labor system had to be developed to replace slavery. Lawmakers had to arrange an orderly transition from the Confederate financial system back to the federal system and respond to problems arising out of the widespread poverty and debt created by the war. By 1865, the Industrial Revolution was well underway in the North, and the Southern states had to decide whether to shape their legal systems to follow suit or to preserve their rural, agricultural pre-war character. Lastly, the Article examines changes in married women's property rights law during Reconstruction. Many Southern women gained an "experience of self-sufficiency during the war [that] opened the door a crack to the 'strong-minded' women." This fact, together with a desire to alleviate post-war economic distress by protecting family assets from creditors, led several ex-Confederate states, including North Carolina, to expand married women's property rights during Reconstruction. Other Confederate states, including Texas, had been leaders in the married women's property rights movement before the war and therefore experienced less change in this area during Reconstruction.

One of the fundamental political legacies of the Russian civil war was the estrangement between workers and the Bolshevik state. This development, which had taken on definite form in the winter of 1920-21, was conditioned by social and material factors and was the source of growing reservations in the minds of Lenin and his colleagues as to the commitment of a profoundly changed working class to the Bolshevik vision of a disciplined, yet enthusiastic, march towards Marx's industrial utopia. On this point, Lenin's concerns were well grounded: exhausted by years of sacrifice and declining living standards and working conditions, scattered by the necessities and dislocations of war, and increasingly estranged from state, party, and trade union elites, workers were singularly unattuned to the party's call for labor sacrifice and discipline. Instead, they wanted an end to hardship, a restoration of pre-W\VI living standards, a say over the conditions of work and life, and expanded opportunities for themselves and their children, all as compensation for earlier and current sacrifices.

This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS Have Eastern European democracies developed patterns of accountability similar to those existent in their established counterparts? While most accounts of convergence are confined to the world of programmatic reasoning and policy representation, we use a unique data set to cover the wealth of instrumental and emotional modes of linkage building. We apply advanced techniques of model-based cluster analysis to establish a linkage-based typology of political parties. In the East, the contrast of programmatic and clientelistic parties is most essential in the absence of strong regional subdivisions. In the West, the structure of linkage building is characterized by an all-encompassing divide that separates mainstream and challenger parties. Parties in Southern Europe form a distinct Mediterranean type of “machine politics.” The results for affluent post-industrial societies both support and contradict premises of the cartel party hypothesis. For third-wave democracies in the East, our results suggest the persistence of legacies of pre-communist and communist rule against the weight of cumulative democratic experience. In sum, patterns of accountability remained markedly different in the two regions on the eve of the economic crisis in 2008–2009.

This article examines the construction of industrial cities in the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC; 1949-) by focusing on Anshan—a major steel city in Manchuria (Northeast China) that had been constructed by the Japanese prior to 1945. I demonstrate that the PRC industrial cities embodied the nature and limits of the new socialist regime’s vision of industrialization. The early PRC overwhelmingly focused its resources on heavy industry, which translated into the financial and bureaucratic superiority of industrial enterprises to city governments. The early PRC industrial cities drew from not only the Soviet urban-planning model but also the legacies of pre-revolutionary regimes, even including imperial Japan. The construction of industrial cities was driven by negotiations among various actors including city officials, enterprise managers, and domestic migrants. Building on the multi-layered local, national, and transnational forces, the industrial city of Anshan was a microcosm of the early PRC.

Abstract We explore English legal evolution by empirically investigating the relevance of late-medieval and early-modern legal ideas for caselaw development during the Industrial Revolution, an era of unprecedented societal change. To ascertain the prevalence of specific legal ideas in pre-1765 case reports, we draw on existing topic model estimates. We measure the relevance of those ideas for subsequent caselaw development using post-1764 citations to the pre-1765 cases. We show that deliberations on court cases heard between 1765 and 1870 systematically invoked a broad range of preexisting legal ideas. Strikingly, the strongest effects are exhibited by Coke-style analysis and precedent-based thought. A key legacy of early English caselaw therefore lay in bestowing modes of reasoning. The reason why a subset of preexisting legal ideas does not exert a detectable effect is that those ideas were generally no longer key to post-1764 legal disputes. Our approach to investigating legal development could be applied in many other contexts.

Recent work highlights the importance of pre-modern political practices for explaining persistent institutional features, including representative democracy. Typically, this argument is institutional in nature—pre-industrial practices are hypothesized to either bolster or retard the transmission of democratic institutions. This article proposes a separate channel through which legacies of early statehood continue to impact the prospects of democratic governance. Using survey data from Africa, we document a positive relationship between early statehood development and support for autocratic rule among ordinary Africans. This finding is robust to a wide range of pre- and post-treatment covariates, country and survey round fixed effects, as well as an instrumental-variable design. The identified relationship is particularly prominent in respondents from precolonially centralized ethnic groups in former British colonies, suggesting the importance of locally surviving traditional institutions for propagation of norms that owe their origins to precolonial autocratic socialization.

Cette recherche doctorale sur le patrimoine industriel se positionne comme une réponse au contexte actuel, où les questions de valorisation du patrimoine culturel (matériel et immatériel) sont au centre de préoccupations des gouvernements et des organisations non gouvernementales pour la préservation et la transmission de la mémoire collective et du passé humain. « Le patrimoine de l'industrie » occupe aussi une place non négligeable dans la reconstitution de l’histoire en Afrique subsaharienne. Pour cette histoire industrielle négro-africaine, et aussi coloniale, les difficultés épistémologiques se posent aussi bien sur la définition de son objet que sur la démarche de son appropriation au regard des différentes étapes de sa périodisation. L’objectif de la recherche sur ce sujet vise à contribuer à la connaissance des lieux du patrimoine industriel au Tchad puis à proposer des stratégies de conservation et valorisation des collections d’objets et des bâtiments industriels, afin de guider les décideurs dans l’élaboration d’un plan cadre de réappropriation spatiale et culturelle. Il s’agit de déterminer les spécificités de ce patrimoine : legs préindustriels, influence de la colonisation, processus d’appropriation ou d’hybridation, etc. La méthodologie de la recherche, qui a été menée, relève d’une recherche-action à l’échelle d’un pays. Il s’agit dans cette démarche de croiser les méthodes de l’histoire économique et des techniques avec celles de l’archéologie industrielle. Son intérêt réside dans sa particularité car, au-delà de la reconstitution de l’histoire économique et industrielle du Tchad, à partir des traces matérielles du legs préindustriel et de l'héritage colonial, s’apparente une autre dimension : celle d’évaluer les possibilités de leur patrimonialisation par rapport au contexte international et aux réalisations dans le domaine du patrimoine industriel actuel au Tchad. Car le patrimoine industriel africain reste peu connu dans sa globalité et peu mis en valeur
This doctoral research on industrial heritage is a response to the current context, in which issues of cultural heritage enhancement (tangible and intangible) are central to the concerns of governments and non-governmental organisations for the preservation and transmission of collective memory and the human past. The “heritage of industry” also plays a significant role in restoring history in sub-Saharan Africa. For this black-African, and colonial, industrial history, epistemological difficulties arise both in the definition of the subject and in the approach to its appropriation in terms of the different stages of its periodisation. The objective of the research on this subject is to contribute to our knowledge of industrial heritage sites in Chad, and then to propose strategies for the conservation and enhancement of collections of objects and industrial buildings, in order to guide decision-makers in drawing up a framework plan for spatial and cultural reappropriation. The aim is to identify the specific characteristics of this heritage: pre-industrial legacies, influence of colonisation, processes of appropriation or hybridisation, etc. The research methodology undertaken is based on action research on a national scale. The aim of this approach is to combine the methods of economic and technical history with those of industrial archaeology. Its interest lies in the fact that, in addition to reconstructing the economic and industrial history of Chad, based on the material traces of the pre-industrial legacy and the colonial heritage, there is another dimension: that of assessing the possibilities of heritage preservation in relation to the international context and the achievements in the field of industrial heritage in Chad today. This is because Africa's industrial heritage remains little known in its entirety and little promoted

Some countries develop the (general) skills of industrial workers largely through regular secondary education systems whereas other nations rely on a network of industrial schools and apprenticeship programs to offer their workers credentialed industry or firm-specific occupational skills. Skills Builders delves into the origins of diverse forms. First, patterns of industrial development and economic cleavages shaped the development of skills-training institutions; thus countries with stark regional heterogeneity have been less likely to develop national training systems. Second, the legacies from pre-industrial patterns of cooperation in some nations – most prominently, from the guild system – have encouraged both employers and workers to negotiate collective vocational training institutions. Third, the political features of the state (most importantly, the structure of party competition and degree of federal power sharing) reinforce or work against collectivist solutions to skills needs, cooperative industrial relations systems, and entrenched regional cleavages. Finally, both employers and workers become more committed to skills training when these groups are institutionally well-organized and are given a significant role in the creation and oversight of training programs.

Chapter One recounts the history of post-war industrial action in the UK. This brief history serves to contextualise the industrial disputes and political landscape about which the poets are writing, and the limitations of taking a more traditionally historic, sociological or quantitative approach to cultural legacies. Once the timeline is established, the ways in which the poems seek to complicate pre-existing labour narratives becomes more explicit. The chapter closes by arguing that the poems being examined highlight the ways in which histories are performed and constructed, and the way in which dominant narratives seek (and have come) to control the representations of industrial legacies. The poems allow for a more ‘human’, less economically and statistically minded interpretation of events. Poetry’s ‘interrogation’ of language encourages us to consider subjects anew, to consider more than linear histories. By questioning the way we write about these narratives, we question the narratives themselves.