Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Prayer-books, German”

Prayer Books for Jewish Women in Polish, Their Authors and Users: The Case of Jews in Warsaw in the Mid-Nineteenth Century In the nineteenth century, only two prayer books for Jewish women and girls were published in the Polish language: one written by Jakub Elsenberg (Warsaw 1855) and the other by Rozalia Saulson (Warsaw 1861). This small numer contrasts with the numerous editions of tkhines in Yiddish and Andachts- and Gebetbücher in German. The aim of the paper is to discuss the circumstances of the creation of both books and specificity of these editions. The origins of the users of the Warsaw’s prayer books according to the list of subscribers (and using the data of genealogical sources) are also considered.

This paper presents an article by Rabbi Dr. S. Levi published in 1921 in Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums about French Jewish army rabbis and Jewish praying books from World War One distributed among Jewish soldiers in French Army. Levi served himself as an Army Rabbi in German army. He used his own experience to highlight the most interesting and significant features of French approach toward Jewish military service in time of war. This article of Rabbi Levi serves as an example of continuation of the pre-war GermanJewish self-identification as both culturally German and religiously Jewish. However, it also presented an interesting depiction of the technical details about French Army praying book. In contrast to German Jewry, their French counterparts published praying book under the auspices of the Chief Rabbi of France and distributed in with the help of his office. Levi pointed out that these praying books reflect in their content the original war time religiosity, which was still important to reconstruct and to reflect about in the after war epoch. The Great Rabbi of France gave his sanctions for the publishing the Prayer for the War Time and Prayer for France, both prayers bore his name and originated in the years 1914-1915. Dr. Levi justly saw in the figure of the Great Rabbi a central authority for the Jews in the French uniform. The French praying book was designated not only for the French Jews of European origin who mostly had had Alsace and Lorraine roots, but also for the Sephardic Jews from the French colonies in North Africa (Morocco and Algiers). Because of this fact, this praying book was different in its content from both German Jewish praying books. It provided two versions of the Hebrew texts in accordance to Ashkenazi and Sephardic rites. Both versions, the Ashkenazi (and the German one as Dr. Levi called it) and the Sephardic were printed together. Dr. Levi thought that it was necessary to highlight the differences between these two Jewish rites. He found that there elements in general were of great importance whereas his Ashkenazi German readers would find it confusing to differentiate between ritual nuances with their Sephardic co-religionists, namely in the conducting the death-, burial- and mourning praying ceremonies. In accordance to the articles published in the Monatsschrift Jewish experiences during the First World War were positively evaluated by their German co-religionists.

Abstract: This article provides a summary overview of the collection of pre-1600 western European manuscripts in Loyola University Chicago Archives & Special Collections. The collection presently comprises four manuscript codices, at least thirty-eight fragments, and four documents. The codices are a thirteenth-century book of hours from German-speaking lands; a fifteenth-century Dutch prayer book; a preacher's compilation written probably in southern Germany in the 1440s; and two fifteenth-century Italian humanist booklets, bound together since the nineteenth century, transmitting Donatus's commentary on the Eunuchus (incomplete) and an anthology of theological excerpts, respectively. The fragments consist of thirteen leaves from books dismembered by modern booksellers (most are from fifteenth-century books of hours) and a larger number of binding fragments, all but two of which remain in situ. These represent the remains of ten manuscript books: four Latin liturgical books, two texts of Roman civil law, one large-format thirteenth-century Italian Bible, one thirteenth-century copy of Ptolemy's Almagest in the translation of Gerard of Cremona, one late fourteenth-century copy of the Ockhamist Tractatus de principiis theologiae , and one fifteenth-century Dutch book of hours in the translation of Geert Grote. Many of these materials have remained unidentified until now.

Abstract This article presents two German Catholic prayer books written by the two sixteenth-century priests Johann Faber OP and Peter Michael Brillmacher SJ – known for their catechetical and apologetical work in areas of confessional division. Adding to the claims by early twentieth-century researchers that these books were used for “resisting and combating Protestantism,” I argue that they were tools for the re-Catholicising of Protestant populations. By referring to the Church fathers “and the old Christians” as proof for the ancient origin and the orthodoxy of beliefs and practices questioned by the Protestant reformers, and by countering “misconceptions” about the Catholic faith, the authors strived to lead their readers in the direction toward “true religion and divine worship.”

The Slovak National Archives in Bratislava contain a large manuscript catalogue of an extensive book collection formerly located in one of the numerous residences of the branched aristocratic family Ziči, namely in Voderady near Trnava. The manuscript catalogue, entitled Catalogus Librorum Bibliothecae Vedrodiensis 1894 [A Catalogue of the Books of the Voderady Library 1894], presents a library which, according to information from the 19th century, contained about 12,000 volumes. In the catalogue, the books are divided into 19 thematic groups: theological works and prayer books, linguistic publications, dictionaries and manuals, periodicals, works on arts and crafts, Hungarian novels and short stories, German and Italian novels and short stories, French novels and short stories, English novels and short stories, the works of literature of other European and domestic provenance as well as ancient classics in various editions, memoirs, historical works, geographical literature and travelogues, natural-science publications, works on sports, specialised works on horse breeding, works on economy, legal and political works, and prints referred to as special works. This paper focuses on the thirteenth thematic group of the Voderady library, namely geographical literature and travelogues (Földrajz, Útleírás). This has been motivated by the fact that members of the Ziči family, the owners of the Voderady residence Jozef Ziči (1841–1924) and his brother Augustín (1852–1925), enjoyed not only travelling around Europe but also exploring distant exotic lands. Consequently, this group contains 717 registered titles, forming the largest group of the Voderady library. The presented literature in Hungarian, French, English and German comprises a wide range of works including travelogues, atlases and maps, tourist guides, manuals and professional geographical publications of both domestic and foreign provenance.

German cultural institutions had been conducting preparations to secure their collections in the event of a war since mid-1930s. The Prussian State Library, the holdings of which included the most precious German manuscripts and prints, was one of those institutions. Air attacks carried out on the capital of the Third Reich triggered the decision to evacuate the collection to Thüringen, Brandenburg, Pomerania and Lower Silesia. Largest deposits had been located in the latter. The unique heritage items stored there included medieval manuscripts, prayer books, music autographs and newspaper yearbooks as well as letters and private documents of many prominent representatives of German culture and art. Those items were evacuated, among other places, to Fürstenstein (Książ) Gießmannsdorf (Gościszów), Gröditzburg (Grodziec), Grüssau (Krzeszów), Fischbach (Karpniki) and Hirschberg (Jelenia Góra). The evacuation was conducted in cooperation with the heritage conservator for Lower Silesia, professor Günther Grundmann. With his assistance, in the course of a few years, a unique collection was created in Lower Silesia. Towards the end of the war the collection was deprived of proper care, as the authorities lacked resources to secure it. This resulted in the destruction of some items during military actions. The remaining parts of the collection had been taken over by Polish officials and were transferred to library collections in Krakow, Warszawa, Olsztyn, Toruń, Lublin and Łódź.

“Reading the morning paper is a kind of realistic morning prayer” Hegel's best known treatment of the European Enlightenment (in his Phänomenologie des Geistes) singles out the problem of religious faith, or the new, modern struggle between insight and faith, between enlightenment and what its defenders saw as mere “superstition”. This treatment is distinctive and on the face of it highly controversial. For one thing, while the topic is simply announced as die Aufklärung, Hegel makes no attempt at a comprehensive survey. Bacon, Swift, Smith and the British seem to play no discernable role; oddly, neither do Lessing or Mendelssohn or the German, “Berlin” Enlightenment. If there is a focus in these highly typological and categorial distinctions, it is clearly le siècle du lumière, not die Aufklärung or the Battle of the Books; if there is a representative figure, it is unquestionably Diderot; if there is a theme, it is ethical and broadly normative, not scientific or even political.

AbstractFamily worship, or family prayer, is a form of piety which was propagated in the Netherlands in the seventeenth century by the pietistic movement of the Nadere Reformatie. It was still propagated when in the early nineteenth century the theological climate had changed. In family worship the members of a family held a sort of church service together: they prayed together, sang and read from the Bible or an edifying book. Around the year 1800 many books were written for family devotion in the Netherlands, even by such prominent theologians as Clarisse and Van der Palm. Moreover, many translations of devotional books of German origin appeared. In this article family worship is described on the basis of three treatises published by Dutch societies, the orthodox Haagsch Genootschap, the 'evangelical' Nederlandsch Zendeling Genootschap, and the liberal Maatschappij tot Nut van het Algemeen. These treatises were written for the 'common man'. They show that in the early nineteenth century family worship was propagated because religion was seen as the guarantee of the happiness of the family, and of the prosperity of society in general. The concept of family worship was especially suited to the pervading culture of homeliness in the Netherlands of the early nineteenth century. In spite of the different background of the three societies, their treatises do not differ from each other very much.

This is the first publication and study of a diary written by Prokopii Nikolaevich Nikiforov (Institute of Russian Literature, Pinega Collection, no. 754), which covers the period from July 18 to December 30, 1914. The entries describe his mobilization, first battles, his capture near Opatov on September 21, and his stay in two German prisoner of war camps. The diary, which is preserved in the original, was written in pencil in a special «Notebook», a printed edition for the lower ranks. This study focuses on several topics: the image of the enemy, which changes over the course of the diary, as opposed to the general Russian soldiers; prayer chants that served as a means of self-identification for Prokopii Nikiforov and other prisoners; and important aspects associated with camp life — rumors, food, the weather, holidays, and daily routines or incidents. The article examines Nikiforov’s notes in the context of similar passages in the diaries and letters of other soldiers. It is not known what happened to the author of the diary after 1914, but the description of the Pinega Collection provides some information about his life in peacetime: notes on printed and handwritten books reveal that they belonged to his grandfather, his father, and Prokopii Nikiforov himself.

T he second edition of J ohann B ehrendt ’ s hymn book ISZ naujo pérweizd ėtos ir pagérintos Giesm û-Knygos AND PRAYER BOOK Maldû-Knygélos (1735): an unknown copy in Prague The article presents a 1735 Lithuanian publication from Königsberg (Lith. Karaliaučius) which was believed to not have survived—the hymn book for Prussian Lithuania’s Evangelical Lutherans Iß naujo pérweizdėtos ir pagérintos Giesmû-Knygos (Reviewed and Improved Hymn-book) and the prayer book Maldû-Knygélos (Prayer-book). The only known copy of the second edition of the hymn book and the prayer book was discovered in the National Library of the Czech Republic (Czech Národní knihovna České republiky; NK ČR: 33 K 139) in Prague. It has not been registered in Lithuanian bibliographies. Just as the first 1732 edition, the second edition appeared thanks to the initiative of the theology professor of the University of Königsberg and the chief court preacher, Johann Jacob Quandt (Lith. Jonas Jokūbas Kvantas, 1686–1772), while the archpresbyter of Insterburg (Lith. Įsrutis), Johann Behrendt (Lith. Jonas Berentas, 1667–1737), led the editing team. Aiming to reveal the differences of the second edition from the first, and to highlight the editing tendencies of the hymn and prayer books, this article not only discusses the main features of the copy, but also analyzes the structure of the 1735 edition including the repertoire of new hymns and linguistic particularities of the texts of hymns and prayers written in Lithuanian. Provenance research revealed that the copy belonged to the Lithuanian Dovydas Blindinaitis or Bl(i)undinaitis before reaching this library, and this is supported by handwritten inscriptions on the front and back flyleaves. He acquired the book in 1736 for 33 groschen and must have been its first owner. The imprint “REGIÆ BIBLIOTH: ACAD: PRAGEN:” (“Royal Library of the Academy of Prague”) which is seen on the title page of the hymn book could only appear after 1777 when the Public Imperial-Royal University Library (Czech Veřejná císařsko-královská univerzitní knihovna) in Prague had been established. From the perspective of structure, the 1735 Lithuanian publication is a convolute which consists of two alligates: (1) hymn book and (2) prayer book. The hymn book comprises: (a) two introductions—one written by Quandt in German and one written by Behrendt in Lithuanian, (b) the main section of the hymn book and its appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”), (c) two indexes—the index for the Lithuanian hymns “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Gieſmû, ant kurro Laißko jos ßoſa Knygoſa randamos yra” (“A listing of all hymns which page they are found on in this book”) and the index of German original hymns called a “Regiſter” (“Register”). The prayer book comprises prayers, collects, the story of Christ’s suffering, and a list of thematic groups of these texts marked “Prirodijimas Wiſſû Maldû” (“A listing of all prayers”). The second (1735) edition of the hymn book differs remarkably from the first (1732) in its structure and scope: (1) All of the hymns that had been previously included in the 1732 edition’s “Appendix arba Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Appendix or other new recently added hymns”) (a total of 34) were integrated into the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition comprising 334 hymns; their thematic groupings and subgroupings remained the same; (2) The 1735 edition does not include one of the hymns published in 1732: Peter Gottlieb Mielcke’s (Lith. Petras Gotlybas Milkus, 1695–1753) translation “MIeli Krikßćionis dʒaukimės” (“Dear Christians let us rejoice”) (← Martin Luther, “Nun freut euch lieben Chriſten”); (3) The 1735 edition was supplemented with 26 hymns, that is to say, the second edition comprises 360 hymns. The new hymns are published in the appendix “Kittos naujos Gieſmes ßwėey pridėtos” (“Other new recently added hymns”). Cryptonyms attached to these hymns attest to the fact that their translators were two priests of Prussian Lithuania. For the first time, 18 hymns of the priest of Didlacken (Lith. Didlaukiai), Fabian Ulrich Glaser (Lith. Fabijonas Ulrichas Glazeris, 1688–1747), were included in this hymn book. The priest of Popelken (Lith. Papelkiai), Adam Friedrich Schimmelpfennig (Lith. Adomas Frydrichas Šimelpenigis, 1699–1763), translated 8 new hymns (while 15 of his hymns that had been already published in the 1732 edition were presented in the main section of the hymn book of the 1735 edition). The new repertoire of the Lithuanian hymn book was compiled from the translations of the following German hymn creators of the 16th–18th centuries: Johann Georg Albinus (1624–1679), Martin Behm (1557–1622), Kaspar Bienemann (Melissander, 1540–1591), Simon Dach (1605–1659), Johann Burchard Freystein (1671–1718), Paul Gerhardt (1607–1676), Johannes Gigas (Heune, 1514–1581), Ludwig Andreas Gotter (1661–1735), Johann Heermann (1585–1647), Heinrich Held (1620–1659), Martin Moller (1547–1606), Johann Rist (1607–1667), Samuel Rodigast (1649–1708), Johann Röling (1634–1679), Gottfried Wilhelm Sacer (1635–1699), Arnold Heinrich Sahme (1676–1734), Benjamin Schmolck (1672–1737). In contrast to the hymn book, the structure of the 1735 prayer book published concurrently were not changed; the thematic groups of prayers remained essentially the same as they were in the first edition of 1732. Texts of both the hymn book and the prayer book were edited. The editing tendencies in both are similar and encompass all linguistic levels (phonetics, morphology, lexicon, syntax), as well as orthography and punctuation, but the intensity of editing was different. The orthographic corrections prevail and the most consistent of them are: [i·] <ij> → <y> (characteristic only of the hymn book), [č’] <ć> → <cʒ> (together with refusing the marker indicating consonant palatalization <i>), [·] <e> → <ė>, [ž] ir [ž’] <Ʒ> → <>, marking accent placement with an acute accent < ’ >. The second edition reflects an important stage in the quantitative and qualitative development of Behrendt’s hymn book. In the second edition that appeared just three years later, we see the further consistent efforts of the editors to expand the repertoire of hymns and improve the texts in terms of language (i.e. they first of all sought to standardize the orthography of texts written in different centuries by many different translators). In contrast to the hymn book, the prayer book was improved along only one vector: the language of the texts was edited according to the same principles, while the number of prayers was not increased. The fact that the editors of the second edition devoted more attention to the hymn book than the prayer book probably stems from the important place that hymns hold in the Evangelical Lutheran liturgy.

Early written Latvian texts are important sources not only for linguistics but also for culture and social studies. Latvian texts (and indeed Latvian culture as a whole) show consistent German influence. These texts were produced in a cross-cultural context of Catholicism and Protestantism and display elements from local folklore. The history of the Latvian written language dates to the 16th century and is largely linked to the Reformation of the Church. The earliest texts from the 16th century are various versions of translations of the Lord’s Prayer, as well as separate short records in the books of Riga trade associations. Since the 17th century, the scope of genres of written sources widens: lexicographical, legal, and other secular texts have been published. There are two significant aspects of these early Latvian texts. The first is that most of the texts were translations from German, Latin, and Polish, and there were very few original texts. The second aspect is that most of the translators were not native speakers of Latvian. First punctuation marks in Latvian appeared in the 16th century in translations from the German language. In 16th-century texts, the following punctuation marks – point, question mark, slash, double hyphen, colon, and parentheses – were used. Semicolons and exclamation marks were used in 17th-century writings. The following punctuation marks have entered the 18th century: a dash, dots, round quotation marks, a comma, and an apostrophe, but they had been used on a different basis than today. While reading various texts of the 16th and the 17th century, the author also looked at the punctuation marks used at this time – a point, a question mark, a slash, a colon, a semicolon, brackets, a double hyphen, and an exclamation mark. In this study, the use of punctuation marks of 11 texts of Early Written Latvian is analyzed, and a comparison of Early Latvian Texts and the Luther Bible is given. The descriptive method and the comparative method are used. At the end of the paper, the main conclusions are given.

Used to express mass media that provides one-way communication such as television, newspaper, radio and magazine, digital media, which takes the place of traditional media and gives the opportunity to communicate interactively, has become one of the indispensables of humanity. In this context, the Internet news portal of Die Welt, which has a high impact in Germany, started its broadcasting life in 1995. Die Welt, which managed to reach the level of multimedia news centre in a short time, continues its activities by growing day by day and reaching more readers. In our study, based on selected news on the portal, Alevis, Alevism, Islam, religious practices (headscarf, alcohol, prayer, fasting, etc.), integration policies and articles published on Turkey, it was aimed to reach what information is given about Alevism and Alevis in Germany. While doing this, the articles written by A. Posener, F. Schindler, F. Peters, H. Hirsch, K. Eigendorf, Ö. Muzlu, T. Stoldt in Die Welt were used. It has been seen that the authors generally agree on the following points: Alawites accept the prophets and books in Judaism and Christianity as equal revelations, the idea of the principle of equal rights for all people, regardless of men and women, is an indispensable part of their beliefs, and life itself is the focal point of the Alevi belief; it is not important to perform purely religious rites such as going to the mosque, praying five times a day, prohibiting pork and alcohol, fasting or making a pilgrimage to Mecca. Many points have been reached such that Alevis not only preach the culture of tolerance and nonviolence at all times, they live it, therefore they are the natural ally of the West in Turkey, at least 500,000 Alevis live in Germany and they can be in harmony with the German society without any difficulties within the framework of the integration policy, Alawites have been mistreated at all times in Turkey, their existence has been ignored, and even they have been subjected to forced Islamization (Sunnization). In our research, the reality and validity of the issues stated by the authors were examined in the light of scientific data and tried to be understood and explained. Keywords: Alevis, Alevism, Sunni Islam, Alevism in Germany, Alevis and Turkey.

On July 22, 1908, Pope Pius X established the Association of Our Lady of a Happy Death as universal for the whole Church. On May 1987, the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Joseph Glemp, approved the Polish Branch of the Association at the Shrine to the Virgin Mary in Górka Klasztorna. He also permitted the Missionaries of the Holy Family to carry out this work. The purpose of the Association is the propagation of prayer and preparation for a good death. The question is, however, can death be good? If so, what is a good death? The article titled „What makes a good death? An attempt to answer the question based on the teachings of K. Rahner, H.U. von Balthasar and J. Ratzinger – Benedict XVI“ is an analysis of the thoughts of the three great contemporary theologians. It does not, however, aim to analyze deeply the mutual similarities and differences between the German-speaking theologians. The study aims at explaining what we really ask God for when praying for a „happy death”. Even a cursory reading of selected books by Rahner, von Balthasar and Ratzinger – Benedict XVI reveals that thinking about death as something good is not unreasonable. Why? Because the positive aspect of dying does not come from the nature of death, but from God’s action in it. It was Him who in the Person of Jesus Christ became man and conquered the hell of death (Ratzinger) by transforming a “bad death” into a “good one” (von Balthasar), and thus gained eternal redemption for us (Rahner).

After the Reformation Masurians as subjects of the rulers of the first evangelical state in the world became Lutherans. Over time, the inhabitants of the southern areas of Easy Prussia and the so- called Lithuania Minor felt the lack of the deepened spirituality, which they did not find in the evangelical church. Through the settled in Gąbin (Gumbinnen) exiled from the area of Salzburg pietist Evangelists in Masuria, “The six books on True Christianity” by John Arndt appeared. The book, after the Bible and the Small Catechism of Luther became the most popular among people of Masuria. The first piety movements appeared in Masuria in the county of Nidzica and Szczytno at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. However their true upturn took place from the 1840s. It manifested itself in running home services, prayer meetings- so-called “beads” and increased activity of travelling preachers. In the seventies and eighties of the nineteenth century, The Gromadkar movement comprised between 30 and 80% of the Masurian population. The centre of the Masurian clusters was located near Szczytno, Pisz and Mrągowo. Registered in 1885 by the Prussian Lithuanian Christopher Kukat , the East Prussian Evangelical Prayers Association which with the help of its bilingual (German Lithuanian) paper Pakajaus Paslas/ Friedens- Bote gave the organizational framework to the East Prussian clusters. At the turn of 19th and 20th centuries, the Gromadkar movement reached its apogee, also spreading among the Mazurian workers’ communities in the Ruhr. Since the First World War, there has been a gradual stifling of the movement, which in the Nazi era entered agonal phase. The key to understanding the world of clusters is the “Six Books on True Christianity” by John Arndt, in which he creates a kind of bridge between Luther’s teachings and the writings of the Rhine mystics of Master Eckhart, John Tauler and Henry Suzo, giving Mazurians directions for spiritual growth. It was supposed to rely on “Six Books” to deny yourself, to reject your own ego, to seek contact with God, indicating as the goal the union with God. The uniqueness of the Gromadkar movement consisted in going beyond the Lutheran principle of “justification by faith” and entering the ground of Christian mysticism unknown to the Evangelical doctrine, which happened through the work of Arndt. An additional aspect that opens up in this context is the Slavic and Lithuanian spirituality and the sensitivity of the crowd, without which undoubtedly it would not be possible to practice mysticism on the basis of the Evangelical religion.

Banat Bulgarians are a special descendant of the centuries-old tree of the Bulgarian ethnic group. Descendants of the displaced from Nikopol and Svishtov after the rout of the Chuprov’s uprising in 1688, they have lived in Banat for 281 years and have preserved their language, traditions and Bulgarian consciousness. Despite their affiliation to Catholicism, they continue to be referred to as “palkene” as a remembrance of their Pavlikian past. After Bulgaria's liberation from Turkish slavery, some of the Banat Bulgarians returned to their homeland, again seeking subsistence and a better life, and founded the villages of Dragomirovo, Gostilya, Bardarski Geran, Bregare and Asenovo. Banat Bulgarians use their own language, which they call "Palken". His writing is based on the Croatian Latin version, and preserves many ancient forms of the language spoken in Bulgaria. The main principle in the Bulgarian Palken spelling is phonetic, ie. it is written as it is pronounced. In lexical terms, there are many borrowing from the Banat Bulgarians from German, Hungarian and Serbian, which is due to the close contacts of Banat Bulgarians with other people in the multi-ethnic Banat. Despite the foreign influence, the dialect form and the use of Latin instead of Cyrillic, the Banat Bulgarians emphasize the Bulgarian character in their language. The Bulgarian Palken language is used in literature, the press, the church and the media with minor differences due to the different dialects. In the period 1860-1896 it was the main language of teaching in the Bulgarian school in Banat, from 1896 to 1918 it was replaced by Hungarian, and then – by Romanian or Serbian. In Bulgaria, the Palken language was functional in the late 18th and early 20th centuries. Today the Banat Bulgarians have turned their dialect in a second Bulgarian literary language, publishing a large number of textbooks, calendars, books, prayer books, newspapers and magazines, through which the few who know and use the Palken language seek to influence others in their community and save it from destruction and oblivion. Nowadays, this language continues to be alive and real in the culture and everyday life of Bulgarian families who have migrated from Bulgaria due to historical circumstances more than two hundred years ago in Serbian, Romanian and Hungarian Banat. This report examines the specifics of the graphical system of the Bulgarian Palken language by comparing them with the modern Bulgarian language.

Nekrologi klasztorne to cenne źródła historyczne, w których jak w syntezie przedstawione są dzieje niejednego opactwa oraz jego powiązania klientarne i modlitewne. Renesans badań nad tego rodzaju źródłami, inspirowany dokonaniami niemieckiej szkoły prof. Tellebacha oraz pracami edytorskimi „Monumenta Poloniae Historica” (Z. Kozłowska Budkowa, K. Jasiński, K. Maleczyński) oraz nowszymi publikacjami (K. Oliński, K. Witkowski) skłania, by wreszcie zainteresować się licznymi obituarzami powstałymi przeważnie w XVIII stuleciu. Autor powyższego artykułu poddał szczegółowej analizie nekrologi wielkopolskiego klasztoru cysterskiego w Bledzewie (koło Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego) oraz rękopiśmienne księgi profesji, publikowane schematyzmu zakonne, diecezjalne i inne źródła, które zawierają informacje ułatwiające stworzenie komentarza krytycznego oraz umożliwiających wyjaśnienie procesu powstawania nekrologu oraz jego nawarstwiania się. Nekrolog bledzewski ukazuje m.in. powiązania cystersów bledzewskich w ramach przypisanej mu linii filiacyjnej, zakonu w ramach prowincji i państwa. Cenne są wpisy cystersów z niemieckiego opactwa Zinna, którego konwent w części przeniósł się do klasztorów polskich. Interesujące są także związki z bernardynami z Poznania, Sierakowa, Wschowy, karmelitami z Poznania i innymi konwentami. Publikowany tekst ukazuje różnorakie aspekty badawcze związane ze źródłami historycznymi tego typu. On the Cistercian Obituaries from Greater Poland as Sources to Conduct Research on the Composition of Order Bodies at the Turn of the 19th Century Monastic obituaries are a valuable historical source. They almost synthesize the histories of many abbeys, by presenting their clientelism and prayer relations. The revival of the studies on this particular source, inspired by the achievements of the school of professor Tellebach, the editorial work of Monumenra Poloniae Historica (Z. Kozłowska Budkowa, K. Jasiński, K. Maleczyński) and the most recent publications (K. Oliński, K. Witkowski) are an inspiration to finally take interest in numerous obituaries, which, in majority, were written in the 18th century. The author of this article profoundly analyzed the obituaries from the Cistercian monastery in Bledzew (near Gorzów Wielkopolski) and the hand-written books on the profession, published monastic and diocesan schemes, and other resources comprising information which makes it possible to create a critical commentary and to explain the process of creating an obituary and its accumulation. The Bledzew obituary demonstrates e. g. relations between Cistercians in the descendancy line and relations between the order, the province and the state. Entries written by Cistercians from the German abbey, Zinna, whose bodies partially moved to Poland are particularly valuable. Relationship between them and the Order of St. Bernard from Poznań, Sieraków, Wschowa, Poznań Caramelites and other orders are also interesting. This text presents various research aspects related to this particular type of historical resource.

Posthumous Property Inventories of the Second Half of the Seventeenth and the Eighteenth Century: A Historical Source on the Daily Life of the Women of Vilnius The article presents an analysis of the inventories of property that belonged to the women residing in Vilnius from 1658 to 1798: the reasons for their compilation, their patterns, the prevailing categories of property, and the issue of the reliability of these inventories. It also dwells upon on the participation of urban women in the economic life of the city: their engagement in small trade, possession of shops and craft workshops, and their involvement in the realisation of the manufactured commodities. Research found that inventories were most often compiled upon the death of the property owner (69%). However, there are inventories that were drawn up before death in order to avoid future disagreements among the heirs or to resolve an ongoing conflict. Two inventories were compiled due to illness or malaise, and one due to an unexpected departure from the city of Vilnius. In the second half of the seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries, the so-called ‘German’ model of compiling inventories prevailed in Vilnius, when the inheritance left by the deceased was drawn by separate categories of items. Items of similar uses were grouped together with a focus on their qualities. As a rule, an inventory would start with records of the most valuable possessions of the deceased: money, jewellery, and silver and gold articles. These were followed by less valuable possessions: crockery, clothes, bedding, books, paintings, and the like. Descriptions of items are concise: they specified the raw materials, shapes, colours, the weight, indications of the level of wear and tear, and their monetary value. The accuracy of the inventory depended on numerous factors: the prevailing inventory-taking model and traditions, the circumstances of the compilation, the criteria for the selection of the items, the honesty of the relatives and the guardians of the estate, and the honesty of the inventory compilers – the clerks and elected assessors. The inventories of the women residing in the city of Vilnius are dominated by clothing (90%), linen, crockery, and furniture (73%), jewellery (60.4%), silver and gold articles (56.3%), money (46%), household appliances (44%), paintings, portraits, and mirrors (42%), collections of books (39.5%), documents (27.1%), immovable property (21%), clocks (21%), foodstuffs (21%), livestock (19%), and vehicles (14.6%). It was noted that the inventories of urban women often included descriptions of containers for sugar, tea, and coffee (33.3%), yarn and spinning wheels (21%), rosaries, prayer books, and crosses (21%). Shoes (23%), children’s clothing and cots (19%) were less frequently recorded. Soap, combs, butter churns, bread ovens, fans, etc. are very rare. The items listed in the inventories provide at least a partial picture of the daily round of the women of Vilnius and their way of life in the second half of the seventeenth and the eighteenth century. The study shows that women residing in Vilnius used to take care not only of their homes, households, and children. They were quite active in the economic life of the city. Sixteen (33.3%) of the inventories mention grocery, cloth, iron, haberdashery, and salt shops in their possession, while five contain information about the craft workshops they owned (bookbinding, goldsmithery, and tanning). Six inventories mention equipment for beer and vodka production, such as breweries, vats, and other vessels for brewing beer and distilling vodka, and describe the different types of beverages: beer, mead, vodka, and wine. Three women residing in Vilnius kept taverns where they sold the beverages they produced. Keywords: daily life, posthumous property inventories, townswomen of Vilnius, women, shops, craft workshops.

Monastic illumination of manuscripts gave to writings a force and prestige which was unprecedented. Throughout the millennium of western monasticism (500-1500 A.D.), the rich founded monasteries so that monks might pray and worship on their behalf. The monks displayed the fruit of their labours to their patrons in their churches and other works of art, particularly in their books. When with growing prosperity from about 1250 onwards the demand for individual prayer reached down to the middle class of knights and burgesses, they began to want wonderworking books of their own. They could not afford to buy a chantry chapel or a jewelled reliquary, but a small illuminated manuscript came within their means as the first step towards the purchase of paradise. Ladies in particular took to reciting the Latin Psalter and treasuring illuminated Books of Hours. In fifteenth-century depictions of the Annunciation, Mary is often shown seated in a sunlit bower with an open Book of Hours on her lap or displayed on a lectern. Likewise she is sometimes depicted with the Child Jesus on her knee, showing him a Book of Hours. The habit of possessing books might never have reached the laity if writing had not been so luxurious and so covetable. Illumination introduced the laity to script through images which could not fail to attract the eye. The children of the prosperous were introduced to the Psalter by their mothers or a priest for the purpose both of learning to read and of beginning formal prayer. To own a Psalter was therefore an act of familial as well as public piety.These words were written twenty years ago, for a conference at the Library of Congress in 1980 on ‘Literacy in historical perspective’. Since then, these themes have been addressed in several lectures and research papers at conferences, and I would stand by the main ideas expressed in that passage. Monks had indeed given extraordinary prestige to books and in particular to the illuminated liturgical book, which is a medieval invention. By the thirteenth century such books were being adapted for lay use and ownership, typically in Books of Hours. However, it is mistaken to say that lay use ‘began’ then, as the aristocracy – particularly in Germany – had been familiar with prayer books for centuries. In the twelfth century, Hildegard of Bingen was said to have learned only the Psalter ‘as is the custom of noble girls’. A Psalter for lay use dating from c.1150, which belonged to Clementia von Zähringen, has been preserved. It contains a full-page portrait of a lady – presumably Clementia herself – at folio 6v between the end of the Calendar and the Beatus page beginning the Psalms. This book has 126 folios in its present state (possibly one folio is missing at the end) and it measures 11 cm X 7 cm, no larger than a woman’s hand. The biography of Marianus Scotus, the eleventh-century Irish hermit who settled at Regensburg, describes how he wrote for poor widows and clerics ‘many little books and many Psalter manuals’ (‘multos libellos multaque manualia psalteria’). The diminutive form ‘libellos’ and the adjective ‘manualia’ emphasise that these manuscripts were small enough to hold in the hand, like Clementia von Zähringen’s book.

The “Salzburger Collection” that once belonged to the group of pietist Lutherans who emigrated from Salzburg, Austria to Ebenezer, Georgia in 1734 and is now preserved at the Crumley Archives in Columbia, SC, contains 160 books printed 1615-1824. After a brief history and record of provenance of the collection, this essay focuses on books that demonstrate the connection to the pietist center of Halle (Germany) and devotion to the pietist forerunner Johann Arndt, as well as a prayer book believed to contain the “London Liturgy” passed on to the emigrant community by the Lutheran chaplain of their English patron, King George II. The collection was evaluated in light of reports and letters from earliest members of the community and their supporters as well as inscriptions and other unique identifiers, giving preferences to those volumes in the collection most closely tied to earliest members of the community. In so doing, it becomes clear that while sweeping assumption about a community based upon the presence of a book in such a collection are ill-advised, when proper attention is given to matters of provenance, the contents of a library do reflect the values of a community.

Mark Veniaminovich Karminskyi (1930–1995) is a composer who, already during his lifetime, was appreciated by his contemporaries as the brightest figure in musical art, in particular, musical theater. Well-known in the country and his native Kharkiv, he was also the constant reader of the Kharkiv ‘K. Stanislavskyi’ Music and Theater Library for many years, taking part in many events that took place within its walls. An excellent lecturer and interlocutor, benevolent and affable person, he found an attentive audience and ardent admirers of his musical talent among the library’s readers and stuff. Perhaps, this is why M. Karminskyi chose the Library as the main curator of his archive. What is better than studying the artist’s personal archive to give an idea of his personality, creative methods and worldview? Even a cursory glance at the collection of documents classified on the shelves of the archive, illustrating particular biographical episodes, helps the researcher to form a holistic impression of the artist’s creative personality, as well as to orient, if necessary, for further more depth studying of his heritage. The purpose of this article is a brief review of the general content of the archival fund of M. V. Karminskyi, with the materials of which the author had the honor to conduct research and bibliographic work, as of a documentary sources base for future research of the composer’s work and the history of the musical culture of Kharkiv in 1950–2000 years. Statement of the main positions of the publication. The composer began to transfer his archive to the library during his lifetime: he arranged folders with manuscripts, gave explanations about the time of writing and purpose of individual works. It was this archive that was the first to get into the library as a full-fledged array of documents about the life of a creative person. The condition for its transfer was the possibility of unimpeded viewing of the archive and its copying for the purpose of training and concert performance of the composer’s works. The full description of M. Karminskyi’s archive was completed in 1996, but the fund was supplemented several times thanks to new materials that came to the archival collection after its formation. It contains a variety of documents, including musical manuscripts, newspaper clippings, photographic documents, sound recordings on various media, posters, booklets, programs, manuscripts by other authors related to the activities of the composer. Thus, for the theater – opera, drama – the composer has been actively working since a young age. He wrote music for performances of Kharkiv theaters – Puppet Theater, Young Audience Theater, Ukrainian Drama Theater named after Taras Shevchenko, Jewish Theater, even for student amateur theaters. Four operas by M. Karminskyi, among them – “Ten days that shook the world”, “Irkutsk story” – were successfully staged in many theaters in Ukraine, Russia, the Czech Republic and Germany. Particular attention was drawn to the opera “Ten Days That Shook the World” based on John Reed’s book about the events in Petrograd in 1917, which was published as the separate piano reduction and received a large number of reviews in periodicals. The typewritten copies of reviews by famous Ukrainian musicologists K. Heivandova and I. Zolotovytska have been preserved in the archive. The collection of the archive also includes the published piano score of the opera “Irkutsk story”, the known “Waltz” from which served as a call sign of the Kharkiv Regional Radio for many years. One of the most interesting manuscripts of the archive is the music for the unfinished ballet “Rembrandt” on the libretto by V. Dubrovskyi. The musical “Robin Hood”, which was performed not only in Kharkiv, but also in Moscow, brought the composer national fame. The sound recording of the Moscow play was distributed thanks to the release of gramophone records created with the participation of stars of Soviet stage – the singers Joseph Kobzon, Lev Leshchenko, Valentina Tolkunova and the famous actor Eugene Leonov. The popularity of this musical was phenomenal; excerpts from it were performed even in children’s music schools, as evidenced by the archival documents. During the composer’s life and after his death, his vocal and choral works, works for various instruments were mostly published. The array of these musical editions and manuscripts of M. Karminskyi is arranged in the archive by musical genres. These are piano pieces and other instrumental works, among them is one of the most popular opuses of the composer – “Jewish Prayer” for solo violin (the first performer – Honored Artist of Ukraine Hryhoriy Kuperman). Number a large of publications about the life and career of M. Karminskyi published in books and periodicals are collected, among them are K. Heivandova’s book (1981) “Mark Karminskyi”, the brief collection of memoirs about the composer (compiler – H. Hansburg, 2000) and the congregation of booklets of various festivals and competitions, for example, the booklets of the International Music Festival “Kharkiv Assemblies”, in which the composer has participated since the day of their founding. The booklet of the M. Karminskyi Choral Music Festival testifies to a unique phenomenon in the musical life of the city: never before or since has such a large-scale event dedicated to the work of a single person taken place attracting so many choirs from all Ukraine. A separate array of documents is the photo archive, which includes 136 portraits, photos from various events; 41 of them were donated by a famous Kharkiv photographer Yu. L. Shcherbinin. The audio-video archive of M. V. Karminskyi consists of records of his works, released by the company “Melody”: staging of performances “Robin Hood”, “There are musketeers!” (based on the play by M. Svetlov “20 years later”), various songs, video and tape cassettes with recordings of concerts. Other interesting documents have been preserved, for example, a typewritten script for the Kharkiv TV program about M. Karminskyi with his own participation or the library form, which can be used to trace his preferences as a reader. M. Karminskyi also compiled reviews of publications on the performance of his works and short bibliographic descriptions of their print editions. Conclusions. M. Karminskyi’s personal archive founded by him own in Kharkiv ‘K. S. Stanislavskyi’ Music and Theater Library has been functioning as an independent library fund since 1996 and today it is an unique comprehensive ordered collection, which is freely available and stores documents of various types: music publications and manuscripts, newspaper and magazine fragments, announces, photos, sound and video documents. M. Karminskyi’s archival fund is used as a documentary source for scientific researches (the Candidate’s dissertations of art critics Yu. Ivanova (2001) and E. Kushchova (2004) were defended using the materials of the archive) and as a basic congregation of works by the composer for their performance. The use of digital technologies is part of the necessary modern perspective of the fund’s development, the value of which as a primary source of historical and cultural information only grows over time.

ABSTRACTPurpose: The aim of the article is to research reading habits in Slovenia in the period between 16th and 19th century and to find similarities with Austria and other European countries of that time.Methodology/approach: For the purpose of the analysis different resources were used – study books, catechisms, prayer books and manuals. We were focused on introductions in which readers are advised how to read, explaining to whom the work is intended and emphasizing the importance of meditation on the texts.Results: Historically the laud reading was prefered, as to continue the folk tradition. However, the 16th century texts were transmitted by women while the folk tradition was narrated by males. In the 18th century the higher level of literacy and greater book production and availability caused that the books were not a privilege of a few. At that time more texts were intended for silent, individual reading. Interestingly, the authors emphasized the importance of meditation on the texts, too. It was also advised when to read – it wasrecommedend to read in leisure time on Sundays, and on holidays. The role of books was also to breakaway with the reality and to forget everyday problems. Due to the overproduction of books in the 17th centrury it was concerned that books are misleading the crowds. The church considered the reading of books as inappropriate, and criticized fiction, novels and adventure stories mostly read by women.Research limitation: The study is based on Slovenian texts only, although the foreign literature, especially in German, was generally available, too.Originality/practical implications: The study is fullfiling the gap in the history of reading in Slovenia.

This article explores the meanings of girls’ silence in three popular late nineteenth-/early twentieth-century novels: Susan Coolidge’s What Katy Did (1872), Johanna Spyri’s Heidis Lehr- und Wanderjahre (Heidi, 1880), and L.M. Montgomery’s Anne of Green Gables (1908). These three classics of girls’ fiction are international bestsellers; all three novels are available in Nordic languages as well as their original English or German. Often read as taming narratives in which wild girls are forcibly shaped into compliant young women, these texts allow us to see how the girls’ book has struggled with conformity and agency since its beginnings. As influential early girls’ books, these novels help us disentangle the patterns early examples of the genre offer us as twenty-first-century readers and critics. Though a girl’s silence can indicate trauma and social repression (as we see in What Katy Did and Heidi), withholding speech can be a voluntary decision that girls make for themselves (as in Anne of Green Gables). In this article, we draw on disability theory to propose a model for thinking about the distinction between silence and silencing. While silence can be a form of repression, paralyzing the thoughts as physical injury paralyzes the body, it is also linked to prayer and the concept of self-possession. Silence is not always a marker of the loss of voice or physical autonomy; by appealing to the idea of self-possession, we can move beyond a dichotomy of speech as positive and silence as negative.

Erik Petersen: Suscipere digneris. A find and some hypotheses on the Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2° and its history. The Copenhagen Psalter Thott 143 2º has often, and rightly, been praised as an outstanding example of the subtlety and artistic quality of Romanesque art in manuscripts. Its illumination, the saints of its calendar and litany place it in an English context. Two added elements, an obituary notice on the death in 1272 of Eric duke of Jutland, son of the Danish king Abel, and a prayer of an anonymous woman, link the codex to Medieval Denmark and Scandinavia as well. Addressing the Holy Trinity with the words Suscipere digneris the woman prays for herself, pro me misera peccatrice, and for the souls of her father and mother, of her brothers and sisters, of all members of her family, and for the souls of all brothers and sisters and familiares of her order. She also prays pro anima Byrgeri ducis. The occurrence of duke Birger, or Birger Jarl, in her prayer has given the book the name “Psalter of the Folkungar”, in particular in Scandinavian scholarship. The assumptions have been that the Psalter belonged to the Swedish aristocratic family of the Folkungar, that the duke Birger mentioned in the prayer was the older member of the family bearing that name (d. 1202), and that the book later passed to Mechtilde, the mother of duke Eric and widow of king Abel killed in 1252, who married the younger duke Birger in 1261. Duke Birger died in 1266, Mechtilde in 1288. The fate of the Psalter from the end of the 13th century until it entered the huge library of count Otto Thott (1703–1785) has been entirely unknown. There are, however, a couple of clues to its history, one in the codex itself and one external, which do cast some light on its whereabouts. The first is a small piece of paper with bibliographical notes from the 18th century inserted at the very end of the codex. The second is an elaborate copy of the calendar and the prayer that I became aware of while working on the German humanist and theologian Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) and his manuscripts. It could be proved that the copy was made in Fabricius’ own hand between 1720 and 1736. Since I knew that Fabricius did not leave Hamburg at any time during these years, it could also be proved that the Copenhagen Psalter must have been present in the city at least for some time in the same period. The codex did not belong to Fabricius, and since he left no information about it apart from the copy itself, I was not able to determine how he had had access to it. The answer was to be found in a hitherto unnoticed treatise De Psalterio Manuscripto Capelliano ob singularem elegantiam commemorabili observatio, written by Johann Heinrich von Seelen (1687–1762) and published in the third volume of his Meditationes Exegeticae, quibus varia utriusque Testamenti loca expenduntur et illustrantur, Lübeck 1737. Von Seelen’s treatise is based on an autoptic study of the codex. He informs his readers that the codex once belonged to Rudolphus Capellus (1635–1684), professor of Greek and History at the Gymnasium Academicum in Hamburg. Von Seelen gives a detailed description of the codex, which leaves no doubt about its identity with the Psalter now in Copenhagen. He also states that the codex was sent to him for his use and information by his friend Michael Richey (1678–1761) in Hamburg. Michael Richey had been a colleague and close friend of Fabricius, who must have copied the codex while it was in Richey’s library. After Rudolphus Capellus’ death it passed on to his son Dietericus Matthias Capellus (1672–1720), who noted down the bibliographical notes on the sheet of paper attached to the codex. It was sold by auction as part of the bibliotheca Capelliana in Hamburg in 1721, and it will have been on that occasion that Michael Richey acquired it. It is not known where and how Rudolphus Capellus acquired the Psalter. Von Seelen called it Capellianum, because Capellus was the first owner known to him. In the present paper the old Benedictine nunnery in Buxtehude, Altkloster, is suggested as the likely previous home of the codex. The short distance from Hamburg to Buxtehude, Capellus’ limited radius of action, and the fact that Altkloster was dissolved as a catholic monastery exactly in the period when Capellus acquired the codex is adduced in support of the hypothesis. In addition, archival material in Stade confirms that there were still several medieval manuscripts in the monastery when it was dissolved as a consequence of the Peace of Westphalia. Only one of them has been identified – actually another manuscript that found its way into the Thott collection in Copenhagen. This manuscript, Thott 8 8º with a late medieval German translation of the New Testament, contains a note in the hand of its first modern owner, Dietrich von Stade (1637–1718), which attests the presence of medieval books in Altkloster even as late as in 1696. They had been taken over by the first Lutheran minister in the former monastery and were in the custody of his widow when Dietrich von Stade visited it. Capellus left his marks and scars on the manuscript. His hand, which I recognize from an autograph manuscript now in the Fabricius Collection, can be identified as the one that added numbers to the psalms. He also added the heading to the list of relics on top of f. 1r, and four lines of text on f. 199v. He added a note to the prayer on f. 16v, and even wrote down the Greek passages in the NT as parallels to the Latin canticles Magnificat and Nunc dimittis on f. 185r–185v. As to the medieval additions in the manuscript it is pointed out in the paper that the owner of the relics listed on the first page of the book was not the owner of the manuscript. The name was erased at an unknown date, but the letters dns (for dominus) before the erasure indicate that the owner was a man, not a woman or a church or a monastery. It is suggested that the list of relics is probably younger than usually assumed. The text that Capellus completed with the four lines and a final Amen at the very end of the codex is itself an addition to the original manuscript. Despite its length (f. 194v–199v) it has received little attention from scholars. It is actually a version of the so-called Oratio Sancti Brandani, copied in a late medieval hand that imitates the script of the Psalter proper. Palaeographically as well as textually it appears to be a foreign element in the context of the Psalter, but it is, of course, interesting for its history. The text ends abruptly, so Capellus’ addition may perhaps be seen as more justifiable here than elsewhere in the book. The only date explicitly noted down in the entire codex is found in the calendar. There are two medieval additions in it, one, little noticed, mentioning the 11.000 virgins in October, and the one noting the death of Eric duke of Jutland in year 1272, added to the line of the 27th day of the month of May. The present paper offers new suggestions as to how to understand the notices, and argues against the interpretation most often put forward, namely that Mechtilde was the direct or indirect authoress of the obituary-notice about duke Eric. It also argues against the identification of Mechtilde with the ego of the prayer on f. 16v. Based on palaeographical and other formal observations it is contended that the text should be dated to the end of the 13th Century and not its beginning, and that Byrgerus dux is likely to be the younger Birger Jarl, not the older. It is pointed out that he is not included in the prayer as a family member, but merely as Byrgerus dux. Following a structural analysis of the text, it is concluded that the anonymous voice of prayer is not that of Mechtilde; instead it is suggested that it could belong to an otherwise unknown daughter of Mechtilde and king Abel, and thus a sister of Eric duke of Jutland. Her place was a monastery, her present time the year 1288 or later. Prayers beginning with words Suscipere digneris are found in many variations in medieval manuscripts. In one source, MS 78 a 8 in the Kupferstichkabinet in Berlin, a Psalter, this prayer as well as other significant elements, display a striking similarity with the Copenhagen Psalter. The Berlin Psalter, which is younger than the Copenhagen Psalter, has added elements that relates to persons in Sweden and Norway. The Berlin Psalter was presented to the nuns in Buxtehude in 1362 by a miles who passed by from his hometown in the western part of Northern Germany. The relation between the Psalters now in Berlin and Copenhagen is complicated. In the present paper it is suggested that, with respect to the prayer, they may depend on a common source. It is concluded that the Berlin Psalter may have had closer links to the Folkungar in Sweden than the Copenhagen Psalter, whose history, in so far as we know it, points rather to its presence in Medieval Jutland, that is Southern Denmark and Northern Germany.

Background: The most well-known usage of the term μονογενής is in the spiritually admired hymn Omonogenyc Uioc ke Logoc tw :ew and the most frequently used clergy blessing, ‘f’cmarwout ‘nje pefmonogenyc ‘nsyri. It has been noticed that in many of the liturgical books that have been written in Arabic, μονογενής is often translated as ‘the only race وحيد الجنس, which does not reflect the essence of the term μονογενής. Methods: We hereby provide biblical, Old Testament and New Testament, liturgical books and common prayer book (Agpya) evidence for the exact meaning of the term μονογενής with its Greek references. These quotations prove that the accurate meaning of the term μονογενής is the Only Begotten which is الوحيد. Conclusion: The term μονογενής means the Only Begotten and not race, as translated in Arabic. Such accurate translation has important theological meaning hence should be adhered to. French: Contexte: L’utilisation la plus connue du terme μονογενής se trouve dans l’hymne spirituellement admiré Omonogenyc Uioc ke Logoc tw :ew, et dans la bénédiction du clergé la plus fréquemment utilisée, ‘f’cmarwout ‘nje pefmonogenyc ‘nsyri. Il a été remarqué que dans de nombreux livres liturgiques écrits en arabe, μονογενής est souvent traduit par ‘de race unique وحيد الجنس’, ce qui ne reflète pas l’essence du terme μονογενής. Méthodes: Nous fournissons ici des preuves bibliques, de l’Ancien Testament et du Nouveau Testament, des livres liturgiques et du livre des prières communes (Agpya) de la signification exacte du terme μονογενής avec ses références grecques. Ces citations prouvent que la signification exacte du terme μονογενής est le Fils Unique, qui est الوحيد. Conclusion: Le terme μονογενής signifie le Fils Unique et non la race, comme traduit en arabe. Une telle traduction précise a une signification théologique importante et doit donc être adoptée. German: Hintergrund: Die bekannteste Verwendung des Begriffs μονογενής findet sich in der geistlich bewunderten Hymne Omonogenyc Uioc ke Logoc tw :ew und dem am häufigsten verwendeten klerikalen Segen ‘f’cmarwout ‘nje pefmonogenyc ‘nsyri. Es wurde festgestellt, dass in vielen liturgischen Büchern, die in arabischer Sprache verfasst wurden, μονογενής oft mit "die einzige Rasse وحيد الجنس" übersetzt wird, was dem Wesen des Begriffs μονογενής nicht gerecht wird. Methodik: Wir liefern hiermit Beweise aus biblischen Texten, liturgischen Bücher und dem gemeinsamen Gebetsbuch (Agpya) für die genaue Bedeutung des Begriffs μονογενής mit seinen griechischen Referenzen. Diese Zitate beweisen, dass die genaue Bedeutung des Begriffs μονογενής der Einziggeborene Sohn ist, الوحيد. Schlussfolgerung: Der Begriff "μονογενής" bedeutet "der Einziggeborene" und nicht "Rasse", wie es im Arabischen heißt. Diese genaue Übersetzung hat eine wichtige theologische Bedeutung und sollte daher beibehalten werden. Italian: Background: L’uso più noto del termine μονογενής è nell’apprezzato inno spirituale Omonogenyc Uioc ke Logoc tw :ew e nella benedizione del clero più frequentemente usata. ‘f’cmarwout ‘nje pefmonogenyc ‘nsyri. È stato notato che in molti libri liturgici scritti in lingua araba μονογενής è spesso tradotta in ‘unico nel genere’ وحيد الجنس, il quale non corrisponde all’essenza del termine μονογενής. Metodi: con il presente studio forniamo delle evidenze bibliche, dall’antico e dal nuovo testamento, dai libri liturgici e dal comune libro delle preghiere orarie (Agpya) per il significato preciso del termine μονογενής con i riferimenti in lingua greca. Queste citazioni attestano che il significato accurato del termine μονογενής è Unigenito vale a dire الوحيد. Conclusione: il termine μονογενής significa Unigenito e non genere, come tradotto in Arabo. Tale traduzione accurata ha un’importante significato teologico e deve essere pertanto adottata. Keywords: μονογενής; Only Begotten; Coptic

At the end of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century, Tatars of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania started migrating to new lands and countries including England, Argentina and America. They were looking for work and the USA became their preferred country. Many Tatars returned back to homeland, but most of them stayed in America and succeeded. Tatars from Ivje, Navahradak, Mir, Kleck, Tavsiuny, Milkuny, Śviańciany, Dokšycy, Uzda, Śmiłavičy, Minsk, Vilnia and other settlements of Russian Empire before the World War I founded their registered society in New York in 1907. It was the first Muslim organization in the USA. They also founded the Muslim mizars in the Maple Grove and Cedar Grove cemeteries in New York. They started teaching children and bought a building for mosque in 1930. Tatars provided the annual dances and picnics, organized the funding (dues, fees, fines, loans, donations) for payment of expenses, helped the Society members (death and illness benefits) and Muslims in other countries including the former homeland (Ivje in 1922, Niekrašuncy, Warszawa in 1945 and etc.). They published a newspaper, the prayer books. They took part in the main historical events in the USA: the World War I, the World War II, Korean and Vietnam wars, post-war occupation of Germany, etc. Unfortunately, the Society had been developed until 1960s (member quantity was more than 300) and now it is in decline due to assimilation and migration. This article is devoted to the Tatar society of the USA. It is based on the results of study of family collections, oral stories, archival documents (Ellis Island cases, certificates of birth, death, marriage, draft) and pictures. The organization structure, the names of the famous Tatars and the Society board members (presidents, vice-presidents, secretaries, treasurers, imams, teachers, bank account holders, funeral committee members, etc.), the information about two cemeteries are re- vealed and provided.

Introduction Cookbooks are an exceptional written record of what is largely an oral tradition. They have been described as “magician’s hats” due to their ability to reveal much more than they seem to contain (Wheaton, “Finding”). The first book printed in Germany was the Guttenberg Bible in 1456 but, by 1490, printing was introduced into almost every European country (Tierney). The spread of literacy between 1500 and 1800, and the rise in silent reading, helped to create a new private sphere into which the individual could retreat, seeking refuge from the community (Chartier). This new technology had its effects in the world of cookery as in so many spheres of culture (Mennell, All Manners). Trubek notes that cookbooks are the texts most often used by culinary historians, since they usually contain all the requisite materials for analysing a cuisine: ingredients, method, technique, and presentation. Printed cookbooks, beginning in the early modern period, provide culinary historians with sources of evidence of the culinary past. Historians have argued that social differences can be expressed by the way and type of food we consume. Cookbooks are now widely accepted as valid socio-cultural and historic documents (Folch, Sherman), and indeed the link between literacy levels and the protestant tradition has been expressed through the study of Danish cookbooks (Gold). From Apicius, Taillevent, La Varenne, and Menon to Bradley, Smith, Raffald, Acton, and Beeton, how can both manuscript and printed cookbooks be analysed as historic documents? What is the difference between a manuscript and a printed cookbook? Barbara Ketchum Wheaton, who has been studying cookbooks for over half a century and is honorary curator of the culinary collection in Harvard’s Schlesinger Library, has developed a methodology to read historic cookbooks using a structured approach. For a number of years she has been giving seminars to scholars from multidisciplinary fields on how to read historic cookbooks. This paper draws on the author’s experiences attending Wheaton’s seminar in Harvard, and on supervising the use of this methodology at both Masters and Doctoral level (Cashman; Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Manuscripts versus Printed Cookbooks A fundamental difference exists between manuscript and printed cookbooks in their relationship with the public and private domain. Manuscript cookbooks are by their very essence intimate, relatively unedited and written with an eye to private circulation. Culinary manuscripts follow the diurnal and annual tasks of the household. They contain recipes for cures and restoratives, recipes for cleansing products for the house and the body, as well as the expected recipes for cooking and preserving all manners of food. Whether manuscript or printed cookbook, the recipes contained within often act as a reminder of how laborious the production of food could be in the pre-industrialised world (White). Printed cookbooks draw oxygen from the very fact of being public. They assume a “literate population with sufficient discretionary income to invest in texts that commodify knowledge” (Folch). This process of commoditisation brings knowledge from the private to the public sphere. There exists a subset of cookbooks that straddle this divide, for example, Mrs. Rundell’s A New System of Domestic Cookery (1806), which brought to the public domain her distillation of a lifetime of domestic experience. Originally intended for her daughters alone, Rundell’s book was reprinted regularly during the nineteenth century with the last edition printed in 1893, when Mrs. Beeton had been enormously popular for over thirty years (Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s Structured Approach Cookbooks can be rewarding, surprising and illuminating when read carefully with due effort in understanding them as cultural artefacts. However, Wheaton notes that: “One may read a single old cookbook and find it immensely entertaining. One may read two and begin to find intriguing similarities and differences. When the third cookbook is read, one’s mind begins to blur, and one begins to sense the need for some sort of method in approaching these documents” (“Finding”). Following decades of studying cookbooks from both sides of the Atlantic and writing a seminal text on the French at table from 1300-1789 (Wheaton, Savouring the Past), this combined experience negotiating cookbooks as historical documents was codified, and a structured approach gradually articulated and shared within a week long seminar format. In studying any cookbook, regardless of era or country of origin, the text is broken down into five different groupings, to wit: ingredients; equipment or facilities; the meal; the book as a whole; and, finally, the worldview. A particular strength of Wheaton’s seminars is the multidisciplinary nature of the approaches of students who attend, which throws the study of cookbooks open to wide ranging techniques. Students with a purely scientific training unearth interesting patterns by developing databases of the frequency of ingredients or techniques, and cross referencing them with other books from similar or different timelines or geographical regions. Patterns are displayed in graphs or charts. Linguists offer their own unique lens to study cookbooks, whereas anthropologists and historians ask what these objects can tell us about how our ancestors lived and drew meaning from life. This process is continuously refined, and each grouping is discussed below. Ingredients The geographic origins of the ingredients are of interest, as is the seasonality and the cost of the foodstuffs within the scope of each cookbook, as well as the sensory quality both separately and combined within different recipes. In the medieval period, the use of spices and large joints of butchers meat and game were symbols of wealth and status. However, when the discovery of sea routes to the New World and to the Far East made spices more available and affordable to the middle classes, the upper classes spurned them. Evidence from culinary manuscripts in Georgian Ireland, for example, suggests that galangal was more easily available in Dublin during the eighteenth century than in the mid-twentieth century. A new aesthetic, articulated by La Varenne in his Le Cuisinier Francois (1651), heralded that food should taste of itself, and so exotic ingredients such as cinnamon, nutmeg, and ginger were replaced by the local bouquet garni, and stocks and sauces became the foundations of French haute cuisine (Mac Con Iomaire). Some combinations of flavours and ingredients were based on humoral physiology, a long held belief system based on the writings of Hippocrates and Galen, now discredited by modern scientific understanding. The four humors are blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm. It was believed that each of these humors would wax and wane in the body, depending on diet and activity. Galen (131-201 AD) believed that warm food produced yellow bile and that cold food produced phlegm. It is difficult to fathom some combinations of ingredients or the manner of service without comprehending the contemporary context within they were consumeSome ingredients found in Roman cookbooks, such as “garum” or “silphium” are no longer available. It is suggested that the nearest substitute for garum also known as “liquamen”—a fermented fish sauce—would be Naam Plaa, or Thai fish sauce (Grainger). Ingredients such as tea and white bread, moved from the prerogative of the wealthy over time to become the staple of the urban poor. These ingredients, therefore, symbolise radically differing contexts during the seventeenth century than in the early twentieth century. Indeed, there are other ingredients such as hominy (dried maize kernel treated with alkali) or grahams (crackers made from graham flour) found in American cookbooks that require translation to the unacquainted non-American reader. There has been a growing number of food encyclopaedias published in recent years that assist scholars in identifying such commodities (Smith, Katz, Davidson). The Cook’s Workplace, Techniques, and Equipment It is important to be aware of the type of kitchen equipment used, the management of heat and cold within the kitchen, and also the gradual spread of the industrial revolution into the domestic sphere. Visits to historic castles such as Hampton Court Palace where nowadays archaeologists re-enact life below stairs in Tudor times give a glimpse as to how difficult and labour intensive food production was. Meat was spit-roasted in front of huge fires by spit boys. Forcemeats and purees were manually pulped using mortar and pestles. Various technological developments including spit-dogs, and mechanised pulleys, replaced the spit boys, the most up to date being the mechanised rotisserie. The technological advancements of two hundred years can be seen in the Royal Pavilion in Brighton where Marie-Antoinin Carême worked for the Prince Regent in 1816 (Brighton Pavilion), but despite the gleaming copper pans and high ceilings for ventilation, the work was still back breaking. Carême died aged forty-nine, “burnt out by the flame of his genius and the fumes of his ovens” (Ackerman 90). Mennell points out that his fame outlived him, resting on his books: Le Pâtissier Royal Parisien (1815); Le Pâtissier Pittoresque (1815); Le Maître d’Hôtel Français (1822); Le Cuisinier Parisien (1828); and, finally, L’Art de la Cuisine Française au Dix-Neuvième Siècle (1833–5), which was finished posthumously by his student Pluméry (All Manners). Mennell suggests that these books embody the first paradigm of professional French cuisine (in Kuhn’s terminology), pointing out that “no previous work had so comprehensively codified the field nor established its dominance as a point of reference for the whole profession in the way that Carême did” (All Manners 149). The most dramatic technological changes came after the industrial revolution. Although there were built up ovens available in bakeries and in large Norman households, the period of general acceptance of new cooking equipment that enclosed fire (such as the Aga stove) is from c.1860 to 1910, with gas ovens following in c.1910 to the 1920s) and Electricity from c.1930. New food processing techniques dates are as follows: canning (1860s), cooling and freezing (1880s), freeze drying (1950s), and motorised delivery vans with cooking (1920s–1950s) (den Hartog). It must also be noted that the supply of fresh food, and fish particularly, radically improved following the birth, and expansion of, the railways. To understand the context of the cookbook, one needs to be aware of the limits of the technology available to the users of those cookbooks. For many lower to middle class families during the twentieth century, the first cookbook they would possess came with their gas or electrical oven. Meals One can follow cooked dishes from the kitchen to the eating place, observing food presentation, carving, sequencing, and serving of the meal and table etiquette. Meal times and structure changed over time. During the Middle Ages, people usually ate two meals a day: a substantial dinner around noon and a light supper in the evening (Adamson). Some of the most important factors to consider are the manner in which meals were served: either à la française or à la russe. One of the main changes that occurred during the nineteenth century was the slow but gradual transfer from service à la française to service à la russe. From medieval times to the middle of the nineteenth century the structure of a formal meal was not by “courses”—as the term is now understood—but by “services”. Each service could comprise of a choice of dishes—both sweet and savoury—from which each guest could select what appealed to him or her most (Davidson). The philosophy behind this form of service was the forementioned humoral physiology— where each diner chose food based on the four humours of blood, yellow bile, black bile, or phlegm. Also known as le grand couvert, the à la française method made it impossible for the diners to eat anything that was beyond arm’s length (Blake, and Crewe). Smooth service, however, was the key to an effective à la russe dinner since servants controlled the flow of food (Eatwell). The taste and temperature of food took centre stage with the à la russe dinner as each course came in sequence. Many historic cookbooks offer table plans illustrating the suggested arrangement of dishes on a table for the à la française style of service. Many of these dishes might be re-used in later meals, and some dishes such as hashes and rissoles often utilised left over components of previous meals. There is a whole genre of cookbooks informing the middle class cooks how to be frugal and also how to emulate haute cuisine using cheaper or ersatz ingredients. The number dining and the manner in which they dined also changed dramatically over time. From medieval to Tudor times, there might be hundreds dining in large banqueting halls. By the Elizabethan age, a small intimate room where master and family dined alone replaced the old dining hall where master, servants, guests, and travellers had previously dined together (Spencer). Dining tables remained portable until the 1780s when tables with removable leaves were devised. By this time, the bread trencher had been replaced by one made of wood, or plate of pewter or precious metal in wealthier houses. Hosts began providing knives and spoons for their guests by the seventeenth century, with forks also appearing but not fully accepted until the eighteenth century (Mason). These silver utensils were usually marked with the owner’s initials to prevent their theft (Flandrin). Cookbooks as Objects and the World of Publishing A thorough examination of the manuscript or printed cookbook can reveal their physical qualities, including indications of post-publication history, the recipes and other matter in them, as well as the language, organization, and other individual qualities. What can the quality of the paper tell us about the book? Is there a frontispiece? Is the book dedicated to an employer or a patron? Does the author note previous employment history in the introduction? In his Court Cookery, Robert Smith, for example, not only mentions a number of his previous employers, but also outlines that he was eight years working with Patrick Lamb in the Court of King William, before revealing that several dishes published in Lamb’s Royal Cookery (1710) “were never made or practis’d (sic) by him and others are extreme defective and imperfect and made up of dishes unknown to him; and several of them more calculated at the purses than the Gôut of the guests”. Both Lamb and Smith worked for the English monarchy, nobility, and gentry, but produced French cuisine. Not all Britons were enamoured with France, however, with, for example Hannah Glasse asserting “if gentlemen will have French cooks, they must pay for French tricks” (4), and “So much is the blind folly of this age, that they would rather be imposed on by a French Booby, than give encouragement to an good English cook” (ctd. in Trubek 60). Spencer contextualises Glasse’s culinary Francophobia, explaining that whilst she was writing the book, the Jacobite army were only a few days march from London, threatening to cut short the Hanoverian lineage. However, Lehmann points out that whilst Glasse was overtly hostile to French cuisine, she simultaneously plagiarised its receipts. Based on this trickling down of French influences, Mennell argues that “there is really no such thing as a pure-bred English cookery book” (All Manners 98), but that within the assimilation and simplification, a recognisable English style was discernable. Mennell also asserts that Glasse and her fellow women writers had an enormous role in the social history of cooking despite their lack of technical originality (“Plagiarism”). It is also important to consider the place of cookbooks within the history of publishing. Albala provides an overview of the immense outpouring of dietary literature from the printing presses from the 1470s. He divides the Renaissance into three periods: Period I Courtly Dietaries (1470–1530)—targeted at the courtiers with advice to those attending banquets with many courses and lots of wine; Period II The Galenic Revival (1530–1570)—with a deeper appreciation, and sometimes adulation, of Galen, and when scholarship took centre stage over practical use. Finally Period III The Breakdown of Orthodoxy (1570–1650)—when, due to the ambiguities and disagreements within and between authoritative texts, authors were freer to pick the ideas that best suited their own. Nutrition guides were consistent bestsellers, and ranged from small handbooks written in the vernacular for lay audiences, to massive Latin tomes intended for practicing physicians. Albala adds that “anyone with an interest in food appears to have felt qualified to pen his own nutritional guide” (1). Would we have heard about Mrs. Beeton if her husband had not been a publisher? How could a twenty-five year old amass such a wealth of experience in household management? What role has plagiarism played in the history of cookbooks? It is interesting to note that a well worn copy of her book (Beeton) was found in the studio of Francis Bacon and it is suggested that he drew inspiration for a number of his paintings from the colour plates of animal carcasses and butcher’s meat (Dawson). Analysing the post-publication usage of cookbooks is valuable to see the most popular recipes, the annotations left by the owner(s) or user(s), and also if any letters, handwritten recipes, or newspaper clippings are stored within the leaves of the cookbook. The Reader, the Cook, the Eater The physical and inner lives and needs and skills of the individuals who used cookbooks and who ate their meals merit consideration. Books by their nature imply literacy. Who is the book’s audience? Is it the cook or is it the lady of the house who will dictate instructions to the cook? Numeracy and measurement is also important. Where clocks or pocket watches were not widely available, authors such as seventeenth century recipe writer Sir Kenelm Digby would time his cooking by the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer. Literacy amongst protestant women to enable them to read the Bible, also enabled them to read cookbooks (Gold). How did the reader or eater’s religion affect the food practices? Were there fast days? Were there substitute foods for fast days? What about special occasions? Do historic cookbooks only tell us about the food of the middle and upper classes? It is widely accepted today that certain cookbook authors appeal to confident cooks, while others appeal to competent cooks, and others still to more cautious cooks (Bilton). This has always been the case, as has the differentiation between the cookbook aimed at the professional cook rather than the amateur. Historically, male cookbook authors such as Patrick Lamb (1650–1709) and Robert Smith targeted the professional cook market and the nobility and gentry, whereas female authors such as Eliza Acton (1799–1859) and Isabella Beeton (1836–1865) often targeted the middle class market that aspired to emulate their superiors’ fashions in food and dining. How about Tavern or Restaurant cooks? When did they start to put pen to paper, and did what they wrote reflect the food they produced in public eateries? Conclusions This paper has offered an overview of Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s methodology for reading historic cookbooks using a structured approach. It has highlighted some of the questions scholars and researchers might ask when faced with an old cookbook, regardless of era or geographical location. By systematically examining the book under the headings of ingredients; the cook’s workplace, techniques and equipment; the meals; cookbooks as objects and the world of publishing; and reader, cook and eater, the scholar can perform magic and extract much more from the cookbook than seems to be there on first appearance. References Ackerman, Roy. The Chef's Apprentice. London: Headline, 1988. Adamson, Melitta Weiss. Food in Medieval Times. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood P, 2004. Albala, Ken. Eating Right in the Renaissance. Ed. Darra Goldstein. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002. Beeton, Isabella. Beeton's Book of Household Management. London: S. Beeton, 1861. 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