Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Potato chips – United States – History”

This study estimates demand for 52 chip brands using IRI scanner data. The multinomial logit model addresses dimensionality and endogeneity issues in demand estimation. All brands exhibit elastic demand, with own-price elasticities between -5.0412 and -1.4251, indicating high consumer responsiveness to price changes. Notably, tortilla chip brands are less elastic than potato chip brands. Baked chip brands fall under the category of highly elastic brands. Funyuns has the most elastic demand, while Calidad Triangle has the least elastic demand. Cross-price elasticities (0.0010 to 0.0263), exhibiting the IIA property, indicate that consumers have brand loyalty, as seen by comparisons with own-price elasticities' magnitudes.

AbstractThe production of commercial potatoes (Solanum tuberosum) for different market classes is of vital agricultural importance in the United States. For the production of chips, fresh-market or processing potatoes, potato producers rely upon different potato cultivars to meet market and consumer demands. Many cultivars possess distinctive traits which make them more or less susceptible to disease and insect pressure. One important and understudied trait that may confer host location preference and population performance include leaf fatty acid composition(s). It is known that leaf fatty acid composition can influence growth, taste, and even insect defense mechanisms. In the current investigation we examined the fatty acid composition of leaf tissue obtained from 8 commercial potato cultivars representing different market classes grown in a controlled field study. We examined colonization preference of Leptinotarsa decemlineata among the 8 different potato cultivars over a 45 day period representing the first full generation in Wisconsin. Results of these experiments suggest, i) that fatty acid compositions in leaf tissue vary between potato cultivars and among sample dates throughout the experiment, ii) that Leptinotarsa decemlineata may preferentially colonize particular potato cultivars, and iii) that there was a significant correlation between omega-3 fatty acid composition in leaf tissue and Leptinotarsa decemlineata cultivar preference.

Zebra chip (ZC), an emerging disease causing economic losses to the potato chip industry, has been reported since the early 1990s in Central America and Mexico and in Texas during 2000 (4). ZC was subsequently found in Nebraska, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, California, and Kansas (3). Severe losses to potato crops were reported in the last few years in Mexico, Guatemala, and Texas (4). Foliar symptoms include purple top, shortened internodes, small leaves, enlargement of the stems, swollen axillary buds, and aerial tubers. Chips made from infected tubers exhibit dark stripes that become markedly more visible upon frying, and hence, are unacceptable to manufacturers. Infected tubers may or may not produce plants when planted. The causal agent of ZC is not known and has been the subject of increased investigation. The pathogen is believed to be transmitted by the potato psyllid, Bactericera cockerelli, and the association of the vector with the disease is well documented (3). Following the report of a potential new liberibacter species in solanaceous crops in New Zealand, we sought to identify this liberibacter species in plants with symptoms of the ZC disease. Six potato plants (cv. Russet Norkota) exhibiting typical ZC symptoms were collected in Olton, TX in June of 2008. DNA was extracted from roots, stems, midribs, and petioles of the infected plants using a FastDNA Spin Kit and the FastPrep Instrument (Qbiogene, Inc., Carlsbad, CA). Negative controls from known healthy potato plants were included. PCR amplification was carried out with ‘Candidatus L. asiaticus’ omp primers (1), 16S rDNA primers specific for ‘Ca. L. asiaticus’, ‘Ca. L. africanus’, and ‘Ca. L. americanus’ (1), and 16S rDNA primers OA2 (GenBank Accession No. EU834130) and OI2c (2). Amplicons from 12 samples were directly sequenced in both orientations (McLab, San Francisco CA). PCR amplifications using species-specific primers for the citrus huanglongbing liberibacter were negative. However, 1.1- and 1.8-kb amplicons were obtained with the OA2/OI2C and omp primers, respectively. The sequences for the rDNA were submitted to NCBI GenBank (Accession Nos. EU884128 and EU884129). BLASTN alignment of the 16S rDNA sequences obtained with primers OA2 and OI2c revealed 99.7% identity with a new species of ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ identified in New Zealand affecting potato (GenBank Accession No. EU849020) and tomato (GenBank Accession No. EU834130), 97% identity with ‘Ca. L. asiaticus’, and 94% with ‘Ca. L. africanus’ and ‘Ca. L. americanus’. The neighbor-joining phylogenetic tree constructed using the 16S rDNA fragments delineated four clusters corresponding to each of the liberibacter species. These results confirm that ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ spp. DNA sequences were obtained from potatoes showing ZC-like symptoms, suggesting that a new species of this genus may be involved in causing ZC disease. To our knowledge, this is the first report of the detection of ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ spp. in potatoes showing ZC disease in the United States. References: (1) C. Bastianel et al. Appl. Environ. Microbiol. 71:6473, 2005. (2) S. Jagoueix et al. Mol. Cell. Probes 10:43, 1996. (3) J. E. Munyaneza et al. J. Econ. Entomol. 100:656, 2007. (4) G. A. Secor and V. V. Rivera-Varas. Rev. Latinoamericana de la Papa (suppl.)1:1, 2004.

Zebra Chip (ZC), an emerging disease of potato (Solanum tuberosum L.) first documented in potato fields around Saltillo in México in 1994, has been identified in the southwestern United States, México, and Central America and is causing losses of millions of dollars to the potato industry (4). Recently, this damaging potato disease was also documented in New Zealand (3). This disease is characterized by a striped pattern of necrosis in tubers produced on infected plants, and fried chips processed from these infected tubers are commercially unacceptable (4). Recent studies conducted in the United States and New Zealand have associated ZC with a new species of ‘Candidatus Liberibacter’ vectored by the potato psyllid, Bactericera cockerelli Sulc (1,3,4). A bacterium designated ‘Candidatus Liberibacter psyllaurous’ has recently been identified in potato plants with “psyllid yellows” symptoms that resemble those of ZC (2). To investigate whether liberibacter is associated with ZC in México, 11 potato (cv. Atlantic) tuber samples exhibiting strong ZC symptoms and six asymptomatic tubers were collected from a ZC-affected commercial potato field near Saltillo City, Coahuila, México in September 2008 and tested for this bacterium by PCR. Total DNA was extracted from symptomatic and asymptomatic tubers with cetyltrimethylammoniumbromide (CTAB) buffer (4). DNA samples were tested by PCR using primer pair OA2/OI2c (5′-GCGCTTATTTTTAATAGGAGCGGCA-3′ and 5′-GCCTCGCGACTTCGCAACCCAT-3′, respectively) specific for 16S rDNA and primer pair CL514F/R (5′-CTCTAAGATTTCGGTTGGTT-3′ and 5′-TATATCTATCGTTGCACCAG-3′, respectively) designed from ribosomal protein genes (3). Seven of eleven (63.7%) ZC-symptomatic tubers and one of six (16.7%) asymptomatic potatoes yielded the expected 1,168-bp 16S rDNA and 669-bp CL514F/R amplicons, indicating the presence of liberibacter. Amplicons generated from symptomatic tubers were cloned into pCR2.1-Topo plasmid vectors (Invitrogen, Carlsbad, CA) and one clone of each amplicon was sequenced in both directions (ACGT, Inc., Wheeling, IL). BLAST analysis of the ZC OA2/OI2c sequence (GenBank Accession No. FJ498806) showed 100% identity to liberibacter 16S rDNA sequences amplified from potato psyllids from Dalhart, TX and potato tubers from Garden City, KS (GenBank Accession Nos. EU921627 and EU921626, respectively). The ZC CL514F/R sequence (GenBank Accession No. FJ498807) was 98% identical to analogous rplJ and rplL liberibacter ribosomal protein gene sequences amplified from several solanaceous plants in New Zealand (GenBank Accession Nos. EU834131 and EU935005). The OA2/OI2c sequence was also identical to the 16S rDNA sequence (Genbank Accession No. EU812559) of ‘Ca. Liberibacter psyllaurous’ (2). To our knowledge, this is the first report of ‘Ca. Liberibacter psyllaurous’ associated with ZC-affected potatoes in México. References: (1) J. A. Abad et al. Plant Dis. 93:108, 2009. (2) A. K. Hansen et al. Appl. Environ. Microbiol. 74:5862, 2008. (3) L. W. Liefting et al. Plant Dis. 92:1474, 2008. (4) J. E. Munyaneza et al. J. Econ. Entomol. 100:656, 2007.

Potato zebra chip (ZC) disease is a relative newcomer to the world of important potato diseases. First reported in Mexico in the 1990s, by 2004-2005 the disease was causing serious economic damage in parts of Texas. ZC is now widespread in the south-western and central United States, Mexico, Central America, and was recently reported in New Zealand. By 2006, there seemed to be an association between ZC and the potato psyllid (Bactericera cockerelli). The exact nature of the relationship, however, has only recently been identified by the discovery of a new Candidatus Liberibacter bacterium that is transmitted to potatoes, tomatoes, and other solanaceous hosts by the potato psyllid. This review examines the history of this disease, the association of ZC with the potato psyllid, the host range, and recent research into the bacterial pathogen. Accepted for publication 15 December 2009. Published 17 March 2010.

Abstract Unrelenting animosity continues to define the relationship between the United States and North Korea, but in the mid-1980s, P’yŏngyang began to seek non-confrontational measures to fulfill one of its major diplomatic objectives—opening a channel of direct negotiation with Washington. The bodies of U.S. soldiers who had perished or gone missing in North Korea in 1950 during the Korean War became bargaining chips for the North Koreans. This article analyzes the political stakes of these remains for the two countries. It traces the meetings between Congressman Gillespie V. Montgomery and North Korean officials in 1989 and 1990, which led to the first return of U.S. soldiers’ remains since October 1954. North Korea’s insistence on delivering the remains to Montgomery, rather than the Korean War Military Armistice Commission, was an attempt to force the United States to acknowledge its legitimacy. Unable to abandon the bodies, U.S. officials offered limited concessions, while endeavoring to maintain the status quo in Korea. The 1990 remains repatriation revealed the possibility of cooperation between the two countries.

Zebra chip is a newly emerging potato disease which imparts dark colorations on fried chips, rendering them unmarketable. The disease is associated with the phloem-limited proteobacterium ‘Candidatus Liberibacter solancearum’, vectored by the potato psyllid Bactericera cockerelli. First reported from Mexico in the mid-1990s, the disease was observed for the first time in Texas in 2000 and is now prevalent in several potato-producing regions of the United States. In this study, we were interested in investigating whether there are edge effects in zebra chip intensity that can be assessed as a “foot print” of the associated insect vector. In 2009, we conducted studies in three fields in the Texas Panhandle in paired plots of 10 by 20 m around the field edges and 100 m infield in which symptomatic plants were counted just before harvest. The number of plot pairs (edge and infield) ranged from 15 to 18 depending on the size of the fields. In a separate study, temporal disease progress was assessed in two fields around the edges of the center-pivot circle in approximately 10-by-450-m areas. In 2010, the paired plot studies were repeated in 10 potato fields in Texas, Kansas, and Nebraska. Zebra chip intensity data from the paired-plot studies for both years were analyzed using the Wilcoxon's signed-rank test, a nonparametric equivalent of the classical (parametric) paired t test. In the 2009 study in all three fields, the edge plots had significantly greater zebra chip intensity than the infield plots (P < 0.05). Edge plots in the 2010 study also had greater zebra chip intensity in all fields and the differences were significant in the majority of fields (P < 0.05). In the diseases progress study in both fields, weekly zebra chip intensity on the edges reached its maximum after the third week of its first detection, and the disease progress curves were best fitted with the second-degree polynomial (quadratic) for both fields. The 2-year study clearly demonstrated that zebra chip intensity in potato fields was greater on the edges than in the infields. This finding has significant implications for psyllid management because greater emphasis in psyllid control strategy can be directed toward the edges for better results.

A disease that severely affects processing potatoes (Solanum tuberosum L.), termed zebra chip (ZC), has been identified in several locations in the United States (Texas, Nebraska, Colorado, Kansas, New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada), Mexico, and Central America (4). The disease name comes from the rapid oxidative darkening of freshly cut tubers and the dark stripes and blotches that occur in chips processed from infected tubers. Recently, the disorder has been associated with a new ‘Candidatus Liberibacter’ species in New Zealand (3). Also, a bacterium designated ‘Candidatus Liberibacter psyllaurous’ has been identified recently in potato plants with “psyllid yellows” symptoms that resemble foliar symptoms of ZC (2). In the fall of 2008, 10 tubers were received at the Prosser laboratory from a commercial potato grower and five had symptoms characteristic of ZC. The tubers, cv. Dakota Pearl, were grown near Lancaster in southern California. The tubers showed rapid oxidation upon slicing and the sunken stolon attachment characteristic of ZC (4). Nucleic acid was extracted from symptomatic tubers (1) and tested by PCR for ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ species with primer pairs OA2/OI2c (5′-GCGCTTATTTTTAATAGGAGCGGCA-3′ and 5′-GCCTCGCGACTTCGCAACCCAT-3′) and CL514F/R (5′-CTCTAAGATTTCGGTTGGTT-3′ and 5′-TATATCTATCGTTGCACCAG-3′), which amplify from the 16S rDNA and rplJ and rplL ribosomal protein genes, respectively (3). Four of the five tubers with distinct ZC symptoms yielded the expected amplicons with both primer pairs. Two tubers with mild internal discoloration yielded correctly sized amplicons but in lesser amounts than from the severely affected tubers. Nucleic acid from healthy potato tubers yielded no product with these primers. One clone of the 1,168-bp OA2/OI2c amplicon and two clones of the 669-bp CL514F/R amplicon from a strongly positive sample were sequenced in both directions (ACGT, Inc., Wheeling, IL). BLAST alignments of the consensus sequences of the OA2/OI2c and CL514F/R amplicons (GenBank Accessions Nos. FJ498802 and FJ498803, respectively) revealed 100% identity with analogous ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ sequences reported from ZC-symptomatic potatoes in New Zealand (GenBank Accession Nos. EU849020 and EU919514). The OA2/OI2c amplicon was also identical to a sequence of ‘Ca. Liberibacter psyllaurous’ (GenBank Accession No. EU812559) from psyllid yellows-affected potatoes in the United States (2) and also showed a 99% identity with sequences from a ‘Ca. Liberibacter’ species reported in ZC tubers from Kansas (GenBank Accession No. EU921626). Potato crops with symptoms of ZC have been observed previously in California (4), but this is the first identification of ‘Ca. Liberibacter psyllaurous’ from diseased potatoes grown in California. Since ZC was first reported in the mid- to late-1990s, information from potato growers and processors suggests that ZC is becoming more important. The disease has caused millions of dollars in losses, particularly in south Texas (4). The identification of ‘Ca. Liberibacter psyllaurous’ in California provides additional evidence that the disease is increasing in importance in other potato-growing regions. References: (1) J. M. Crosslin et al. Plant Dis. 90:663, 2006. (2) A. K. Hansen et al. Appl. Environ. Microbiol. 74:5862, 2008. (3) L. W. Liefting et al. Plant Dis. 92:1474, 2008. (4) J. E. Munyaneza et al. Subtrop. Plant Sci. 59:30, 2007.

An outbreak of a new potato disease occurred in Texas and Nebraska causing a serious defect in potato chips produced from commercial processing potatoes. The defect consists of patchy brown discoloration of chips and can be a cause for rejection of contracted potatoes by the processor. Infected potato plants exhibit symptoms of the purple top wilt syndrome similar to those of the purple top disease in processing potatoes caused by clover proliferation phytoplasma recently found in Washington and Oregon (3). Foliar symptoms include stunting, chlorosis, slight purple coloration of new growth, swollen nodes, proliferated axillary buds, and aerial tubers. Tuber symptoms include mild vascular discoloration and brown flecking of medullary rays. Seed potatoes from affected plants produce hair sprouts. Total nucleic acid was extracted from leaf and stolon tissue of symptomatic plants in the field and from tuber samples exhibiting the defect from commercial storages. Nested polymerase chain reactions (PCR) were performed using phytoplasma-universal 16SrDNA-based primers (P1/P7 and R16F2n/R16R2) (2) to detect the presence of phytoplasmas in these samples. A negative control, devoid of DNA templates in the reaction mix, was included in all PCR assays. In 2004, 13 foliar samples tested positive for phytoplasmas using PCR. None of the apparently symptomless plants or tubers tested positive. Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) analysis of the PCR-amplified 16S rDNA using enzymes AluI, MseI, HhaI, BfaI, and Tsp509I indicated that four samples are associated with a phytoplasma belonging to subgroup A (16SrI-A) of the “Candidatus Phytoplasma asteris” (aster yellows phytoplasma) group (16SrI), and nine plant samples were associated with a new phytoplasma related to, but distinct from, the stolbur phytoplasma group (16SrXII). Nucleotide sequence analysis of cloned 16S rDNAs (GenBank Accession Nos. DQ174114-DQ174123) confirmed the results on the basis of RFLP analyses. Sequences of cloned 16S rDNAs were analyzed with previously described phytoplasma strains available in GenBank using DNAStar's (Madison, WI) Lasergene software MegAlign program. The new phytoplasma is only distantly related to the stolbur phytoplasma, sharing 96.6% sequence homology. In 2005, 14 defective tuber samples from storage and 16 symptomatic plants from the field tested positive for the new phytoplasma. In Texas and Nebraska, it appears that at least two distinct phytoplasmas seem to be involved in the disease complex contributing to the defects of processed products produced from infected potatoes. Previous reports have suggested a similar defect of chipping potatoes, but the phytoplasma associated with the disease was not identified (1). To our knowledgek, this the first report of this new phytoplasma associated with disease and defects of potato and the first report of this phytoplasma in the United States. References: (1) E. E. Bantarri et al. Trans. ASAE 33:221, 1990. (2) I.-M. Lee et al. Int. J. Sys. Bacteriol. 48:1153, 1998. (3) I.-M. Lee et al. Plant Dis. 88:429, 2004.

An overview is provided for the aspects of history, biology, genomics, genetics, and epidemiology of zebra chip (ZC), a destructive disease of potato (Solanum tuberosum) that represents a major threat to the potato industries in the United States as well as other potato-production regions in the world. The disease is associated with a gram-negative, phloem-limited, insect-vectored, unculturable prokaryote, ‘Candidatus Liberibacter solanacearum’, that belongs to the Rhizobiaceae family of α-Proteobacteria. The closest cultivated relatives of ‘Ca. L. solanacearum’ are members of the group of bacteria known as the α-2 subgroup. In spite of the fact that Koch's postulates sensu stricto have not been fulfilled, a great deal of progress has been made in understanding the ZC disease complex since discovery of the disease. Nevertheless, more research is needed to better understand vector biology, disease mechanisms, host response, and epidemiology in the context of vector–pathogen–plant interactions. Current ZC management strategies focus primarily on psyllid control. The ultimate control of ZC likely relies on host resistance. Unfortunately, all commercial potato cultivars are susceptible to ZC. Elucidation of the ‘Ca. L. solanacearum’ genome sequence has provided insights into the genetic basis of virulence and physiological and metabolic capability of this organism. Finally, the most effective, sustainable management of ZC is likely to be based on integrated strategies, including removal or reduction of vectors or inocula, improvement of host resistance to the presumptive pathogen and psyllid vectors, and novel gene-based therapeutic treatment.

Potato purple top (PPT) is a devastating disease that occurs in the United States, Canada, Mexico, Russia, and elsewhere causing great economic loss to the potato industry through substantially reduced tuber yield and quality. Chips and fries processed from infected tubers often develop brown discoloration, greatly reducing their marketability. At least seven distinct phytoplasma strains belonging to five different phytoplasma groups (16SrI, 16SrII, 16SrVI, 16SrXII, and 16SrXVIII) have been reported to cause purple top and related symptoms in potato (3). During an unusual drought in 2007, a newly emerging potato disease with extensive yellowish or reddish purple discoloration of terminal shoots and leaves, similar to PPT symptoms, was observed in isolated potato fields in Montana where over 50% of plants exhibited symptoms. Shoot tissues were collected from three symptomatic plants and 17 tubers randomly collected from 17 other symptomatic plants. The tubers were cold treated to induce sprouting and then planted in the greenhouse. All tubers produced plants of which seven exhibited PPT symptoms including severe stunting. Total nucleic acid was extracted from leaf veinal tissue, stolons, or tubers of 10 symptomatic and 10 asymptomatic plants (both field-collected and greenhouse samples) as previously described (3). A nested-PCR assay, using universal primer pair P1/16S-SR followed by R16F2n/R16R2n, was performed as previously described (2,3) to detect phytoplasmas in these samples. Phytoplasma strains were detected in all symptomatic plants. Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) analyses of nested-PCR products (approximately 1.2 kb) with seven key restriction enzymes (AluI, MseI, HhaI, Tsp509I, HpaII, RsaI, and BfaI) indicated that all samples contained a very similar or identical phytoplasma most closely related to reference strain MW1 (belonging to subgroup 16SrIII-F) (1). Analysis of cloned 16S rDNA sequences confirmed the identity of this new phytoplasma and sequences of three representative PPT-MT strains were deposited in GenBank with Accession Nos. FJ226074–FJ226076. Computer-simulated RFLP analyses of 1.2-kb 16S rDNA sequences of this new phytoplasma and representative members in the peach X-disease phytoplasma group (16SrIII) available in GenBank indicated the strain is distinct and represents a new subgroup, 16SrIII-M (4). This study also indicated that the phytoplasma is tuber transmissible since approximately 35% of plants produced from infected tubers collected in this study developed symptoms. Transmission via infected tubers may pose a potential threat for disease spread by planting uncertified seed potatoes. To our knowledge, this is the first report of 16SrIII group phytoplasmas-associated diseases in potato. A phytoplasma closely related to the PPT-MT strains has recently been detected in potato seedlings exhibiting purple top, rosette, and stunting in Alaska (GenBank Accession No. FJ376628). References: (1) I.-M. Lee et al. Int. J. Syst. Bacteriol. 48:1153, 1998. (2) I.-M. Lee et al. Int. J. Syst. Evol. Microbiol. 54:337, 2004. (3) I.-M. Lee et al. Int. J. Syst. Evol. Microbiol. 56:1593, 2006. (4) W. Wei et al. Int. J. Syst. Evol. Microbiol. 58:2368, 2008.

Rhododendron species cultivation has a long history in northern Italy, where a wide selection of cultivars and hybrids is grown. In spring 2001, a previously unknown bud blast was observed on several rhododendron cultivars growing in gardens and parks in the Province of Biella, Italy. Flower petioles and twigs, but not leaves, showed extensive necrosis, and flower production was reduced. The first symptoms on infected flower buds are brown necrotic areas near the base, which increase in size until the whole bud appears brown and water-soaked. Infected buds shrink, but do not rot or disintegrate, and remain on the bush. Coremia (2.0 mm high and 0.5 mm wide), which appeared as black specks on outer bud scales, produced large numbers of spherical spores apically that measured 3.6 to 5.5 μm in diameter. The fungus Pycnostysanus azaleae (1) was consistently isolated after disinfested infected buds (1 min in 5.15% commercial NaOCl solution) were cultured on potato dextrose agar amended with streptomycin sulfate at 100 mg/liter. Pathogenicity of three isolates of P. azaleae was confirmed by inoculating with a spore suspension 30 buds of 2 rhododendron plants (cv. Rosso scuro grande tardiva) grown in containers (14 cm diameter). Buds were punctured with a sterile needle before inoculation. Noninoculated plants served as controls. Wounded buds were covered with plastic bags to maintain high relative humidity, and all plants were maintained in growth chambers at 20°C for 9 days, and then transferred outdoors where temperatures were 20 to 25°C. Inoculated plants developed typical bud symptoms 20 days after inoculation, with 80% of inoculated buds showing symptoms. Control plants remained symptomless. The pathogen was consistently reisolated from artificially inoculated plants. In garden observations, different cultivars showed a wide range of susceptibility to the pathogen, mainly related to their flowering period. To our knowledge, this is the first report of the presence of P. azaleae in Italy. Outbreaks of P. azaleae were previously reported in the United States (1), United Kingdom (2), and Germany (3). References: (1) W. H. Davis. Phytopathology 29:517, 1939. (2) P. J. Howell and R. K. S. Wood. Ann. Appl. Biol. 50:723, 1962. (3) W. Schmalscheidt. Immergrune Blater 26:35, 1985.

Background: Food protein‐induced enterocolitis syndrome (FPIES) is a non‐immunoglobulin E (IgE) cell mediated food allergy that can cause severe symptoms and is considered an allergic emergency. Objective: To describe FPIES epidemiology and appraise the approach to diagnosis and management. Methods: A review of the relevant articles published in the peer-reviewed journals since the publication of the First International FPIES Consensus Guidelines in 2017. Results: FPIES is estimated to affect 0.51‐0.9% of children and 0.22% of adults in the United States. It typically presents with protracted, projectile vomiting, which occurs within 1‐4 hours of ingesting culprit foods, sometimes followed by diarrhea within 24 hours of ingestion. In ∼15‐20% of severe cases, patients go into hypovolemic or distributive shock. In chronic FPIES, infants may have failure to thrive and weight loss. The most common triggers include cow’s milk, oat, rice, and avocado, with egg and peanut being more frequently reported. Examples of other common fruit and vegetable triggers include banana, apple, and sweet potato. FPIES can be classified into acute, chronic, adult-onset, or atypical subtypes. FPIES is associated with comorbid atopic conditions of IgE-mediated food allergy, atopic dermatitis, asthma, allergic rhinitis, and eosinophilic esophagitis. The natural history of infantile FPIES is generally favorable, with the exception of fish FPIES. Seafood FPIES in adults has low rates of resolution over 3‐5 years. Correctly identifying FPIES can be challenging because there are no specific biomarkers for diagnosis and the constellation of symptoms may mimic those of infectious enteritis or sepsis. Management relies on dietary food avoidance, periodic re-evaluations for tolerance with oral food challenges, and management of acute reactions with rehydration and antiemetic ondansetron. Although the pathophysiology of FPIES remains poorly understood, underlying mechanisms such as cytokine release, leukocyte activation, and impaired gastrointestinal mucosal barrier function may act as cornerstones for further research. Conclusion: Prevention, laboratory diagnostic testing, and strategies to accelerate tolerance development are urgent unmet needs in FPIES.

Solanum aethiopicum L., previously S. integrifolium Poir. (4), has been used as a rootstock for commercial, grafted eggplant production throughout Asia (3). In August 2010 and 2011, symptoms of Verticillium wilt were observed on ‘Epic’ eggplant (S. melongena L.) grafted onto S. aethiopicum at two sites with a history of the disease: one in the irrigated, dryland Columbia Basin of eastern Washington near Eltopia, and the other in maritime western Washington near Mount Vernon. Interveinal chlorosis, V-shaped necrotic lesions, and wilting were evident at both sites in both years. Each year, stems of 20 symptomatic plants from each field site were cut at the soil line to a 20-cm length, surface sterilized for 5 min in a 10% bleach solution, rinsed in tap water for 30 s, cut longitudinally, and incubated in moisture chambers for 4 weeks at room temperature in the dark. Microsclerotia that formed in the stems were typical of those produced by V. dahliae. One isolate, ‘MVEgg301’, from an infected stem at Mount Vernon, developed dark microsclerotia and verticillate conidiophores in a radiating pattern, typical of Verticillium on half-strength potato dextrose agar (1/2 PDA) medium. The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA amplified by PCR assay using primers ITS6 and ITS4 from mycelia sampled directly from 1/2 PDA media revealed a 100% match with ITS rDNA sequences of >50 V. dahliae accessions in GenBank (1). Pathogenicity of ‘MVEgg301’ was assessed in two tests. In both, 12 each of non-grafted and grafted (with cv. Epic) S. aethiopicum plants were inoculated with ‘MVEgg301’ by cutting approximately 5 mm off the root tips and dipping the remaining roots in a suspension of 106 conidia/ml for 5 s. Similarly, 12 each of non-grafted and grafted S. aethiopicum plants were cut and dipped similarly in sterile water as controls. Chlorosis, necrosis, and wilting were observed in 11 of the 12 inoculated, non-grafted plants and 8 of the 12 inoculated, grafted plants in Test I. The same symptoms were observed in 10 of the 12 inoculated, non-grafted plants and 10 of the 12 inoculated, grafted plants in Test II. V. dahliae was reisolated and confirmed from symptomatic, inoculated non-grafted and grafted plants using the stem assay and direct PCR assay described above. Chlorosis, necrosis, and wilting were observed in one non-grafted control plant in Test I, and two non-grafted and four grafted control plants in Test II. The symptoms were mild and likely due to nutritional deficiencies; microsclerotia were not observed in any assayed water-inoculated plant stems. Although there are several reports of V. albo-atrum infecting S. aethiopicum in the United States (2), to our knowledge, this is the first report of V. dahliae causing Verticillium wilt on this eggplant species. This finding is significant because S. aethiopicum is used as a rootstock for control of soilborne diseases like Verticillium wilt in commercial grafted eggplant production (3). References: (1) G. Calmin et al. Biotechnol. Biotechnol. Equ. 21:40, 2007. (2) D. F. Farr et al. Fungi on Plants and Plant Products in the United States. American Phytopathological Society, St. Paul, MN, 1989. (3) M. Oda. Food Fert. Technol. Ctr. Ext. Bul. 480:1, 1999. (4) PBI Solanum Project. 2012. Solanaceae Source. Accessed at http://www.nhm.ac.uk/solanaceaesource/ . Natural History Museum, London, 29 Aug. 2012.

Thousand cankers disease (TCD) is a disease complex caused by the fungus Geosmithia morbida Kolařik (Ascomycota, Hypocreales) and its vector Pityophthorus juglandis Blackman 1928 (Coleoptera, Scolytinae; walnut twig beetle, WTB). Since the mid-1990s, the disease was responsible for widespread mortality of many walnut species in the United States (4). After the first detection of TCD on black walnut (Juglans nigra L.) in Italy (3), an extensive survey was activated in cooperation with the Regional Phytosanitary Service. In May 2014, early TCD symptoms (4) were observed on English walnuts (J. regia L.). Canopies showed yellowing, wilting, and dieback of the youngest twigs, and a number of small brown cankers. Longitudinal and radial sections sampled through the cankers revealed gray to brown discoloration of both phloem and bark, and the presence of bark beetle galleries. Xylem discoloration was never observed. From one ~20-year-old European walnut growing in a garden neighboring an infected black walnut plantation (Santorso, Vicenza, 45°72′ N, 11°40′ E), a number of 1- to 2.5-cm-diameter twigs showing cankers up to 2 cm long surrounding bark beetle holes were collected. Whitish mycelium producing verticillate conidiophores was detected inside the insect galleries. From the necrotic margin of eight cankers previously surface-sterilized with 3% sodium hypochlorite, two 4-mm-wide chips per canker were placed on potato dextrose agar and incubated at 28 ± 1°C in the dark. Slow growing lobate, plane, yellowish-ocher colonies with hyaline mycelium appeared in 5 days. After subculturing to the same medium, growth features, mycelium, conidiophores, and conidia with morphological characteristics matching Kolarik's description of G. morbida (2) were observed. The ITS region of rDNA from the fungus strain LM14GM001-JR was amplified by using ITS1F and ITS4 primers and sequenced obtaining a 387-bp gene fragment. BLAST analysis showed 99% identity to the G. morbida strain U19 (GenBank Accession No. KF808301.1) for 384 bp, and 99% identity to the G. morbida strain LM13GM001-JN previously isolated from J. nigra in Italy (3). From the same samples, two emerging beetles were collected and identified as P. juglandis both morphologically (5) and genetically by DNA extraction following a standard salting out protocol. The barcode region of the mitochondrial gene cytochrome oxidase I was then amplified by using universal primers (1) and sequenced to obtain a 614-bp fragment of the gene. BLAST analysis showed 100% identity to P. juglandis based on comparison with KJ451422. A few other English walnuts with both the fungus and WTB were also found close to other infected black walnut plantations. To our knowledge, this is the first record of G. morbida and P. juglandis on J. regia in Europe, where the tree is cultivated for both fruit and timber production, as well as a traditional landscape tree. Voucher specimens are stored in the TeSAF herbarium and in the DAFNAE insect collection. References: (1) O. Folmer et al. Mol. Marine Biol. Biotechnol. 3:294, 1994. (2) M. Kolarik et al. Mycologia 103:325, 2011. (3) L. Montecchio and M. Faccoli. Plant Dis. 98:696, 2014. (4) S. J. Seybold et al. USDA Forest Service, NA-PR-02-10, 2013. (5) S. L. Wood. Great Basin Naturalist Memoirs 6:1123, 1982.

Thousand cankers disease (TCD) of walnut is responsible for widespread mortality of black walnut (Juglans nigra L.) in the United States since the mid-1990s (2). The disease is caused by the fungus Geosmithia morbida Kolařik (Ascomycota, Hypocreales), vectored by the walnut twig beetle Pityophthorus juglandis Blackman 1928 (Coleoptera, Scolytinae). In September 2013, TDC was observed in northeastern Italy (Bressanvido, Vicenza, 45°39′ N, 11°38′ E) in black walnuts of different ages: ~80-year-old plants growing in a garden and 17-year-old trees belonging to a nearby walnut plantation for timber production. Main symptoms were yellowing, wilting, twig and branch dieback, and a high number of small bark cankers (3). Longitudinal and radial sections collected through the cankers revealed gray to brown discoloration of both phloem and outer bark, and the presence of bark beetle galleries radiating from the mating chamber and developing horizontally (across the wood grain), and vertical (along the grain) larval galleries. Occasionally, discoloration involved the outward xylematic tissues. Fungal fruiting bodies were not found on or near the cankers. Whitish mycelium, sometimes producing verticillate conidiophores, was frequently detected inside galleries. A number of 1- to 3-cm diameter twigs showing cankers up to 2 cm long surrounding bark beetle penetration holes were randomly collected. From samples, emerging beetles were identified as P. juglandis both morphologically (4) and genetically. DNA extraction was carried following a standard salting out protocol. The barcode region of the mitochondrial gene cytochrome oxydase I was then amplified using universal primers (1) and sequenced, obtaining 627 bp. BLAST analysis showed 100% identity to P. juglandis. Sequences were finally deposited in the BoldSystem database (GenBank Accession No. KF725084). From the necrotic margin of six cankers previously surface-sterilized with 3% sodium hypochlorite, two 3-mm-wide chips per canker were placed on potato dextrose agar and incubated at 23 ± 1°C in the dark. Among a variety of microorganisms, slow growing lobate, plane, yellowish-ochre colonies with hyaline mycelium appeared in 6 days. After subculturing to the same medium, growing features, mycelium, conidiophores, and conidia with morphological characteristics matching Kolařik's description of G. morbida (2) were observed. Same result was obtained culturing the mycelium growing inside the galleries. The ITS region of rDNA was amplified using ITS1F and ITS4 primers and sequenced, obtaining 597 bp. BLAST analysis showed 100% identity to G. morbida strain U173 (HF546283.1) for 558 bp. To our knowledge, this is the first record of TCD and P. juglandis to Europe, where walnut species (mainly J. regia, J. nigra, and their hybrids) are intensively cultivated for timber production. This finding is therefore of particular importance. An intensive survey of the disease is suggested, both to assess fungus/beetle presence and to verify possible pathways of introduction, likely associated to importation of infested/infected timber from native Nearctic regions. Voucher specimens are stored in the TeSAF herbarium (fungus) and in the DAFNAE insect collection. References: (1) O. Folmer et al. Mol. Marine Biol. Biotechnol. 3:294, 1994. (2) M. Kolařik et al. Mycologia 103:325, 2011. (3) C. Nischwitz and M. Murray, Utah Pests Fact Sheet, PRP-015pr, 2011. (4) S. L. Wood. Great Basin Naturalist Memoirs 6:1123, 1982.

Camellia cultivation has a long history in the Lake Maggiore area of Northern Italy where a wide selection of varieties is present. In March to April 2001, a previously unconfirmed flower blight was observed on a collection of camellia varieties grown in a garden. Initial symptoms included the appearance of irregular, small, brown spots on the petals. Under favorable temperature and moisture conditions, the lesions enlarged rapidly and coalesced to form large spots that turned the entire petal brown. When the infection reached the base of the petal, it spread to other petals of the flower and finally caused the entire flower to show symptoms of blight. Eventually, the whole flower became uniformly dull brown and dropped from the plant. At the bases of infected flowers, a white or gray ring of mycelium was seen when the calyx was removed. Fungal pseudoparenchyma in the base of the petals eventually formed sclerotia and microconidia. Large numbers of apothecia and sclerotia were frequently in the soil, below infected plants. Apothecia were nearly sessile or, when buried in soil, had stipes up to 40 mm in length. They also had saucer-like disks of 5 to 20 mm in diameter. Ciborinia camelliae was recovered consistently from infected petals, sclerotia, and spores collected from apothecia, then plated on potato dextrose agar amended with 100 mg of streptomycin sulfate per liter. Pathogenicity of three isolates was confirmed by inoculating flowers of potted camellia plants (cv. Waterhouse), with spores obtained from apothecia. Noninoculated plants served as controls. All plants were kept in a growth chamber at 20°C and kept moist. Inoculated plants developed symptoms within 12 days, whereas control plants remained symptomless. C. camelliae was reisolated from flowers of inoculated plants. Camellia flower blight was first observed in Japan, in 1919, then in the United States (1938), New Zealand (1993), and more recently in several European countries, including Italy (1999) (1). This report confirms the occurrence of camellia flower blight in Italy and apparently is the first report in which C. camelliae was isolated and pathogenicity tests completed. Reference: (1) C. H. Taylor and P. G. Long, NZ J. Crop Hortic. Sci. 28:123, 2000.

Rhododendron cultivation has a long history in northern Italy where a wide selection of varieties and hybrids are grown. In the fall of 2002, a previously unknown disease was observed on Azalea japonica cv. Palestrina in several commercial farms in the Province of Verbania. Leaves showed irregular necrotic areas that were 1 mm in diameter. Lesions were dark brown to black and were surrounded by a chlorotic halo. Eventually, lesions coalesced, forming large irregular spots. Heavily infected leaves fell prematurely, resulting in severe defoliation. On the infected leaves, acervuli were present from which cylindrical tapered conidia measuring 4.8 to 7.2 × 11.0 to 22.8 μm at one end were released. Fifty conidia per isolate were measured. Fungus identified as Colletotrichum acutatum was consistently recovered from infected leaves, disinfested in 1% NaOCl for 1 min, and plated on potato dextrose agar amended with 100 mg/l of streptomycin sulfate. Pathogenicity of three fungal isolates was confirmed by inoculating healthy A. japonica (cvs. Palestrina and Snow) plants grown in plastic pots (18-cm diameter, 3 liters). Plants (five per treatment) were sprayed with a conidial suspension (1 × 106 conidia per ml) of the three isolates of C. acutatum. Noninoculated plants served as a control. Inoculated and control plants were covered with plastic bags to maintain high relative humidity conditions. All plants were maintained in growth chambers at 20 ± 1°C (12 h per day of fluorescent light). Six days after the artificial inoculation, plants developed typical symptoms on the leaves. C. acutatum was consistently reisolated from infected plants. The pathogenicity test was carried out twice. Sequencing of the internal transcribed spacer region of the rDNA and a portion of the β-tubulin gene were performed, and the obtained sequences were compared with those available in GenBank. Identification of the fungus as C. acutatum, therefore was confirmed. To our knowledge, this is the first report of the presence of C. acutatum on A. japonica in Italy. Although observed presently only in a few nurseries, the disease has the potential to spread, becoming more relevant in an area where rhododendron cultivation is economically important. Anthracnose on rhododendron has already been described in several countries (1,2). References: (1) D. F. Farr et al. Fungi on Plants and Plant Products in the United States. The American Phytopathological Society, St Paul, MN, 1989. (2) O. Vinnere et al. Mycol. Res. 106:60, 2002.

In 2010, a brassica leafy greens grower in Sunflower County, MS, observed scattered outbreaks of a leaf blight on mustard greens (Brassica juncea) in a 180-ha field. A severe outbreak of leaf blight occurred on mustard greens and turnip greens (B. rapa) in the same field in 2011 with more than 80 ha affected. The affected field, established in 2010, had no prior history of being cropped to brassica leafy greens. Symptoms appeared on the 6-week-old transplants as brown to tan necrotic spots with faint chlorotic borders and associated water-soaking. Lesions varied from 4 mm to 3 cm in diameter and often coalesced to cover >90% of older leaves. Whole plants of the mustard greens cv. Florida Broadleaf were collected in 2011 from the symptomatic field. Leaves were surface-disinfested with 0.5% NaOCl for 5 min, rinsed twice in sterilized distilled water [(sd)H2O], macerated in sdH2O, then streaked onto nutrient agar (NA), pseudomonas agar F (PAF), and potato dextrose agar (PDA). Little or no bacterial growth was observed on PDA, while on NA and PAF the majority of bacterial growth appeared to be a single colony type. All strains collected (25 total, one per plant) were gram-negative and fluoresced blue-green under UV light after 48 h at 28°C on PAF. All 25 strains were identified as belonging to Pseudomonas group 1a using Lelliot's determinative assay (2). Ten of the 25 strains were tested for pathogenicity on Florida Broadleaf, and turnip greens cv. Alamo. Bacteria were grown on PAF for 48 h, and a bacterial suspension was prepared and adjusted to an optical density of 0.1 at 600 nm. Three-week-old plants (three plants per cultivar) were sprayed with the appropriate bacterial suspension to runoff, placed at 100% relative humidity for 48 h, and then put in a growth chamber at 28°C with a 16-h diurnal light cycle for 14 days. Additionally, three plants each of Florida Broadleaf and Alamo were either sprayed with H2O or inoculated with Pseudomonas cannabina pv. alisalensis (Pca) pathotype strain BS91 (1). All 10 strains, as well as the Pca pathotype strain, were pathogenic on both cultivars and caused symptoms similar to those observed in the field. Symptoms were not observed on H2O-sprayed plants. Comparative rep-PCR analysis using the BOXA1R primer showed the 10 strains had identical DNA-banding profiles and were identical to that of Pca BS91 (5). Five strains tested using a Pca-specific, ‘light-tagged’ reporter bacteriophage gave a strong positive reaction, while a negative control strain, P. syringae pv. maculicola, gave no signal (3). From these tests, the isolated bacteria were determined to be Pca. Bacteria re-isolated on PAF from the inoculated Florida Broadleaf plants had identical rep-PCR profiles with those of the strains used for inoculations. Over the past 10 years, Pca has been found in numerous states in the United States, as well as in Europe, Australia, and Japan (4). As brassica leafy greens production expands to new fields and new states, leaf blight caused by Pca appears to become a problem rapidly. Since resistant cultivars and highly effective bactericides are lacking, growers are extremely concerned about the rapid spread of this disease into existing and new brassica leafy greens regions. References: (1) N. A. Cintas et al. Plant Dis. 86:992, 2002. (2) R. Lelliott. J. Appl. Bacteriol. 29:470, 1066. (3) D. Schofield et al. Appl. Environ. Microbiol. 78:3592, 2012. (4) F. Takahashi et al. J. Gen. Plant Pathol. 79:260, 2013. (5) J. Versalovic et al. Methods Mol. Cell Biol 5:25, 1994.

Leaf lesions and root rot symptoms typical of soybean sudden death syndrome (SDS) caused by Fusarium virguliforme O'Donnell & T. Aoki were observed in commercial soybeans (Glycine max (L.) Merr.) in southern Michigan. Leaf symptoms ranged from chlorotic spots to severe interveinal chlorosis and necrosis, no foliar pathogens were noted. In 2008, isolates were collected from Berrien and St. Joseph counties. In 2009, isolates were collected from Cass, St. Joseph, Van Buren, Allegan, and Monroe counties. Pieces of roots with root rot symptoms were washed prior to surface disinfestation with 70% ethanol for 30 s and 0.5% NaOCl for 1 min and incubated on water agar (WA) in petri plates amended with 50 μg/ml of chloramphenicol for the production of sporodochia. Alternatively, spores were collected directly from nondisinfested roots expressing blue sporodochia. Single-spore cultures were derived by streaking macroconidia with a bacterial loop onto 3% WA + chloramphenicol and incubated overnight. With a dissecting microscope, single germinated macroconidia were collected with a sterile 0.2-mm-diameter insect pin and transferred to potato dextrose agar (PDA). Cultures on PDA grew slowly and developed blue-to-purple masses of sporodochia typical of F. virguliforme descriptions and similar to a representative isolate, Mont-1, grown alongside (1,2). Size of macroconidia from the six representative isolates, one from each county (including isolates derived from surface-disinfested and nondisinfested roots), and Mont-1 were determined to be within the range for F. virguliforme (42 to 56 × 5 to 6 μm), with an average of four septa per macroconidia. Identity of the representative isolates was confirmed by partial DNA sequencing of both strands of the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of the ribosomal RNA gene, translation elongation factor 1-α, and β-tubulin loci. All six representative isolates were identical in each of the three loci and matched with 100% similarity F. virguliforme accessions in GenBank and Fusarium-ID database searches, except for the β-tubulin locus in which a single nucleotide insertion was noted (Accession Nos. HM453328–HM453330). Sequences were 98 to 99% similar to other SDS Fusarium spp. not yet recorded in the United States. Koch's postulates were performed in the greenhouse according to Malvick and Bussey (3). Infested sorghum seed (~20 g) was placed 2 cm below soybean seed of susceptible cv. Williams 82 in plastic pots. Noninfested sorghum seed was used as a negative control and sorghum infested with Mont-1 as a positive control. Chlorotic spots developed 2 weeks after establishing the trial, and 3 to 4 weeks postinoculation, severe SDS symptoms of foliar interveinal chlorosis and necrosis and severe root rot developed. Koch's postulates were completed by reisolating F. virguliforme from a subset of infected plants. In addition, an isolate of F. virguliforme collected in 2008 was used to inoculate a 2009 field trial in East Lansing, MI with no history of SDS. Typical SDS symptoms developed in the field trial and F. virguliforme was isolated from a symptomatic plant that was identified as described above. Despite being reported across the majority of soybean-producing states, to our knowledge, this is the first confirmation and distribution report for SDS in Michigan. References: (1) T. Aoki et al. Mycoscience 46:162, 2005. (2) G. L. Hartman et al. Plant Dis. 81:515, 1997. (3) D. K. Malvick and K. E. Bussey. Can. J. Plant Pathol. 30:467, 2008.

Laurel wilt is a lethal, nonnative vascular wilt disease of redbay (Persea borbonia), sassafras (Sassafras albidum), and other trees in the Lauraceae (1,4). It is caused by a fungus (Raffaelea lauricola) and transmitted by the redbay ambrosia beetle (Xyleborus glabratus), a nonnative insect first detected in Georgia in 2002 (1,2). Since introduction of the pathogen and vector (presumably from Asia), laurel wilt has caused extensive mortality to redbays in Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina (1). In June 2009, a landowner in Gautier, MS reported dead redbay trees. Signs and symptoms were identical to those reported for laurel wilt along the Atlantic Coast (wilted, bronze red foliage, and dark gray-to-black vascular discoloration) (1). Infected trees have subsequently been confirmed in and near the Pascagoula River Basin. Size of infected redbays ranged from 5 to 20 cm (diameter at breast height). No heavily decomposed or fallen redbays were noted. Many individual specimens exhibited extensive drying of stem wood and dry, wilted, light brown foliage. This indicates that introduction to the area may have occurred within the last 3 years. X. glabratus adults were collected (30°26′44.45″N, 88°39′41.83″W) in a Lindgren funnel trap baited with phoebe and manuka oil lures. Beetle identification was confirmed by USDA-APHIS, and voucher specimens were submitted to the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History and the Mississippi Entomological Museum. Symptomatic redbay wood chips from the same location were surface sterilized and plated on cycloheximide-streptomycin malt agar and R. lauricola was isolated. A 1,026-bp portion of 18S rDNA (GenBank No. GQ996063) was amplified by PCR and sequenced using primers NS1 and NS4. BLASTn searches revealed perfect homology to R. lauricola isolate PL 697 (GQ329704). Two isolates of R. lauricola were recovered and prepared into separate spore suspensions (1 × 108 CFU/ml). Each isolate was inoculated into two healthy redbays. The inoculated redbays were placed in a growth chamber with two water-only controls. All inoculated plants, and none of the controls, exhibited wilt symptoms and died within 20 days. R. lauricola was recovered from the discolored sapwood of the inoculated plants, completing Koch's postulates. A model prediction for the natural dispersion of X. glabratus and R. lauricola estimated that these organisms may not reach Mississippi for 10 to 15 years (3). The current detection of laurel wilt in Mississippi is substantially ahead of this estimate. Currently, no records of laurel wilt have been reported from western Georgia, all of Alabama, or the panhandle of Florida. Confirmed locations in Mississippi are in Jackson County, along the Interstate 10 corridor and the Pascagoula River drainage. Due to the relatively large extent of the infestation (~64 km2, including hundreds of infected trees) eradication is not being attempted. Surveys, remote sensing, and phylogeographic analysis are underway to delineate the extent of infestation and discover the mode of introduction. The current outbreak of laurel wilt in Mississippi is likely the result of human transport of infested wood, either from Asia as a separate, new introduction or from previously infested areas in the southeastern United States. References: (1) S. W Fraedrich et al. Plant Dis. 92:215, 2008. (2) T. C. Harrington et al. Mycotaxon 104:399, 2008. (3) F. Koch and W. Smith. Environ. Entomol. 37:442, 2008. (4) J. A. Smith et al. Plant Dis. 93:198, 2009.

Apple scab caused by Venturia inaequalis (Cooke) Winter continues to be a significant concern for apple growers in Virginia and Maryland. Management of scab has relied on foliar fungicides including strobilurins (QoIs) such as trifloxystrobin (TFX). In recent years, populations of V. inaequalis with reduced sensitivity to the QoIs have been reported in other apple-growing regions of the United States (1,2). Although QoIs generally remain effective in the mid-Atlantic, concerns about the development of resistance in some Virginia and Maryland orchards prompted this study. Twenty-five isolates of V. inaequalis were obtained from scabby leaves from commercial and experimental orchards in Virginia in 2010 (n = 6) and 2011 (n = 14) and from a commercial orchard in Maryland (n = 5) in 2011. Orchards had previously been treated with QoI or sterol-inhibiting (SI) fungicides. Isolates of V. inaequalis were grown on potato dextrose agar (PDA) amended with 0, 0.1, or 1.0 μg ml–1 TFX with 100 μg ml–1 salicylhydroxamic acid (SHAM) and incubated at 19°C. Colony growth was measured weekly for 4 weeks. To account for the SI use at some orchards, isolates of V. inaequalis were also evaluated on PDA amended with 0, 0.5, or 1.0 μg ml–1 myclobutanil. Fungicide sensitivities were expressed as a percentage of the difference in colony growth using a discriminatory dose of 1.0 μg ml–1 TFX with SHAM or 1.0 μg ml–1 myclobutanil at 28 days. Isolates with <25% growth suppression (GS) were classified as fully resistant, whereas those with >70% GS were classified as sensitive. Isolates with 25 to 70% GS were classified as partially resistant. Effective concentration (EC50) values (TFX concentration inhibiting colony growth by 50%) were also calculated for a subset of fully resistant and sensitive isolates. Of the 25 isolates tested, six were fully resistant to TFX (mean EC50 value greater than 10.0 μg ml–1) and 10 were sensitive (mean EC50 value of 0.04 μg ml–1 ± 0.05 μg ml–1). Nine isolates were classified as partially resistant. Some isolates showed more than a 200-fold increase in resistance to TFX, and one isolate grew almost as well on 10.0 μg ml–1 TFX as on the unamended control (GS of 3%). Current-season use of QoIs on isolate source trees was significantly associated with a lack of sensitivity Ç2 (1) = 3.72 (P < 0.06). All six fully resistant isolates originated from QoI-treated commercial orchards, which had shown control failures. Seven of 10 isolates sensitive to QoIs originated from trees that had been treated with SIs during the isolation year. Resistance to myclobutanil was not significantly associated with resistance to TFX Ç2 (1) = 1.220 (P < 0.5), and only one isolate was resistant (i.e. >25% GS) to both. Despite the long history of QoI use at the experimental orchards, no isolates fully resistant to TFX were identified there. To our knowledge, this is the first report of V. inaequalis isolates with resistance to TFX in Virginia and Maryland. Since SI resistance has been documented in Virginia (3) and resistance to both the SI and QoI chemical classes is a concern in the mid-Atlantic region (4), tank-mixing or alternating QoIs with broad-spectrum fungicides with different modes of action is recommended. References: (1). K. M. Cox et al. Phythopathology 99:S25, 2009. (2). K. E. Lesniak et al. Plant Dis. 95:927, 2011. (3) S. C. Marine et al. Plant Health Progress. doi:10.1094/PHP-2007-1113-01-RS, 2007. (4) E. E. Pfeufer and H. K. Ngugi. Phytopathology 102:272, 2012.

Camellia cultivation has a long history in the Lake Maggiore area of northern Italy where a wide selection of varieties is present. Camellias are appreciated for their large, colorful flowers that bloom from late fall through early spring. In July 2005, a previously unknown foliar disease was observed on a collection of 2- to 12-month-old camellia cultivars (Camellia japonica) grown in several nurseries located in the Verbania Province (northern Italy). The disease was observed on plants grown in pots (10 to 24 cm in diameter) that were maintained either in the open or in a greenhouse and was present for the entire growing season. However, symptoms were more severe during the summer with temperatures ranging between 25 and 30°C with high relative humidity values. During the months of June and July of 2005, severe attacks involving as much as 70% of plants were observed on C. japonica cvs. Mrs. Tingley, Burnside, Hagoromo (synonym Magnoliaeflora), and Giuseppe Traverso. The disease was again observed in 2006. On the upper side of the younger leaves, small necrotic spots (3 to 8 mm in diameter) initially developed mainly at the margin of the leaves and near the petioles. Necrotic areas were surrounded by a chlorotic halo that turned progressively black. The necrotic areas often coalesced, generating larger spots with a diameter ranging from 15 to 30 mm. Severely affected plants were defoliated. Infected plants sometimes died. The presence of lesions on mature plants decreased aesthetic quality and market value. Leaf spots contained dark brown, multicellular, pyriform conidia. Conidia, generally in short chains, were 20.5 to 34.8 μm (average 29.3 μm) long, 6.9 to 12.2 μm (average 9.9 μm) wide, with 3 to 4 longitudinal cross walls, and an average of 5.7 single cells. From 15 samples of infected leaves, several isolates of a fungus identified on the basis of its morphological characteristics as belonging to the Alternaria alternata complex (2) were consistently isolated on potato dextrose agar containing 25 mg/l of streptomycin sulfate. Pathogenicity tests were performed by spraying leaves of healthy 6-month-old potted C. japonica cv. Burnside plants with a spore and mycelial suspension (1 × 105 CFU/ml) prepared by using a mixture of three isolates obtained in 2005 grown on PDA for 30 days at 23 ± 2°C in a growth chamber (12 h of light per day). Plants without inoculation served as a control. Five plants were used for each treatment. Plants were covered with plastic bags for 3 days after inoculation and maintained at 25°C in growth chambers. The first lesions developed on leaves 3 days after inoculation, while control plants remained healthy. Sixty days after artificial inoculation, 25% of the inoculated plants were dead, while the control plants remained healthy. From lesions of infected plants, a fungus belonging to the A. alternata complex was consistently reisolated. The pathogenicity test was carried out twice. The presence of A. alternata on C. sinensis, the commercial tea plant, was reported in India (1). Previously, a flower blight caused by A. tenuis was reported in the United States (3). This is, to our knowledge, the first report of A. alternata on C. japonica in Italy and probably in the world. The disease was present in 2005 and 2006 in several commercial nurseries affecting 50% of plants of susceptible cultivars. References: (1) B. N. Chakraborty et al. Plant Pathol. 55:303, 2006. (2) E. G. Simmons. Pages 1–35 in: Alternaria Biology, Plant Diseases and Metabolites. J. Chelchowski and A. Visconti, eds. Elsevier, Amsterdam, 1992. (3) A. J. Watson. Plant Dis. Rep. 34:186, 1950.

Abstract Context Obesity has been a national epidemic throughout the United States due to the increasingly sedentary western lifestyle, paired with calorically dense abundant low-nutritional food options. Discussing weight necessitates the conversation of not only the numerical value (body mass index [BMI]) associated with obesity but also the perceived weight or how an individual categorizes their weight, irrespective of their calculated BMI classification. Perceived weight can influence food relationships, overall health, and lifestyle habits. Objectives The purpose of this study was to identify differences in dietary habits, lifestyle habits, and food attitudes among three groups: those correctly identifying as “obese” with a BMI >30 (BMI Corrects [BCs]), those incorrectly identifying as “obese” with a BMI <30 (BMI Low Incorrect [BLI]), and those incorrectly identifying as “nonobese” with a BMI >30 (BMI High Incorrect [BHI]). Methods An online cross-sectional study was conducted from May 2021 to July 2021. Participants (n=104) responded to a 58-item questionnaire regarding demographics (n=9), health information (n=8), lifestyle habits (n=7), dietary habits (n=28), and food attitudes (n=6). Frequency counts and percentages were tabulated, and analysis of variance (ANOVA) testing was conducted to examine the associations utilizing SPSS V28 at a statistical significance level of p<0.05. Results Participants incorrectly identifying as “obese” with a BMI <30 (BLI) had higher food attitude scores, indicating worse food attitudes, behaviors, and relationships with food compared to participants correctly identifying as “obese” with a BMI >30 (BC) and incorrectly identifying as “non-obese” with a BMI >30 (BHI). When comparing BC, BLI, and BHI participants, no statistically significant differences were found in dietary habit scores, lifestyle habit scores, weight change, or nutritional supplement or diet started. However, overall, BLI participants had worse food attitude scores and consumption habits when compared to BC and BHI participants. Even though dietary habit scores were not significant, an examination of specific food items revealed significant findings, in which BLI participants had higher consumption of potato chips/snacks, milk, and olive oil/sunflower oil, compared to BHI participants. BLI participants had higher beer and wine consumption compared to BC participants. Additionally, BLI participants had higher carbonated beverages, low-calorie beverages, and margarine and butter consumption compared to BHI and BC participants. BHI participants had the lowest hard liquor consumption, BC had the second lowest hard liquor consumption, and BLI participants had the highest consumption of hard liquor products. Conclusions The findings of this study have shed light on the intricate relationship that exists between perceived weight status from a “nonobese/obese” perspective and attitudes toward food and the overconsumption of particular food items. Participants who perceived their weight status as “obese” despite having a calculated BMI below the CDC threshold and classification for “obesity” had poorer relationships with food, consumption behaviors, and on average consumed food items that were detrimental to overall health. Comprehending a patient’s weight status perception and conducting a thorough history of their food intake could play a crucial role in addressing the patient’s overall health and medically managing this population.

AbstractCharacterizing the genetic diversity and population structure of breeding materials is essential for breeding to improve crop plants. The potato is an important non-cereal food crop worldwide, but breeding potatoes remains challenging owing to their auto-tetraploidy and highly heterozygous genome. We evaluated the genetic structure of a 110-line Korean potato germplasm using the SolCAP 8303 single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) Infinium array and compared it with potato clones from other countries to understand the genetic landscape of cultivated potatoes. Following the tetraploid model, we conducted population structure analysis, revealing three subpopulations represented by two Korean potato groups and one separate foreign potato group within 110 lines. When analyzing 393 global potato clones, country/region-specific genetic patterns were revealed. The Korean potato clones exhibited higher heterozygosity than those from Japan, the United States, and other potato landraces. We also employed integrated extended haplotype homozygosity (iHS) and cross-population extended haplotype homozygosity (XP-EHH) to identify selection signatures spanning candidate genes associated with biotic and abiotic stress tolerance. Based on the informativeness of SNPs for dosage genotyping calls, 10 highly informative SNPs discriminating all 393 potatoes were identified. Our results could help understanding a potato breeding history that reflects regional adaptations and distinct market demands.

Background: Limited evidence from prospective US cohort studies suggests that higher potato intake is associated with a higher risk of hypertension and obesity. Different preparation methods affect the nutritional composition of potatoes and are related to different dietary choices that may influence associations with blood pressure and body mass index (BMI). Objective: To investigate potato consumption, total and by preparation method, in relation to blood pressure and BMI. Methods: We used cross-sectional data of 2,195 participants aged 40 to 59 in 1996-1997 from the United States samples of the population-based INTERMAP study. During four visits, four in-depth multipass 24-hour dietary recalls and eight blood pressure measurements were collected. Reported potato intakes were categorized as fried and non-fried potatoes, using the USDA food grouping system. Potato intakes (g/1000 kcal) were averaged over four days. Regression coefficients per 2SD higher intake were estimated using multivariate linear regression analyses with adjustments for age, sex, sample, lifestyle and disease factors, and other food groups. To assess influence on the association, diet quality (by Dietary Approaches to Stop Hypertension adherence score), BMI, urinary sodium and potassium were added separately to the previous model. Results: Median intake of total, non-fried, and fried potatoes were 40 g/d, 23 g/d and 8 g/d, respectively. Total and non-fried potato intakes were not associated with blood pressure. The association between fried potatoes and blood pressure varied by sex (P for interaction=0.03). In women, higher fried potato intake (2SD: 20 g/1000 kcal) was associated with a +3.00 mmHg (95%CI: 1.29, 4.71) higher systolic and +1.26 mmHg (95%CI: 0.15, 2.38) higher diastolic blood pressure, which prevailed after additional, but separate, adjustments for BMI, diet quality, urinary sodium and potassium. Potato chips contributed predominantly (79%) to fried potato intake and accounted for the direct association of fried potatoes and blood pressure (+3.77 mmHg systolic (95%CI: 1.92, 5.62), and +1.80 mmHg diastolic (95%CI: 0.62, 2.98)). The association between fried potatoes and blood pressure was not found in men. In the total population, higher fried potato intake was positively associated with BMI (+0.62, 95%CI: 0.14, 1.09) but attenuated after adjustment for diet quality. Total and non-fried potatoes were not associated with BMI. Conclusions: In contrast to non-fried potato intake, fried potato consumption was directly related to blood pressure in women. This finding is in line with results of previous US cohort studies and suggests that the association of potatoes with blood pressure may depend on preparation method.

Abstract Objectives Malnutrition continues to be a major cause of death worldwide among children aged 5 years and under. We describe two patients who developed kwashiorkor while being predominantly fed rice milk. Methods An 11-month old Caucasian male presented with a 3-day history of worsening edema, decreased oral intake, diffuse maculopapular rash, and poor weight gain. He was diagnosed with dairy, soy, and sesame allergies by two allergists and was placed on rice milk. Labs revealed hypoalbuminemia, anemia, transaminitis, zinc and copper deficiency. He was started on Elecare Jr and vitamin supplementation with clinical improvement. A 2-year-old Caucasian male presented with a 7-day history of abdominal distension, abdominal pain, edema, and rash. He had multiple food allergies. His diet consisted of diluted almond and rice milk, chips, apples, and corn. He had hypoalbuminemia and anemia with multiple vitamin deficiencies. Results Kwashiorkor is characterized by severe malnutrition, hypoalbuminemia, edema, irritability, and rash. It is rare in the US but is being reported in patients receiving rice milk as their major source of nutrition. Previously described cases were due to dietary manipulations by the parents. Both our patients were under the guidance of physicians. Rice milk has been suggested as an alternative for patients with milk protein allergy however; not all products on the market have the same nutritional value, with significantly varied fortification. A recent study examined patients diagnosed with CMPA fed an extensively hydrolyzed rice protein-based formula called Novarice. This formula contains 21.9 calories and 0.6 grams of protein per ounce. Both our patients were ingesting Rice Dream which contains only 15 calories and 0.13 g of protein per ounce. Conclusions Infants who ingest rice milk are at high risk of developing severe malnutrition with hypoalbuminemia, edema, and nutritional deficiencies. It is important to educate not only consumers but health care providers on nutritional composition of these products. Translating an evidence-based study on the benefits of fortified rice milk into clinical practice needs to be performed cautiously since not all rice milk products are nutritionally alike. Funding Sources None. Supporting Tables, Images and/or GraphsTable 1

The potato chip industry has critical requirements regarding tuber physical and chemical aspects and these requirements are the characteristics targeted by chip potato breeding programs. This study aimed to evaluate 33 chip potato cultivars for the tuber yield and some physical and chemical characteristics of the tuber and potato chips at harvest and during cold storage period. Field experiments were conducted during the 2017 and 2018 growing seasons under sprinkler irrigation. Twenty-one cultivars were evaluated in 2017 and 22 cultivars were evaluated in 2018 using a randomized complete block design with four replications. The target traits under this study were tuber yield, tuber size, internal and external defects, sucrose and glucose content of the tuber and the chip color at harvest and during storage time. Fresh potato tuber yield varied with cultivar and ranged from 44.7 to 72.1 t/ha, averaging 58.5t/ha in 2017 and 60.8 t/ha in 2018. In 2017, cultivar NDTX081648CB-13W obtained the highest tuber yield and TX09396-1W obtained the lowest, while in 2018, Lamoka obtained the highest tuber yield and MSW044-1obtained the lowest. Cultivars NDTX081648CB-13W, MSW485-2, Atlantic, ACO1144-1W, and WANETA were the highest yielding cultivars in 2017, and Lamoka, HODAG, NICOLET, DAKOTA PEARL, and AF5429-3 were the highest yielding cultivars in 2018. Potato tuber size class of 4.7-8.75 cm was the most dominant and accounted for 93% in 2017 and 89% in 2018, respectively. Potato tuber specific gravity varied from 1.08-1.11 during both growing seasons and the dry matter content of the tubers ranged from 17.2 to 22.2% W9968-5 and MSV030-4 showed the highest internal defects of 47.2% and 33.7%, respectively, at harvest. W9968-5 still showed the highest external defects during the storage period. CO07070-13W, NDA081453CAB-2C and NY157 showed some internal defects during storage time in 2017. In 2018, NDA081453CAB-2C presented very high undesirable chip color (71.1%) followed by ND7519-1 (33.1%). In 2018, NDTX081648CB-13W, NY152 Niagara, and MSV313-2 showed relatively high internal defects (>15%) while Atlantic, MSV313-2, MSV358-3 and W9968-5 showed the highest external defects. During eight months of cold storage, NY162 showed 44.5% of external defects followed by MSV358-3 (24.6%), MSV313-2 (24%) and W9968-5 (20%). NY162 showed the highest total defects of 44.5% followed by MSV358-3, MSV313-2 and W9968-5 with total defects greater than 20%. Overall, there was a decrease in sucrose contents in the tubers after six months of cold storage except for the cultivars AF5040-8 and NDA081453CAB-2C. It increased thereafter during eight months in cold storage. However, sucrose content of the tubers at the end of the storage period was lower than the sucrose content at harvest except for B2727-2, NDA081453CAB-2C, NDTX081648CB-13W, and CO07070-13W. Significantly 100% increase in sucrose content in tubers of AF5040-8, DAKOTA PEARL, MSW485-2 Huron, MSX540-4 Mackinaw, NDA081453CAB-2C, and NDTX081648CB-13W was observed during the storage period. Glucose content of tubers changed during the storage period and was more noticeable in AF5040-8, AF5040-8, DAKOTA PEARL, MSW485-2 Huron, MSX540-4 Mackinaw, ND7519-1, NDA081453CAB-2C, and NDTX081648CB-13W. There was considerable increase in glucose content in ACO1144-1W, NDA081453CAB-2C, NDTX081648CB-13W, CO07070-13W, and W9968-5 tubers. At nine-month storage period, only Lamoka, ACO1144-1W, AF5040-8, MSX540-4, and CO02321-4W, HODAG, MSV030-4, MSW044-1, NY152 Niagara, NY162, and WANETA HODAG showed nice chip color. NDA081453CAB-2C, NDTX081648CB-13W, ND7519-1, and NDA081453CAB-2C presented the least desirable chip color with score “5”. Cultivars with consistent scores of “1” constitute promising lines for chip potato producers across the dry and hot environment of the southwest region of the United States.

The evolution of new variants of plant pathogens is one of the biggest challenges to controlling and managing plant diseases. Of the forces driving these evolutionary processes, global migration events are particularly important for widely distributed diseases such as the potato late blight, caused by the oomycete Phytophthora infestans (Mont.) de Bary. However, little is known about its migration routes outside North America and Europe. This work used genotypic data from population studies to elucidate the migration history originating the Colombian P. infestans population. For this purpose, a dataset of 1706 P. infestans genotypes was recollected, representing North and South America, Europe, and Asia. Descriptive analysis and historical records from North America and Europe were used to propose three global migration hypotheses, differing on the origin of the disease (Mexico or Peru) and the hypothesis that it came back to South America from Europe. These scenarios were tested using Approximate Bayesian Computation. According to this analysis, the most probable scenario (posterior probability = 0.631) was the one proposing a Peruvian origin for P. infestans, an initial migration towards Colombia and Mexico, and a later event from Mexico to the United States, and then to Europe and Asia, with no return to northern South America. In Colombia, the scenario considering a single migration from Peru and posterior migrations within Colombia was the most probable with a posterior probability of 0.640. The obtained results support the hypothesis of a Peruvian origin for P. infestans followed by rare colonization events worldwide.

Verticillium dahliae is a soilborne fungal pathogen affecting many economically important crops that can also infect weeds and rotational crops with no apparent disease symptoms. The main research goal was to test the hypothesis that V. dahliae populations recovered from asymptomatic rotational crops and weed species are evolutionarily and genetically distinct from symptomatic hosts. We collected V. dahliae isolates from symptomatic and asymptomatic hosts growing in fields with histories of Verticillium wilt of potato in Israel and Pennsylvania (United States), and used genotyping-by-sequencing to analyze the evolutionary history and genetic differentiation between populations of different hosts. A phylogeny inferred from 26,934 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in 126 V. dahliae isolates displayed a highly clonal structure correlated with vegetative compatibility groups, and isolates grouped in lineages 2A, 2B824, 4A, and 4B, with 77% of the isolates in lineage 4B. The lineages identified in this study were differentiated by host of origin; we found 2A, 2B824, and 4A only in symptomatic hosts but isolates from asymptomatic hosts (weeds, oat, and sorghum) grouped exclusively within lineage 4B, and were genetically indistinguishable from 4B isolates sampled from symptomatic hosts (potato, eggplant, and avocado). Using coalescent analysis of 158 SNPs of lineage 4B, we inferred a genealogy with clades that correlated with geographic origin. In contrast, isolates from asymptomatic and symptomatic hosts shared some of the same haplotypes and were not differentiated. We conclude that asymptomatic weeds and rotational hosts may be potential reservoirs for V. dahliae populations of lineage 4B, which are pathogenic to many cultivated hosts.

Kangatarianism is the rather inelegant word coined in the first decade of the twenty-first century to describe an omnivorous diet in which the only meat consumed is that of the kangaroo. First published in the media in 2010 (Barone; Zukerman), the term circulated in Australian environmental and academic circles including the Global Animal conference at the University of Wollongong in July 2011 where I first heard it from members of the Think Tank for Kangaroos (THINKK) group. By June 2017, it had gained enough attention to be named the Oxford English Dictionary’s Australian word of the month (following on from May’s “smashed avo,” another Australian food innovation), but it took the Nine Network reality television series Love Island Australia to raise kangatarian to trending status on social media (Oxford UP). During the first episode, aired in late May 2018, Justin, a concreter and fashion model from Melbourne, declared himself to have previously been a kangatarian as he chatted with fellow contestant, Millie. Vet nurse and animal lover Millie appeared to be shocked by his revelation but was tentatively accepting when Justin explained what kangatarian meant, and justified his choice on the grounds that kangaroo are not farmed. In the social media response, it was clear that eating only the meat of kangaroos as an ethical choice was an entirely new concept to many viewers, with one tweet stating “Kangatarian isn’t a thing”, while others variously labelled the diet brutal, intriguing, or quintessentially Australian (see #kangatarian on Twitter).There is a well developed literature around the arguments for and against eating kangaroo, and why settler Australians tend to be so reluctant to do so (see for example, Probyn; Cawthorn and Hoffman). Here, I will concentrate on the role that ethics play in this food choice by examining how the adoption of kangatarianism can be understood as a bargain struck to help to manage grief in the Anthropocene, and the limitations of that bargain. As Lesley Head has argued, we are living in a time of loss and of grieving, when much that has been taken for granted is becoming unstable, and “we must imagine that drastic changes to everyday life are in the offing” (313). Applying the classic (and contested) model of five stages of grief, first proposed by Elisabeth Kübler-Ross in her book On Death and Dying in 1969, much of the population of the western world seems to be now experiencing denial, her first stage of loss, while those in the most vulnerable environments have moved on to anger with developed countries for destructive actions in the past and inaction in the present. The next stages (or states) of grieving—bargaining, depression, and acceptance—are likely to be manifested, although not in any predictable sequence, as the grief over current and future losses continues (Haslam).The great expansion of food restrictive diets in the Anthropocene can be interpreted as part of this bargaining state of grieving as individuals attempt to respond to the imperative to reduce their environmental impact but also to limit the degree of change to their own diet required to do so. Meat has long been identified as a key component of an individual’s environmental footprint. From Frances Moore Lappé’s 1971 Diet for a Small Planet through the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation’s 2006 report Livestock’s Long Shadow to the 2019 report of the EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems, the advice has been consistent: meat consumption should be minimised in, if not eradicated from, the human diet. The EAT–Lancet Commission Report quantified this to less than 28 grams (just under one ounce) of beef, lamb or pork per day (12, 25). For many this would be keenly felt, in terms of how meals are constructed, the sensory experiences associated with eating meat and perceptions of well-being but meat is offered up as a sacrifice to bring about the return of the beloved healthy planet.Rather than accept the advice to cut out meat entirely, those seeking to bargain with the Anthropocene also find other options. This has given rise to a suite of foodways based around restricting meat intake in volume or type. Reducing the amount of commercially produced beef, lamb and pork eaten is one approach, while substituting a meat the production of which has a smaller environmental footprint, most commonly chicken or fish, is another. For those willing to make deeper changes, the meat of free living animals, especially those which are killed accidentally on the roads or for deliberately for environmental management purposes, is another option. Further along this spectrum are the novel protein sources suggested in the Lancet report, including insects, blue-green algae and laboratory-cultured meats.Kangatarianism is another form of this bargain, and is backed by at least half a century of advocacy. The Australian Conservation Foundation made calls to reduce the numbers of other livestock and begin a sustainable harvest of kangaroo for food in 1970 when the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption was still illegal across the country (Conservation of Kangaroos). The idea was repeated by biologist Gordon Grigg in the late 1980s (Jackson and Vernes 173), and again in the Garnaut Climate Change Review in 2008 (547–48). Kangaroo meat is high in protein and iron, low in fat, and high in healthy polyunsaturated fatty acids and conjugated linoleic acid, and, as these authors showed, has a smaller environmental footprint than beef, lamb, or pork. Kangaroo require less water than cattle, sheep or pigs, and no land is cleared to grow feed for them or give them space to graze. Their paws cause less erosion and compaction of soil than do the hooves of common livestock. They eat less fodder than ruminants and their digestive processes result in lower emissions of the powerful greenhouse gas methane and less solid waste.As Justin of Love Island was aware, kangaroo are not farmed in the sense of being deliberately bred, fed, confined, or treated with hormones, drugs or chemicals, which also adds to their lighter impact on the environment. However, some pastoralists argue that because they cannot prevent kangaroos from accessing the food, water, shelter, and protection from predators they provide for their livestock, they do effectively farm them, although they receive no income from sales of kangaroo meat. This type of light touch farming of kangaroos has a very long history in Australia going back to the continent’s first peopling some 60,000 years ago. Kangaroos were so important to Aboriginal people that a wide range of environments were manipulated to produce their favoured habitats of open grasslands edged by sheltering trees. As Bill Gammage demonstrated, fire was used as a tool to preserve and extend grassy areas, to encourage regrowth which would attract kangaroos and to drive the animals from one patch to another or towards hunters waiting with spears (passim, for example, 58, 72, 76, 93). Gammage and Bruce Pascoe agree that this was a form of animal husbandry in which the kangaroos were drawn to the areas prepared for them for the young grass or, more forcefully, physically directed using nets, brush fences or stone walls. Burnt ground served to contain the animals in place of fencing, and regular harvesting kept numbers from rising to levels which would place pressure on other species (Gammage 79, 281–86; Pascoe 42–43). Contemporary advocates of eating kangaroo have promoted the idea that they should be deliberately co-produced with other livestock instead of being killed to preserve feed and water for sheep and cattle (Ellicott; Wilson 39). Substituting kangaroo for the meat of more environmentally damaging animals would facilitate a reduction in the numbers of cattle and sheep, lessening the harm they do.Most proponents have assumed that their audience is current meat eaters who would substitute kangaroo for the meat of other more environmentally costly animals, but kangatarianism can also emerge from vegetarianism. Wendy Zukerman, who wrote about kangaroo hunting for New Scientist in 2010, was motivated to conduct the research because she was considering becoming an early adopter of kangatarianism as the least environmentally taxing way to counter the longterm anaemia she had developed as a vegetarian. In 2018, George Wilson, honorary professor in the Australian National University’s Fenner School of Environment and Society called for vegetarians to become kangatarians as a means of boosting overall consumption of kangaroo for environmental and economic benefits to rural Australia (39).Given these persuasive environmental arguments, it might be expected that many people would have perceived eating kangaroo instead of other meat as a favourable bargain and taken up the call to become kangatarian. Certainly, there has been widespread interest in trying kangaroo meat. In 1997, only five years after the sale of kangaroo meat for human consumption had been legalised in most states (South Australia did so in 1980), 51% of 500 people surveyed in five capital cities said they had tried kangaroo. However, it had not become a meat of choice with very few found to eat it more than three times a year (Des Purtell and Associates iv). Just over a decade later, a study by Ampt and Owen found an increase to 58% of 1599 Australians surveyed across the country who had tried kangaroo but just 4.7% eating it at least monthly (14). Bryce Appleby, in his study of kangaroo consumption in the home based on interviews with 28 residents of Wollongong in 2010, specifically noted the absence of kangatarians—then a very new concept. A study of 261 Sydney university students in 2014 found that half had tried kangaroo meat and 10% continued to eat it with any regularity. Only two respondents identified themselves as kangatarian (Grant 14–15). Kangaroo meat advocate Michael Archer declared in 2017 that “there’s an awful lot of very, very smart vegetarians [who] have opted for semi vegetarianism and they’re calling themselves ‘kangatarians’, as they’re quite happy to eat kangaroo meat”, but unless there had been a significant change in a few years, the surveys did not bear out his assertion (154).The ethical calculations around eating kangaroo are complicated by factors beyond the strictly environmental. One Tweeter advised Justin: “‘I’m a kangatarian’ isn’t a pickup line, mate”, and certainly the reception of his declaration could have been very cool, especially as it was delivered to a self declared animal warrior (N’Tash Aha). All of the studies of beliefs and practices around the eating of kangaroo have noted a significant minority of Australians who would not consider eating kangaroo based on issues of animal welfare and animal rights. The 1997 study found that 11% were opposed to the idea of eating kangaroo, while in Grant’s 2014 study, 15% were ethically opposed to eating kangaroo meat (Des Purtell and Associates iv; Grant 14–15). Animal ethics complicate the bargains calculated principally on environmental grounds.These ethical concerns work across several registers. One is around the flesh and blood kangaroo as a charismatic native animal unique to Australia and which Australians have an obligation to respect and nurture. Sheep, cattle and pigs have been subject to longterm propaganda campaigns which entrench the idea that they are unattractive and unintelligent, and veil their transition to meat behind euphemistic language and abattoir walls, making it easier to eat them. Kangaroos are still seen as resourceful and graceful animals, and no linguistic tricks shield consumers from the knowledge that it is a roo on their plate. A proposal in 2009 to market a “coat of arms” emu and kangaroo-flavoured potato chip brought complaints to the Advertising Standards Bureau that this was disrespectful to these native animals, although the flavours were to be simulated and the product vegetarian (Black). Coexisting with this high regard to kangaroos is its antithesis. That is, a valuation of them informed by their designation as a pest in the pastoral industry, and the use of the carcasses of those killed to feed dogs and other companion animals. Appleby identified a visceral, disgust response to the idea of eating kangaroo in many of his informants, including both vegetarians who would not consider eating kangaroo because of their commitment to a plant-based diet, and at least one omnivore who would prefer to give up all meat rather than eat kangaroo. While diametrically opposed, the end point of both positions is that kangaroo meat should not be eaten.A second animal ethics stance relates to the imagined kangaroo, a cultural construct which for most urban Australians is much more present in their lives and likely to shape their actions than the living animals. It is behind the rejection of eating an animal which holds such an iconic place in Australian culture: to the dexter on the 1912 national coat of arms; hopping through the Hundred Acre Wood as Kanga and Roo in A.A. Milne’s Winnie-the-Pooh children’s books from the 1920s and the Disney movies later made from them; as a boy’s best friend as Skippy the Bush Kangaroo in a fondly remembered 1970s television series; and high in the sky on QANTAS planes. The anthropomorphising of kangaroos permitted the spectacle of the boxing kangaroo from the late nineteenth century. By framing natural kangaroo behaviours as boxing, these exhibitions encouraged an ambiguous understanding of kangaroos as human-like, moving them further from the category of food (Golder and Kirkby). Australian government bodies used this idea of the kangaroo to support food exports to Britain, with kangaroos as cooks or diners rather than ingredients. The Kangaroo Kookery Book of 1932 (see fig. 1 below) portrayed kangaroos as a nuclear family in a suburban kitchen and another official campaign supporting sales of Australian produce in Britain in the 1950s featured a Disney-inspired kangaroo eating apples and chops washed down with wine (“Kangaroo to Be ‘Food Salesman’”). This imagining of kangaroos as human-like has persisted, leading to the opinion expressed in a 2008 focus group, that consuming kangaroo amounted to “‘eating an icon’ … Although they are pests they are still human nature … these are native animals, people and I believe that is a form of cannibalism!” (Ampt and Owen 26). Figure 1: Rather than promoting the eating of kangaroos, the portrayal of kangaroos as a modern suburban family in the Kangaroo Kookery Book (1932) made it unthinkable. (Source: Kangaroo Kookery Book, Director of Australian Trade Publicity, Australia House, London, 1932.)The third layer of ethical objection on the ground of animal welfare is more specific, being directed to the method of killing the kangaroos which become food. Kangaroos are perhaps the only native animals for which state governments set quotas for commercial harvest, on the grounds that they compete with livestock for pasturage and water. In most jurisdictions, commercially harvested kangaroo carcasses can be processed for human consumption, and they are the ones which ultimately appear in supermarket display cases.Kangaroos are killed by professional shooters at night using swivelling spotlights mounted on their vehicles to locate and daze the animals. While clean head shots are the ideal and regulations state that animals should be killed when at rest and without causing “undue agonal struggle”, this is not always achieved and some animals do suffer prolonged deaths (NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption). By regulation, the young of any female kangaroo must be killed along with her. While averting a slow death by neglect, this is considered cruel and wasteful. The hunt has drawn international criticism, including from Greenpeace which organised campaigns against the sale of kangaroo meat in Europe in the 1980s, and Viva! which was successful in securing the withdrawal of kangaroo from sale in British supermarkets (“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised”). These arguments circulate and influence opinion within Australia.A final animal ethics issue is that what is actually behind the push for greater use of kangaroo meat is not concern for the environment or animal welfare but the quest to turn a profit from these animals. The Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia, formed in 1970 to represent those who dealt in the marsupials’ meat, fur and skins, has been a vocal advocate of eating kangaroo and a sponsor of market research into how it can be made more appealing to the market. The Association argued in 1971 that commercial harvest was part of the intelligent conservation of the kangaroo. They sought minimum size regulations to prevent overharvesting and protect their livelihoods (“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation”). The Association’s current website makes the claim that wild harvested “Australian kangaroo meat is among the healthiest, tastiest and most sustainable red meats in the world” (Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia). That this is intended to initiate a new and less controlled branch of the meat industry for the benefit of hunters and processors, rather than foster a shift from sheep or cattle to kangaroos which might serve farmers and the environment, is the opinion of Dr. Louise Boronyak, of the Centre for Compassionate Conservation at the University of Technology Sydney (Boyle 19).Concerns such as these have meant that kangaroo is most consumed where it is least familiar, with most of the meat for human consumption recovered from culled animals being exported to Europe and Asia. Russia has been the largest export market. There, kangaroo meat is made less strange by blending it with other meats and traditional spices to make processed meats, avoiding objections to its appearance and uncertainty around preparation. With only a low profile as a novelty animal in Russia, there are fewer sentimental concerns about consuming kangaroo, although the additional food miles undermine its environmental credentials. The variable acceptability of kangaroo in more distant markets speaks to the role of culture in determining how patterns of eating are formed and can be shifted, or, as Elspeth Probyn phrased it “how natural entities are transformed into commodities within a context of globalisation and local communities”, underlining the impossibility of any straightforward ethics of eating kangaroo (33, 35).Kangatarianism is a neologism which makes the eating of kangaroo meat something it has not been in the past, a voluntary restriction based on environmental ethics. These environmental benefits are well founded and eating kangaroo can be understood as an Anthropocenic bargain struck to allow the continuation of the consumption of red meat while reducing one’s environmental footprint. Although superficially attractive, the numbers entering into this bargain remain small because environmental ethics cannot be disentangled from animal ethics. The anthropomorphising of the kangaroo and its use as a national symbol coexist with its categorisation as a pest and use of its meat as food for companion animals. Both understandings of kangaroos made their meat uneatable for many Australians. Paired with concerns over how kangaroos are killed and the commercialisation of a native species, kangaroo meat has a very mixed reception despite decades of advocacy for eating its meat in favour of that of more harmed and more harmful introduced species. Given these constraints, kangatarianism is unlikely to become widespread and indeed it should be viewed as at best a temporary exigency. As the climate warms and rainfall becomes more erratic, even animals which have evolved to suit Australian conditions will come under increasing pressure, and humans will need to reach Kübler-Ross’ final state of grief: acceptance. In this case, this would mean acceptance that our needs cannot be placed ahead of those of other animals.ReferencesAmpt, Peter, and Kate Owen. Consumer Attitudes to Kangaroo Meat Products. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 2008.Appleby, Bryce. “Skippy the ‘Green’ Kangaroo: Identifying Resistances to Eating Kangaroo in the Home in a Context of Climate Change.” BSc Hons, U of Wollongong, 2010 <http://ro.uow.edu.au/thsci/103>.Archer, Michael. “Zoology on the Table: Plenary Session 4.” Australian Zoologist 39, 1 (2017): 154–60.“Assn. Backs Kangaroo Conservation.” The Beverley Times 26 Feb. 1971: 3. 22 Feb. 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article202738733>.Barone, Tayissa. “Kangatarians Jump the Divide.” Sydney Morning Herald 9 Feb. 2010. 13 Apr. 2019 <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/kangatarians-jump-the-divide-20100209-gdtvd8.html>.Black, Rosemary. “Some Australians Angry over Idea for Kangaroo and Emu-Flavored Potato Chips.” New York Daily News 4 Dec. 2009. 5 Feb. 2019 <https://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/eats/australians-angry-idea-kangaroo-emu-flavored-potato-chips-article-1.431865>.Boyle, Rhianna. “Eating Skippy.” Big Issue Australia 578 11-24 Jan. 2019: 16–19.Cawthorn, Donna-Mareè, and Louwrens C. Hoffman. “Controversial Cuisine: A Global Account of the Demand, Supply and Acceptance of ‘Unconventional’ and ‘Exotic’ Meats.” Meat Science 120 (2016): 26–7.Conservation of Kangaroos. Melbourne: Australian Conservation Foundation, 1970.Des Purtell and Associates. Improving Consumer Perceptions of Kangaroo Products: A Survey and Report. Canberra: Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation, 1997.Ellicott, John. “Little Pay Incentive for Shooters to Join Kangaroo Meat Industry.” The Land 15 Mar. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.theland.com.au/story/5285265/top-roo-shooter-says-harvesting-is-a-low-paid-job/>.Garnaut, Ross. Garnaut Climate Change Review. 2008. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.garnautreview.org.au/index.htm>.Gammage, Bill. The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2012.Golder, Hilary, and Diane Kirkby. “Mrs. Mayne and Her Boxing Kangaroo: A Married Woman Tests Her Property Rights in Colonial New South Wales.” Law and History Review 21.3 (2003): 585–605.Grant, Elisabeth. “Sustainable Kangaroo Harvesting: Perceptions and Consumption of Kangaroo Meat among University Students in New South Wales.” Independent Study Project (ISP). U of NSW, 2014. <https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1755>.Haslam, Nick. “The Five Stages of Grief Don’t Come in Fixed Steps – Everyone Feels Differently.” The Conversation 22 Oct. 2018. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://theconversation.com/the-five-stages-of-grief-dont-come-in-fixed-steps-everyone-feels-differently-96111>.Head, Lesley. “The Anthropoceans.” Geographical Research 53.3 (2015): 313–20.Kangaroo Industries Association of Australia. Kangaroo Meat. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://www.kangarooindustry.com/products/meat/>.“Kangaroo Meat Sales Criticised.” The Canberra Times 13 Sep. 1984: 14. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article136915919>.“Kangaroo to Be Food ‘Salesman.’” Newcastle Morning Herald and Miners’ Advocate, 2 Dec. 1954. 22 Feb 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article134089767>.Kübler-Ross, Elisabeth. On Death and Dying: What the Dying Have to Teach Doctors, Nurses, Clergy, and their own Families. New York: Touchstone, 1997.Jackson, Stephen, and Karl Vernes. Kangaroo: Portrait of an Extraordinary Marsupial. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2010.Lappé, Frances Moore. Diet for a Small Planet. New York: Ballantine Books, 1971.N’Tash Aha (@Nsvasey). “‘I’m a Kangatarian’ isn’t a Pickup Line, Mate. #LoveIslandAU.” Twitter post. 27 May 2018. 5 Apr. 2019 <https://twitter.com/Nsvasey/status/1000697124122644480>.“NSW Code of Practice for Kangaroo Meat for Human Consumption.” Government Gazette of the State of New South Wales 24 Mar. 1993. 22 Feb. 2019 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page14638033>.Oxford University Press, Australia and New Zealand. Word of the Month. June 2017. <https://www.oup.com.au/dictionaries/word-of-the-month>.Pascoe, Bruce. Dark Emu, Black Seeds: Agriculture or Accident? Broome: Magabala Books, 2014.Probyn, Elspeth. “Eating Roo: Of Things That Become Food.” New Formations 74.1 (2011): 33–45.Steinfeld, Henning, Pierre Gerber, Tom Wassenaar, Vicent Castel, Mauricio Rosales, and Cees d Haan. Livestock’s Long Shadow: Environmental Issues and Options. Rome: Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, 2006.Trust Nature. Essence of Kangaroo Capsules. 26 Feb. 2019 <http://ncpro.com.au/products/all-products/item/88139-essence-of-kangaroo-35000>.Victoria Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning. Kangaroo Pet Food Trial. 28 Mar. 2019 <https://www.wildlife.vic.gov.au/managing-wildlife/wildlife-management-and-control-authorisations/kangaroo-pet-food-trial>.Willett, Walter, et al. “Food in the Anthropocene: The EAT–Lancet Commission on Healthy Diets from Sustainable Food Systems.” The Lancet 16 Jan. 2019. 26 Feb. 2019 <https://www.thelancet.com/commissions/EAT>.Wilson, George. “Kangaroos Can Be an Asset Rather than a Pest.” Australasian Science 39.1 (2018): 39.Zukerman, Wendy. “Eating Skippy: The Future of Kangaroo Meat.” New Scientist 208.2781 (2010): 42–5.

Background “The sense of taste,” write Nelson and colleagues in a 2002 issue of Nature, “provides animals with valuable information about the nature and quality of food. Mammals can recognize and respond to a diverse repertoire of chemical entities, including sugars, salts, acids and a wide range of toxic substances” (199). The authors go on to argue that several amino acids—the building blocks of proteins—taste delicious to humans and that “having a taste pathway dedicated to their detection probably had significant evolutionary implications”. They imply, but do not specify, that the evolutionary implications are positive. This may be the case with some amino acids, but contemporary tastes, and changes in them, are far from universally beneficial. Indeed, this article argues that modern food production shapes and distorts human taste with significant implications for health and wellbeing. Take the western taste for fried chipped potatoes, for example. According to Schlosser in Fast Food Nation, “In 1960, the typical American ate eighty-one pounds of fresh potatoes and about four pounds of frozen french fries. Today [2002] the typical American eats about forty-nine pounds of fresh potatoes every year—and more than thirty pounds of frozen french fries” (115). Nine-tenths of these chips are consumed in fast food restaurants which use mass-manufactured potato-based frozen products to provide this major “foodservice item” more quickly and cheaply than the equivalent dish prepared from raw ingredients. These choices, informed by human taste buds, have negative evolutionary implications, as does the apparently long-lasting consumer preference for fried goods cooked in trans-fats. “Numerous foods acquire their elastic properties (i.e., snap, mouth-feel, and hardness) from the colloidal fat crystal network comprised primarily of trans- and saturated fats. These hardstock fats contribute, along with numerous other factors, to the global epidemics related to metabolic syndrome and cardiovascular disease,” argues Michael A. Rogers (747). Policy makers and public health organisations continue to compare notes internationally about the best ways in which to persuade manufacturers and fast food purveyors to reduce the use of these trans-fats in their products (L’Abbé et al.), however, most manufacturers resist. Hank Cardello, a former fast food executive, argues that “many products are designed for ‘high hedonic value’, with carefully balanced combinations of salt, sugar and fat that, experience has shown, induce people to eat more” (quoted, Trivedi 41). Fortunately for the manufactured food industry, salt and sugar also help to preserve food, effectively prolonging the shelf life of pre-prepared and packaged goods. Physiological Factors As Glanz et al. discovered when surveying 2,967 adult Americans, “taste is the most important influence on their food choices, followed by cost” (1118). A person’s taste is to some extent an individual response to food stimuli, but the tongue’s taste buds respond to five basic categories of food: salty, sweet, sour, bitter, and umami. ‘Umami’ is a Japanese word indicating “delicious savoury taste” (Coughlan 11) and it is triggered by the amino acid glutamate. Japanese professor Kikunae Ikeda identified glutamate while investigating the taste of a particular seaweed which he believed was neither sweet, sour, bitter, or salty. When Ikeda combined the glutamate taste essence with sodium he formed the food additive sodium glutamate, which was patented in 1908 and subsequently went into commercial production (Japan Patent Office). Although individual, a person’s taste preferences are by no means fixed. There is ample evidence that people’s tastes are being distorted by modern food marketing practices that process foods to make them increasingly appealing to the average palate. In particular, this industrialisation of food promotes the growth of a snack market driven by salty and sugary foods, popularly constructed as posing a threat to health and wellbeing. “[E]xpanding waistlines [are] fuelled by a boom in fast food and a decline in physical activity” writes Stark, who reports upon the 2008 launch of a study into Australia’s future ‘fat bomb’. As Deborah Lupton notes, such reports were a particular feature of the mid 2000s when: intense concern about the ‘obesity epidemic’ intensified and peaked. Time magazine named 2004 ‘The Year of Obesity’. That year the World Health Organization’s Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health was released and the [US] Centers for Disease Control predicted that a poor diet and lack of exercise would soon claim more lives than tobacco-related disease in the United States. (4) The American Heart Association recommends eating no more than 1500mg of salt per day (Hamzelou 11) but salt consumption in the USA averages more than twice this quantity, at 3500mg per day (Bernstein and Willett 1178). In the UK, a sustained campaign and public health-driven engagement with food manufacturers by CASH—Consensus Action on Salt and Health—resulted in a reduction of between 30 and 40 percent of added salt in processed foods between 2001 and 2011, with a knock-on 15 percent decline in the UK population’s salt intake overall. This is the largest reduction achieved by any developed nation (Brinsden et al.). “According to the [UK’s] National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE), this will have reduced [UK] stroke and heart attack deaths by a minimum of 9,000 per year, with a saving in health care costs of at least £1.5bn a year” (MacGregor and Pombo). Whereas there has been some success over the past decade in reducing the amount of salt consumed, in the Western world the consumption of sugar continues to rise, as a graph cited in the New Scientist indicates (O’Callaghan). Regular warnings that sugar is associated with a range of health threats and delivers empty calories devoid of nutrition have failed to halt the increase in sugar consumption. Further, although some sugar is a natural product, processed foods tend to use a form invented in 1957: high-fructose corn syrup (HFCS). “HFCS is a gloopy solution of glucose and fructose” writes O’Callaghan, adding that it is “as sweet as table sugar but has typically been about 30% cheaper”. She cites Serge Ahmed, a French neuroscientist, as arguing that in a world of food sufficiency people do not need to consume more, so they need to be enticed to overeat by making food more pleasurable. Ahmed was part of a team that ran an experiment with cocaine-addicted rats, offering them a mutually exclusive choice between highly-sweetened water and cocaine: Our findings clearly indicate that intense sweetness can surpass cocaine reward, even in drug-sensitized and -addicted individuals. We speculate that the addictive potential of intense sweetness results from an inborn hypersensitivity to sweet tastants. In most mammals, including rats and humans, sweet receptors evolved in ancestral environments poor in sugars and are thus not adapted to high concentrations of sweet tastants. The supranormal stimulation of these receptors by sugar-rich diets, such as those now widely available in modern societies, would generate a supranormal reward signal in the brain, with the potential to override self-control mechanisms and thus lead to addiction. (Lenoir et al.) The Tongue and the Brain One of the implications of this research about the mammalian desire for sugar is that our taste for food is about more than how these foods actually taste in the mouth on our tongues. It is also about the neural response to the food we eat. The taste of French fries thus also includes that “snap, mouth-feel, and hardness” and the “colloidal fat crystal network” (Rogers, “Novel Structuring” 747). While there is no taste receptor for fats, these nutrients have important effects upon the brain. Wang et al. offered rats a highly fatty, but palatable, diet and allowed them to eat freely. 33 percent of the calories in the food were delivered via fat, compared with 21 percent in a normal diet. The animals almost doubled their usual calorific intake, both because the food had a 37 percent increased calorific content and also because the rats ate 47 percent more than was standard (2786). The research team discovered that in as little as three days the rats “had already lost almost all of their ability to respond to leptin” (Martindale 27). Leptin is a hormone that acts on the brain to communicate feelings of fullness, and is thus important in assisting animals to maintain a healthy body weight. The rats had also become insulin resistant. “Severe resistance to the metabolic effects of both leptin and insulin ensued after just 3 days of overfeeding” (Wang et al. 2786). Fast food restaurants typically offer highly palatable, high fat, high sugar, high salt, calorific foods which can deliver 130 percent of a day’s recommended fat intake, and almost a day’s worth of an adult man’s calories, in one meal. The impacts of maintaining such a diet over a comparatively short time-frame have been recorded in documentaries such as Super Size Me (Spurlock). The after effects of what we widely call “junk food” are also evident in rat studies. Neuroscientist Paul Kenny, who like Ahmed was investigating possible similarities between food- and cocaine-addicted rats, allowed his animals unlimited access to both rat ‘junk food’ and healthy food for rats. He then changed their diets. “The rats with unlimited access to junk food essentially went on a hunger strike. ‘It was as if they had become averse to healthy food’, says Kenny. It took two weeks before the animals began eating as much [healthy food] as those in the control group” (quoted, Trivedi 40). Developing a taste for certain food is consequently about much more than how they taste in the mouth; it constitutes an individual’s response to a mixture of taste, hormonal reactions and physiological changes. Choosing Health Glanz et al. conclude their study by commenting that “campaigns attempting to change people’s perception of the importance of nutrition will be interpreted in terms of existing values and beliefs. A more promising strategy might be to stress the good taste of healthful foods” (1126). Interestingly, this is the strategy already adopted by some health-focused cookbooks. I have 66 cookery books in my kitchen. None of ten books sampled from the five spaces in which these books are kept had ‘taste’ as an index entry, but three books had ‘taste’ in their titles: The Higher Taste, Taste of Life, and The Taste of Health. All three books seek to promote healthy eating, and they all date from the mid-1980s. It might be that taste is not mentioned in cookbook indexes because it is a sine qua non: a focus upon taste is so necessary and fundamental to a cookbook that it goes without saying. Yet, as the physiological evidence makes clear, what we find palatable is highly mutable, varying between people, and capable of changing significantly in comparatively short periods of time. The good news from the research studies is that the changes wrought by high salt, high sugar, high fat diets need not be permanent. Luciano Rossetti, one of the authors on Wang et al’s paper, told Martindale that the physiological changes are reversible, but added a note of caution: “the fatter a person becomes the more resistant they will be to the effects of leptin and the harder it is to reverse those effects” (27). Morgan Spurlock’s experience also indicates this. In his case it took the actor/director 14 months to lose the 11.1 kg (13 percent of his body mass) that he gained in the 30 days of his fast-food-only experiment. Trivedi was more fortunate, stating that, “After two weeks of going cold turkey, I can report I have successfully kicked my ice cream habit” (41). A reader’s letter in response to Trivedi’s article echoes this observation. She writes that “the best way to stop the craving was to switch to a diet of vegetables, seeds, nuts and fruits with a small amount of fish”, adding that “cravings stopped in just a week or two, and the diet was so effective that I no longer crave junk food even when it is in front of me” (Mackeown). Popular culture indicates a range of alternative ways to resist food manufacturers. In the West, there is a growing emphasis on organic farming methods and produce (Guthman), on sl called Urban Agriculture in the inner cities (Mason and Knowd), on farmers’ markets, where consumers can meet the producers of the food they eat (Guthrie et al.), and on the work of advocates of ‘real’ food, such as Jamie Oliver (Warrin). Food and wine festivals promote gourmet tourism along with an emphasis upon the quality of the food consumed, and consumption as a peak experience (Hall and Sharples), while environmental perspectives prompt awareness of ‘food miles’ (Weber and Matthews), fair trade (Getz and Shreck) and of land degradation, animal suffering, and the inequitable use of resources in the creation of the everyday Western diet (Dare, Costello and Green). The burgeoning of these different approaches has helped to stimulate a commensurate growth in relevant disciplinary fields such as Food Studies (Wessell and Brien). One thing that all these new ways of looking at food and taste have in common is that they are options for people who feel they have the right to choose what and when to eat; and to consume the tastes they prefer. This is not true of all groups of people in all countries. Hiding behind the public health campaigns that encourage people to exercise and eat fresh fruit and vegetables are the hidden “social determinants of health: The conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, including the health system” (WHO 45). As the definitions explain, it is the “social determinants of health [that] are mostly responsible for health iniquities” with evidence from all countries around the world demonstrating that “in general, the lower an individual’s socioeconomic position, the worse his or her health” (WHO 45). For the comparatively disadvantaged, it may not be the taste of fast food that attracts them but the combination of price and convenience. If there is no ready access to cooking facilities, or safe food storage, or if a caregiver is simply too time-poor to plan and prepare meals for a family, junk food becomes a sensible choice and its palatability an added bonus. For those with the education, desire, and opportunity to break free of the taste for salty and sugary fats, however, there are a range of strategies to achieve this. There is a persuasive array of evidence that embracing a plant-based diet confers a multitude of health benefits for the individual, for the planet and for the animals whose lives and welfare would otherwise be sacrificed to feed us (Green, Costello and Dare). Such a choice does involve losing the taste for foods which make up the lion’s share of the Western diet, but any sense of deprivation only lasts for a short time. The fact is that our sense of taste responds to the stimuli offered. It may be that, notwithstanding the desires of Jamie Oliver and the like, a particular child never will never get to like broccoli, but it is also the case that broccoli tastes differently to me, seven years after becoming a vegan, than it ever did in the years in which I was omnivorous. When people tell me that they would love to adopt a plant-based diet but could not possibly give up cheese, it is difficult to reassure them that the pleasure they get now from that specific cocktail of salty fats will be more than compensated for by the sheer exhilaration of eating crisp, fresh fruits and vegetables in the future. Conclusion For decades, the mass market food industry has tweaked their products to make them hyper-palatable and difficult to resist. They do this through marketing experiments and consumer behaviour research, schooling taste buds and brains to anticipate and relish specific cocktails of sweet fats (cakes, biscuits, chocolate, ice cream) and salty fats (chips, hamburgers, cheese, salted nuts). They add ingredients to make these products stimulate taste buds more effectively, while also producing cheaper items with longer life on the shelves, reducing spoilage and the complexity of storage for retailers. Consumers are trained to like the tastes of these foods. Bitter, sour, and umami receptors are comparatively under-stimulated, with sweet, salty, and fat-based tastes favoured in their place. Western societies pay the price for this learned preference in high blood pressure, high cholesterol, diabetes, and obesity. Public health advocate Bruce Neal and colleagues, working to reduce added salt in processed foods, note that the food and manufacturing industries can now provide most of the calories that the world needs to survive. “The challenge now”, they argue, “is to have these same industries provide foods that support long and healthy adult lives. And in this regard there remains a very considerable way to go”. If the public were to believe that their sense of taste is mutable and has been distorted for corporate and industrial gain, and if they were to demand greater access to natural foods in their unprocessed state, then that journey towards a healthier future might be far less protracted than these and many other researchers seem to believe. References Bernstein, Adam, and Walter Willett. “Trends in 24-Hr Sodium Excretion in the United States, 1957–2003: A Systematic Review.” American Journal of Clinical Nutrition 92 (2010): 1172–1180. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust. The Higher Taste: A Guide to Gourmet Vegetarian Cooking and a Karma-Free Diet, over 60 Famous Hare Krishna Recipes. Botany, NSW: Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, 1987. Brinsden, Hannah C., Feng J. He, Katharine H. Jenner, & Graham A. MacGregor. “Surveys of the Salt Content in UK Bread: Progress Made and Further Reductions Possible.” British Medical Journal Open 3.6 (2013). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/3/6/e002936.full›. Coughlan, Andy. “In Good Taste.” New Scientist 2223 (2000): 11. Dare, Julie, Leesa Costello, and Lelia Green. “Nutritional Narratives: Examining Perspectives on Plant Based Diets in the Context of Dominant Western Discourse”. Proceedings of the 2013 Australian and New Zealand Communication Association Conference. Ed. In Terence Lee, Kathryn Trees, and Renae Desai. Fremantle, Western Australia, 3-5 Jul. 2013. 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.anzca.net/conferences/past-conferences/159.html›. Getz, Christy, and Aimee Shreck. “What Organic and Fair Trade Labels Do Not Tell Us: Towards a Place‐Based Understanding of Certification.” International Journal of Consumer Studies 30.5 (2006): 490–501. Glanz, Karen, Michael Basil, Edward Maibach, Jeanne Goldberg, & Dan Snyder. “Why Americans Eat What They Do: Taste, Nutrition, Cost, Convenience, and Weight Control Concerns as Influences on Food Consumption.” Journal of the American Dietetic Association 98.10 (1988): 1118–1126. Green, Lelia, Leesa Costello, and Julie Dare. “Veganism, Health Expectancy, and the Communication of Sustainability.” Australian Journal of Communication 37.3 (2010): 87–102 Guthman, Julie. Agrarian Dreams: the Paradox of Organic Farming in California. Berkley and Los Angeles, CA: U of California P, 2004 Guthrie, John, Anna Guthrie, Rob Lawson, & Alan Cameron. “Farmers’ Markets: The Small Business Counter-Revolution in Food Production and Retailing.” British Food Journal 108.7 (2006): 560–573. Hall, Colin Michael, and Liz Sharples. Eds. Food and Wine Festivals and Events Around the World: Development, Management and Markets. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2008. Hamzelou, Jessica. “Taste Bud Trickery Needed to Cut Salt Intake.” New Scientist 2799 (2011): 11. Japan Patent Office. History of Industrial Property Rights, Ten Japanese Great Inventors: Kikunae Ikeda: Sodium Glutamate. Tokyo: Japan Patent Office, 2002. L’Abbé, Mary R., S. Stender, C. M. Skeaff, Ghafoorunissa, & M. Tavella. “Approaches to Removing Trans Fats from the Food Supply in Industrialized and Developing Countries.” European Journal of Clinical Nutrition 63 (2009): S50–S67. Lenoir, Magalie, Fuschia Serre, Lauriane Cantin, & Serge H. Ahmed. “Intense Sweetness Surpasses Cocaine Reward.” PLOS One (2007). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0000698›. Lupton, Deborah. Fat. Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2013. MacGregor, Graham, and Sonia Pombo. “The Amount of Hidden Sugar in Your Diet Might Shock You.” The Conversation 9 January (2014). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://theconversation.com/the-amount-of-hidden-sugar-in-your-diet-might-shock-you-21867›. Mackeown, Elizabeth. “Cold Turkey?” [Letter]. New Scientist 2787 (2010): 31. Martindale, Diane. “Burgers on the Brain.” New Scientist 2380 (2003): 26–29. Mason, David, and Ian Knowd. “The Emergence of Urban Agriculture: Sydney, Australia.” The International Journal of Agricultural Sustainability 8.1–2 (2010): 62–71. Neal, Bruce, Jacqui Webster, and Sebastien Czernichow. “Sanguine About Salt Reduction.” European Journal of Preventative Cardiology 19.6 (2011): 1324–1325. Nelson, Greg, Jayaram Chandrashekar, Mark A. Hoon, Luxin Feng, Grace Zhao, Nicholas J. P. Ryba, & Charles S. Zuker. “An Amino-Acid Taste Receptor.” Nature 416 (2002): 199–202. O’Callaghan, Tiffany. “Sugar on Trial: What You Really Need to Know.” New Scientist 2954 (2011): 34–39. Rogers, Jenny. Ed. The Taste of Health: The BBC Guide to Healthy Cooking. London, UK: British Broadcasting Corporation, 1985. Rogers, Michael A. “Novel Structuring Strategies for Unsaturated Fats—Meeting the Zero-Trans, Zero-Saturated Fat Challenge: A Review.” Food Research International 42.7 August (2009): 747–753. Schlosser, Eric. Fast Food Nation. London, UK: Penguin, 2002. Super Size Me. Dir. Morgan Spurlock. Samuel Goldwyn Films, 2004. Stafford, Julie. Taste of Life. Richmond, Vic: Greenhouse Publications Ltd, 1983. Stark, Jill. “Australia Now World’s Fattest Nation.” The Age 20 June (2008). 2 Feb. 2014 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/news/health/australia-worlds-fattest-nation/2008/06/19/1213770886872.html›. Trivedi, Bijal. “Junkie Food: Tastes That Your Brain Cannot Resist.” New Scientist 2776 (2010): 38–41. Wang, Jiali, Silvana Obici, Kimyata Morgan, Nir Barzilai, Zhaohui Feng, & Luciano Rossetti. “Overfeeding Rapidly Increases Leptin and Insulin Resistance.” Diabetes 50.12 (2001): 2786–2791. Warin, Megan. “Foucault’s Progeny: Jamie Oliver and the Art of Governing Obesity.” Social Theory & Health 9.1 (2011): 24–40. Weber, Christopher L., and H. Scott Matthews. “Food-miles and the Relative Climate Impacts of Food Choices in the United States.” Environmental Science & Technology 42.10 (2008): 3508–3513. Wessell, Adele, and Donna Lee Brien. Eds. Rewriting the Menu: the Cultural Dynamics of Contemporary Food Choices. Special Issue 9, TEXT: Journal of Writing and Writing Programs October 2010. World Health Organisation. Closing the Gap: Policy into Practice on Social Determinants of Health [Discussion Paper]. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: World Conference on Social Determinants of Health, World Health Organisation, 19–21 October 2011.

The U.S. Constitution charges Congress with promoting ‘the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries.’ This is achieved through copyrights. The most common argument in favour of the distribution of exclusive copyrights is that they provide an incentive for artists and scientists to create their works. But, as I will show, the characteristics of intellectual objects (objects that can be copyrighted) can support the contradictory arguments that one, exclusive copyrights are necessary and two, that they should not exist at all. I conclude that the appropriate amount of copyright protection protects the incentive for producers to create while also defending the public’s right to a rich intellectual realm. This is sometimes termed ‘thin’ copyright protection. Thin copyright protection is far weaker than the current copyright regime. For instance, the Sonny Bono Copyright Extension Act of 1998 extended copyright protection to the life of the author plus 70 years, and in the case of works created by corporate entities the act extended protection to 95 years. This is a far cry from copyright’s original duration of 14 years (plus one possible renewal). It would be difficult to argue that these extensions provide any extra incentive for authors to create, while on the other hand they surely attack the public’s right to a robust intellectual realm. Therefore, the current copyright regime needs to be substantially weakened to a ‘thin’ level. To avoid confusion, I will call works that have the potential to be copyrighted ‘intellectual objects’ before they are copyrighted and use the term ‘copyrighted works’ for intellectual objects after they are copyrighted. Intellectual objects, however, are not objects in the ordinary sense of the word. The particular edition of a book (and the particular copy of a particular edition of a book) is not an intellectual object. It is merely a manifestation (or instance) of the intellectual object. The work, in the broadest sense, is the actual intellectual object. In other words, the manifestation of the work is not the intellectual object, but the work itself is. An individual book is an instantiation of the work, which is the actual intellectual object. Without delving too far into the ontology of artworks it is necessary for this discussion only to see that when talking about intellectual objects we are not talking about physical objects but about objects that can be instantiated in many locations. That is, intellectual objects can be reproduced without losing their intellectual value. Copyright discussions often begin with the incentive argument mentioned above. An incentive is needed to foster innovation because intellectual objects are non-rivalrous (with regards to consumption) and non-excludable before they are copyrighted. A non-rivalrous good is a good for which enjoyment of it by some agents does not diminish available opportunities for others to enjoy it as well. A non-excludable good, on the other hand, is a good for which it is not possible to prevent individuals (who do not own the good) from consuming it or partaking of the benefits of it (at a relatively low cost). Since intellectual objects are non-rivalrous and non-excludable there is good reason to believe that without copyright protection authors would reduce their production of intellectual objects. This is because without this protection there would be (arguably) no way for authors to receive compensation for their work and to recoup the costs that went into producing the intellectual object at hand. The fact that intellectual objects are non-rivalrous means that there is no reason why you and I cannot read the same book at the same time. My reading the same work that you are reading (as opposed to reading the same manifestation of the intellectual object) does not decrease your enjoyment in reading that book. That is, the fact that we are both reading Moby Dick in the same period of time does not diminish either of our utilities. This should be contrasted with rivalrous private goods. Take, for instance, a bag of potato chips that you have just bought from your local grocery store. If I eat all of your chips you can no longer derive pleasure from them and if you eat the chips I cannot derive pleasure from them. Rivalrous goods are marked by this relationship. One person’s full enjoyment of such a good disallows another person’s full enjoyment of a rivalrous good. Edwin Hettinger aptly explains the concept of non-rivalrousness in his essay ‘Justifying Intellectual Property’ by writing that intellectual objects are goods which ‘are not consumed by their use’ (34). Purely non-excludable goods are goods for which there is no way for one person to exclude another from their use or consumption. An example of a purely non-excludable good is the air. It is absolutely impossible for one to exclude another person from breathing the air (except perhaps by killing them). Yet, intellectual objects are not purely non-excludable but relatively non-excludable. This ‘relative’ non-excludability arises from the fact that a person can exclude another from the physical instantiation of an intellectual object s/he owns (where s/he owns the physical instantiation and not the intellectual object). That is, s/he can prevent another person from taking his/her copy of The Corrections. But s/he cannot exclude another from the intellectual object instantiated in the book. This is because a person’s copy of The Corrections is, in many ways, a piece of physical property and not of intellectual property. What I am concerned with here is intellectual property and thus with intellectual objects (what are later the copyrighted works). Copyrighted works are legally excludable, but it is still difficult to restrict their distribution. This means that they are quasi-non-excludable. That intellectual objects are non-rivalrous and non-excludable leads to two contradictory conclusions. The first argues that there is a very good justification for having strong copyright laws; namely that without strong copyright laws works that originally had great value will be copied by unauthorised entities who will sell the copied works for very little and will give none of it back to the author of the work. This means that the author will eventually have no financial incentive to create his/her works. However, these attributes of intellectual objects also mean that there is a very good for having weak (or thin) copyrights (or no copyrights at all). Since there is no reason why each person should not be able to possess all of the great works for a very cheap price (which having weak or short copyrights would ensure). This is especially true given the fact that the entire reasoning for having copyrights at all (in this line of argument) is to ensure the progress of science and the arts which presumably are meant to belong to every citizen of the United States. The first branch of this tension could be called the producer’s conclusion and the second could be called the consumer’s conclusion. If we believe the first conclusion we will have to side with producers over consumers, whereas if we believe the second we will have to side with consumers over producers. These contradictory results both follow from the fact that intellectual works are non-rivalrous and non-excludable. Since they are non-rivalrous and non-excludable there is every reason to leave them that way (that is, not to have copyrights) as it benefits the public but for the same reason there is every reason to have strong copyrights so that authors will create intellectual works in the future. Hettinger notes that the justification for copyright at this level is paradoxical. ‘It establishes a right to restrict the current availability and use of intellectual products for the purpose of increasing the production and thus future availability and use of new intellectual products’ (48). That is, the logic is that you’ll get more intellectual objects if you limit the current availability of intellectual objects. Law Professor and copyright specialist Paul Goldstein summarises this argument in his book Copyright’s Highway when he writes, ‘since copyright allows creators and publishers of literary and artistic works to charge a price for gaining access to these works, the inescapable effect is to withhold the work from people who will not or cannot pay that price, even though giving them free access would harm no one else’ (176). But this is only one side of the tension, to elucidate the other side which Goldstein subscribes to, he writes that ‘if society withholds property rights from creative work, the price that its producers can charge for access to it will begin to approach zero; their revenues will diminish and, with them, their incentives to produce more’ (177). So we are left with this tension that must be duly dealt with by policy makers. In light of the tension we should measure copyright protection by both of its poles. These poles correspond in the first case to the author’s rights and in the second to the consumer’s rights. The best copyright protection will accept what both sets of rights demand to the extent that it can, but when it cannot it will side with the user since the set of users more or less corresponds to the public at large. (We are all users of intellectual objects but are not all authors of them.) What this means for enacting copyright policies is that copyright protection should exist, but it should exist no more than is necessary for promoting the arts and sciences. That is, copyrights should be seen as incentives to create, not property rights. The fact that there are incentives will please authors and the fact that they are limited (through broad fair use exemptions, a healthy distinction between ideas and expressions, and having copyright protections for a relatively short period of time) will please users. All in all this is the best way of seeing our way through the tension at the heart of copyright law. In terms of the enactment of the law, copyright laws should be limited in duration and scope. First, copyright protection should not last for 70 years plus the life of the author, which is too long to justify in terms of providing an incentive for authors to create. Second, fair use provisions for copying parts of works should be broadened and minor infractions (such as private copying, regardless of the difficulties in defining what ‘private’ means) should not be prosecuted since small amounts of copying do not encroach on the effectiveness of the incentive for authors to create. Third, the idea/expression distinction should be strongly and vigorously maintained. While all of these changes appear on the surface to be siding with the public over authors, the fact that copyright protection exists at all is obviously to the author’s advantage. Thus, these changes constitute a copyright regime that is more beneficial to all, authors and public included. References Bell, Tom W. “Diagram of ‘The Paths of Intellectual Property’.” http://www.tomwbell.com/teaching/Prop_Paths.pdf>. Goldstein, Paul. Copyright’s Highway. From Gutenberg to the Celestial Jukebox (rev. ed.). Stanford, Calif.: Stanford UP, 2003. Hettinger, Edwin. “Justifying Intellectual Property.” Philosophy and Public Affairs 18 (1989): 31-52. Morgan, Scott. “Columbus Farmers Market Contemplates Countersuing Recording Industry Association of America, Which Is Suing Market over Pirated Music.” Packet Online 16 Oct. 2003. http://www.zwire.com/site/news.cfm?BRD=1091&dept_id=425707&newsid=10328460&PAG=461&rfi=9>. Samuels, Edward. “The Idea-Expression Dichotomy in Copyright Law.” 56 Tenn. L. Rev. 321 (1989). ’ Vaidhyanathan, Siva. Copyrights and Copywrongs: The Rise of Intellectual Property and How It Threatens Creativity. New York, NY: New York UP, 2001. Note A basic discussion of public goods can be found at http://www.pitt.edu/~upjecon/MCG/MICRO/GOVT/Pubgood.html>. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Raven, Francis. "Copyright and Public Goods: An Argument for Thin Copyright Protection." M/C Journal 8.3 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/06-raven.php>. APA Style Raven, F. (Jul. 2005) "Copyright and Public Goods: An Argument for Thin Copyright Protection," M/C Journal, 8(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/06-raven.php>.

The Big Pineapple, Big Banana, the Big Potato , Australia positively groans under the weight of big things littered along the highway like jokes awaiting their punch-lines. These commercial road-side enterprises are a constant source of bemusement among Australians and this paper seeks to explore the attraction of the gargantuan and why Australians consider big things to be so funny. Discovering that big things not only give form to national icons but also celebrate the nation's tendency to larrikinism and the associated sardonic, ironic and anti-establishment humour, we are left to consider the role big things may play in the Australian national psyche and how their function as low art turns their collectivity into some strange, impulsive attempt at establishing a system of totems that comes to terms with this big land and its contested ownership. Historically big things like the Colossus of Rhodes, the Pyramids or the Great Wall of China have been physical manifestations of empire and dominion. No laughing matter. But in the United States from the 1920s, particularly in Southern California, we begin to see a profusion of "roadside vernacular architecture" including a big coffee percolator, a big pig, a big corn ear, a big teapot, a big Spanish dancer, a big duck, a big fish and many big hot dogs and big chilli bowls (Heimann and Georges). "Imaginana" is another way to conceptualise these strange forms of cultural production that replicate familiar, safe everyday items (Amdur 12). Early big things, particularly in the United States, had a clearly pragmatic function: to lure car-bound consumers off the highways and into local commercial enterprises with simple, one-to-one signification bringing function to form and high art to low purposes (Gebhard 14). The aim of these big things was to shock, startle and amuse the passing motorist and they took on a humourous edge due to the incongruity of scale and the surreal surprise of reality warping out of all proportion. While big things have a commercial purpose they achieve that purpose because they can be read playfully, always reminding us of the paradox they entail: they act dualistically as both the media and the message, both the referent and the real (Barcan 38). Reading big things as jokes in Freudian terms, we see how they may be eruptions of the unconscious into the mundane (Krahn 158). The first big thing in Australia was the Big Banana, built in Coffs Harbour by an American entomologist, John Landi (Negus). From that time on Australia has had a quirky relationship with big things. The banana is innately funny. The bent phallus, the unique shape, the skin as the standard slapstick cue to pratfall; everything about the banana is an invitation to laugh. Soon the banana was emulated by other funny produce such as the pineapple, the prawn and the lobster and within a decade monstrous agricultural products proliferated beside Australian highways regardless of their innate humour. They were joined by a variety of iconic figures, usually with an obvious connection such as the Big Penguin at the town of Penguin. Big things reinforce notions of national and regional identity: on the national level Australia is portrayed as a land of plenty, a fact emphasized by the sheer vastness of these creations; regionally, these totems function as identity markers and place makers (Barcan 31). Many big things were constructed by migrants and thus can be interpreted as optimistic acts of home making in the vast emptiness of the continent (Barcan 36). There is concern that big things obscure, or even obliterate, the history of regions and the whole continent: the incarcerations, land-grabbing, labour conflicts, corruption and failure. Instead it could be argued that big thing function to both signpost white history and subvert it at the same time: the Big Ned Kelly calling for revolution, the big goldminer looking ever expectant and ever disappointed, the Big Captain Cook in Cairns giving what appears to be a Nazi salute, all point to a larrikin refusal to take the brief and minor white history too seriously. The Australian larrikin sense of humour is mischievous, depreciatory and anti-authoritarian. This sense of humour arises from certain characteristics of the Australian "legend" identified by Ward such as scepticism, egalitarianism and derision towards affectation that are evident in larrikins' confrontations with authority, elaborate practical jokes on each other and the community at large and a "propensity for vulgarising the arts" (Reekie 97). This larrikinism is evident in the way dangerous nuisances (the big crocodile, the big red back spider) and mundane objects (the big jam tin, the big stubby holder, the big mower) are given the same treatment as national icons. There is also the variability of effort and attention to detail, where Aussie "ingenuity" and bush carpentry have been used to turn a good idea into reality in the shortest possible time to produce a very impressionist big koala or just the blob of concrete that is the big strawberry. Ignatius Jones explains: "get your local surfboard maker to cast you a giant prawn in fibreglass and you end up with the cicada that ate Yamba" (Negus). The early documentation of Australian big things was also carried out in a larrikin spirit (Amdur) including the claim that big things are part of an alien conspiracy to make us feel small (Stockwell). Every big thing requires a visionary, a postmodern artist with the passion and the obsession to realise their vision. It is a form of low art, a form of trash culture. But to many who do not frequent galleries and museums, low art is their available form of art and thus becomes their actual art. City planners and the upper middle class tend to denigrate these structures so at odds with their images of beautiful cities, so blatantly bastions of commercialism and so big that they run the risk of obscuring and obliterating real art (Gerbhard 25). Big things are criticised as ugly, kitsch, tacky and giving a wrong impression of a town. There are further concerns that big things allow the tourist to learn without knowing by presenting only one side of the story (Cross 51) and that they make observers minuscule in their presence, dominating the landscape and the attention of tourists (Krahn 165). But looking beyond the aesthetics of the individual instance it becomes apparent that big things also function as a network (Barcan 32), inviting the tourist along the highway of "the arrested fairground (in the) oxymoron of movement" (Krahn 157), offering the hyperreal adventure of collecting the experience, and small mementos, of more big things (Eco 1986). Big things are carnival, inverting social rules, promising some weird utopia (Krahn 171). As a collectivity, the larger psycho-political and metaphysical roles of big things become apparent. For Australia, the crucial question big things raise is the nature of our relationship with the land. Most of white Australia, huddled in cities on the seaboard, has a fear of the empty space at the heart of the continent. Big things are an attempt to assert that the settlers can match the dimensions of the land as, community by community, we write ourselves upon the land. The problem that big things highlight rather than obscure, the problem that can never be sublimated, that constantly erupts from the collective unconscious is that the ownership of the land remains contested, sometimes in the courts, sometimes in the streets, but most importantly in the hearts and dreams of the whole Australian people. All this land once had its own indigenous stories and big things may be seen as a pathetic attempt to replace, re-define and retell those stories by the interlopers now living on the land. "...Big things work allegorically, effacing, most notably, Aboriginal definitions of regional, tribal, spiritual, linguistic or other space" (Barcan 37). There is a sense in which big things are white trash barely obscuring black deaths (Nyoongah 12-14). But like a student's job-work over an old master's self portrait, big things invite us to peek through to the real totems of this land, totems enshrined in the creation myths of the indigenous dreaming. This is big things' contribution to the reconciliation process, to remind us of the fragile hold of white Australia on the land and to demand respect for the stories big things seek to displace. And that is the real big thing for white Australia in the reconciliation process, to accept these stories as our own so the land owns us. This is a much bigger leap than just saying sorry but in some strange way it has already commenced in the massive, mega-fauna that even now are rising from the land like the harbingers of a new dreamtime. A number of authors complain that, intentionally or otherwise, big things exclude indigenous flora and fauna and suggest that this points to a denial of history (Amdur 13, Barcan 36). But in recent years there has been a flood of big indigenous icons, many owned by indigenous corporations: big koalas, big kangaroos, big crocodiles, big bunyips and big barramundi. There is still the potential for indigenous artists to turn the joke around by creating big ancestral beings including rainbow serpents and the like. As Krahn (163) says: "I fear there must have been a Big Aboriginal Elder somewhere, gazing wistfully from the edge of town. But why a chicken?" Works Cited Amdur, Mark. It Really Is A Big Country . Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1981. Barcan, Ruth. "Big Things: Consumer Totemism and Serial Monumentality." Linq 23.2 (1996): 31-39. Cane Toad Collective. "Big Things." Cane Toad Times 1 1983: 18-23. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality. San Diego: Harcourt Brace, 1986. Gebhard, David. "Introduction." California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . Eds. Jim Heimann and Rip Georges. San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. 11-25. Heimann, Jim and Rip Georges. California Crazy: Roadside Vernacular Architecture . San Francisco: Chronicle, 1985. Krahn, Uli "The Arrested Fairground, or, Big Things as Oxymoron of Movement." Antithesis 13 (2002): 157-176. Negus, George, "Big Things", New Dimensions (In Time) . 21 July 2003. 26 September 2003 < http://www.abc.net.au/dimensions/dimensions_in_time/Transcripts/2003_default.htm >. Nyoongah, Janine Little. "'Unsinkable' Big Things: Spectacle, Race, and Class through Elvis, Titanic, O.J. and Sumo." Overland 148 (1997): 12-15. Reekie, Gail. "Nineteenth-Century Urbanization." Australian Studies: A Survey. Ed. James Walter. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Stockwell, Stephen. "Cairns Collossi." Cane Toad Times 2 1984: 21. Ward, Russel. The Australian Legend . Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989. Links http://members.ozemail.com.au/~arundell/bigthing.htm http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm http://www.general.uwa.edu.au/u/rpinna/big/big_things_intro.html http://www.bigthings.com.au/ http://www.alphalink.com.au/~richardb/page4.htm Citation reference for this article MLA Style Stockwell, Stephen & Carlisle, Bethany. "Big Things" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>. APA Style Stockwell, S. & Carlisle, B. (2003, Nov 10). Big Things. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0311/6-stockwell-carlisle-big-things.php>

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. New York: Routledge, 1997. 67-79.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication with master butcher Ed Hick. 15 Apr. 2002.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication concerning pig killing. 5 Sep. 2010.Jackson, K. H. Ed. Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies, 1990.Joyce, James. The Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, London: Granada, 1977.Keane, John B. Strong Tea. Cork: Mercier Press, 1963.Kinsella, Thomas. The Táin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970.Lafferty, S., Commins, P. and Walsh, J. A. Irish Agriculture in Transition: A Census Atlas of Agriculture in the Republic of Ireland. Dublin: Teagasc, 1999.Mac Con Iomaire, Liam. Ireland of the Proverb. Dublin: Town House, 1988.Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín and Pádraic Óg Gallagher. "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture."Journal of Culinary Science and Technology 7.2-3 (2009): 1-16.Mahon, Bríd. Land of Milk and Honey: The Story of Traditional Irish Food and Drink. Cork:Mercier, 1998.Meindertsma, Christien. PIG 05049 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 http://www.christienmeindertsma.com.Ó Conaill, Seán. Seán Ó Conaill's Book. Bailie Átha Cliath: Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1981.Sexton, Regina. A Little History of Irish Food. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1998.Sharkey, Olive. Old Days Old Ways: An Illustrated Folk History of Ireland. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1985.S.I. 153, 1985 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatutebook.ie/1985/en/si/0153.htmlS.I. 133, 1987 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatuebook.ie/1987/en/si/0133.htmlTuite, Pat. Personal Communication with Pat Tuite, Chief Pig Advisor, Teagasc. 3 May 2002.Whittemore, Colin T. and Ilias Kyriazakis. Whitmore's Science and Practice of Pig Production 3rdEdition. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006.

When you sit down to eat your delicious meal, it's better that you don't know that most of what you are eating came off a plane from Miami. And before it got on a plane in Miami, who knows where it came from? A good guess is that it came from a place like Antigua first, where it was grown dirt-cheap, went to Miami, and came back. There is a world of something in this, but I can't go into it right now.-- Jamaica Kincaid (14) The exhibit of Argentinean Art that recently travelled to the Phoenix Art Museum in the United States, Cantos Paralelos: Visual Parody in Contemporary Argentinean Art1, features the works of nine contemporary artists, among them Victor Grippo, whose fascination with food pairs economy and chemistry, politics and psychology. Three of his works in the exhibition are particularly interesting to students of food and culture who wish to appreciate art which reveals the structures that become relevant when one begins to consider the larger cultural implications of food: Analogy IV2, The Baker's Little Case3, and The Artist's Dinner4. These works explore presences and absences and so call attention to processes by which the existence of an object outside of the self is established as processes of "othering", as processes involved discursively with food. The art of Victor Grippo exists, on one hand, as a representation of the "other", and, on the other hand, it participates in the structuring of that representation. It is thus made to be a representation of the process of "othering". His art, in other words, creates what it would represent. While Grippo questions the process by which discourse on food becomes discourse on the "other" -- and while he leaves us to understand that the movement from one to the other is itself a process of "othering" involving food and the self -- he presents us with a perspective on how this transformation could occur, suggesting that it is the effect of heat, the effect of the application of excessive heat, a technique of "blackening". NVictor Grippo's sculptural instalments using objects from everyday life encourage a new attention to the relationship between product and process in the making of art and food. Grippo plays with the existence of the work of art as "not-quite-product" through references to the Dada movement in the use of "ready-mades", found objects and everyday materials. In refusing to enter into a hierarchical system that informs the choice of artistic product represented, Grippo rethinks the relationship between product and process in the making both of food and art by simply choosing to valorise process. His work specifically addresses the tension between product and process in food manufacturing through the use of food objects in varying states where the effects of the process, baking or cooking, are visible -- a burnt loaf of bread in The Baker's Little Case, and in The Artist's Dinner, the comparison established, between a dried kernel of corn, a kernel of popped corn to whose initial state a little heat has been applied, and a burnt kernel of corn which has been heated too much and has thereby not been able to "pop". The clue to decoding the transformative process invoked by Grippo's The Artist's Dinner is that it is self-reflexive; it has to do with discourse itself. InThe Artist's Dinner, an installation containing plates of food on a table, Grippo combines object and text on one of the plates with the following equation that alternates between object and script: dried corn kernel (actual object on the plate) "+ heat =" piece of popcorn (actual object on the plate); dried corn kernel (object...) "+ excessive heat =" a burnt corn kernel (object...). While this "not-quite-product" is displayed as object -- we have the presentation of what is on the plate as a product like the other food items that sit on the other plates, but what is on this plate is actually the recipe for a process -- it makes manifest the process involved in the transformed food and which also makes apparent a demonisation of "blackness" that bases itself on ideas about form and function: the extreme case of heat application which results in blackness also results in a product that is unable to be consumed, and in relation to the object preceding it, a product that is wasteful. It is the sum of the visual and the textual, the visual effects of the heating process on the object combined with the listing of the elemental ingredients that make up the object, that offers itself as the discursive space in Grippo's works such as The Artist's Dinner and The Baker's Little Case. Victor Grippo has found a visual recipe for conveying the plasticity of the transformation of energy that occurs as energy crosses borders. This observation is applicable to food substances as well as to cultural substances which food comes to signify (a transformative process in itself). Grippo has found this recipe in his fascination with the effects of heat on various substances, how what we know as an element is altered, made "other" by heat. Societal politics are related to how food signifies cultural identity and it is social critique that ties other elements in Grippo's work together so that the process of transformation that is represented in his pieces is understood as a process of making "other", of "othering" in the cultural sphere. Grippo's work is a graphic (plastic) discourse on the nature of how the addition of heat works in a system of "othering", how discourses on food that would otherwise seem innocuous could be transformed when under "fire", that is, how extremes of process, when put into question, actually reveal cultural "othering". In both the context of the exhibition and in Argentina's larger political context, his perspective is from the "other's" side, as he who has been "othered". Victor Grippo, discussing the influence that his parents' lives had on his work, describes his experience of artistic development in the following terms: "a ceaseless clarity informed my curiosity, my search for a meaning: a path out of darkness towards a glimmer of light" (qtd. in Ramírez 224). His project verges on a confrontation with the notion of demonising that which is dark by associating what is dark with what is "other". The food items present in his work produce a critique of the Argentinean economy and class structure -- the foods are those of the poor: potatoes, eggs, bread -- as well as a critique of the place of the artist in Argentinean society: the sparse dinner is that of the artist, but the table is, in effect, empty, except for the viewer who does not partake but who just passes through the art exhibit. The emptiness of this set table evokes the mass disappearances of Argentinean citizens and intellectuals who have come to be known as "Los Desaparecidos" ("The Disappeared") and who are "present" as a recurring theme in the exhibition: whose presence is produced by the process of showing them to be absent, or of symbolically "othering". Grippo's articulation of the importance of food in constructing selfhood on a national scale and the importance of food in denying selfhood to those we wish to "other" on an international scale is countered by his choice of foods to include in the installations which acts as an examination of identity on a personal level: Grippo's parents were immigrants from Italy who settled in the province of Junín and whom Grippo refers to in this respect as "'eaters of garlic and onion' (and potatoes)" (qtd. in Ramírez 221, 224). His use of the potato is also symbolic of a larger identity that makes reference to the history of colonisation by the Europeans: the potato is native to the Americas and it was only introduced to Europe as a result of the Conquest. Grippo's vision of the process by which food becomes consciousness is an "en-lightening" vision of discourse as a process that transforms food into identity, and thus, by unmasking processes of "othering" food Grippo unmasks processes of "othering" identity. By exceeding the limits of a process by which a substance is transformed (i.e. through the application of too much "heat"), the product can be destroyed. He displays this with items of food in order to simultaneously display how the subjectivity, the identity of certain peoples can be destroyed. It is here that the ethics of Grippo's graphics comes "to light" in the sense of coming to be understood, as well as in the sense of being developed out of how he approaches heat, for the heating process itself remains invisible, its presence only invoked by the visible product, only apparent in the contrast between the piece of popcorn and the dried kernel of corn next to it; done even to "excess" the heating process remains invisible, however its presence is accused by the state of the product, in the display of the burnt corn kernel. The passage at the beginning of this text from Jamaica Kincaid's A Small Place talks about the power and the processes of transformation involved in the movement of food across borders. In this passage Kincaid echoes the dynamic found in the work of Victor Grippo, but where Grippo deals on an individual and national level, Kincaid takes an international approach. This larger scale that operates in A Small Place only reinforces the ideological nature of the dynamic played out in the works of both Grippo and Kincaid: the nature of the process of this transformation is driven by -- while at the same time it reproduces -- a system of political power that refuses to be made present in discourse that seeks to target it. It is this system to which Kincaid refers when she speaks of the "world of something" that is inherent in the global movement of food but which she cannot articulate; although it is this system that participates in processes of "othering", the system itself also remains "other". Grippo contributes to an understanding of this political system in attempting to pin down the contexts concerned by the movement of energy across borders: whether those borders are between the territories of self and other, between interior and exterior, or between the contrasted states of a product that has undergone a transformation. It is in the physical representations of these transformations into "other" that Grippo suggests a genealogy of discourse on how products refer to the processes that made them; how, whether it be in regard to food or in regard to the cultural "other", the effects of a process can be traced but the particulars of it remain hidden. Grippo's contribution reminds us what is lost through process. He reminds us that political and ideological processes, if taken to extreme limits, consume the very object they sought to produce. It is perhaps in the precarious balance between a consciousness of identity and an awareness of the object which represents it, as evidenced in Victor Grippo's work, that we are to find a recipe for undoing the process of making "other". Footnotes 1. The exhibition catalogue written by Mari Carmen Ramírez is available from Amazon.Com, and from the University of Texas Press, http://ftp.cc.utexas.edu/utpress/books/ramcap.html. The University of Texas has a website devoted to the exhibit, http://www.utexas.edu/cofa/hag/cantos2.html, and the Phoenix Art Museum's on-line archives of past exhibitions also has a site at http://www.phxart.org/index_events.html. 2. Analogy IV is a table where one half is covered by a white cloth and the other half is covered by a black cloth. On the white side there is a porcelain plate with three potatoes on it; there is a metal fork on one side of the plate and a metal knife on the other. The black side of the table repeats the same scene but in Plexiglas: there is a Plexiglas dish on which are three Plexiglas "potatoes" and which is flanked by a Plexiglas fork and knife set. 3. The Baker's Little Case (Homage to Marcel Duchamp) is a Plexiglas case containing a partial loaf of burnt bread. Underneath the bread is the title followed by the word equation: "flour + water + heat (excessive)". The case is a reference to Duchamp's use of the "valise" in his own work. 4. The Artist's Dinner consists of a large table with five stools seen through (or around) the frame of an open doorway and on which are placed four ceramic plates with food on them, and one empty plate. References Counihan, Carole, and Penny Van Esterik. Food and Culture: A Reader. New York: Routledge, 1997. De Certeau, Michel. Heterologies: Discourse on the Other. (Theory and History of Literature vol. 17.) Trans. Brian Massumi. Minneapolis, Minnesota: U of Minneapolis P, 1986. Kincaid, Jamaica. A Small Place. New York: Plume, 1988. Lakoff, George, and Mark Johnson. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1980. Ramírez, Mari Carmen. Cantos Paralelos: Visual Parody in Contemporary Argentinean Art. University of Texas at Austin: Jack S. Blanton Museum of Art, 1999. Scapp, Ron, and Brian Seitz, eds. Eating Culture. Albany: State U of New York P, 1998. Todorov, Tzvetan. The Conquest of America. Trans. Richard Howard. New York: Harper, 1984. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Lynn Houston. "A Recipe for 'Blackened "Other"': Process and Product in the Work of Victor Grippo." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/grippo.php>. Chicago style: Lynn Houston, "A Recipe for 'Blackened "Other"': Process and Product in the Work of Victor Grippo," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/grippo.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Lynn Houston. (1999) A recipe for "blackened 'other'": process and product in the work of Victor Grippo. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/grippo.php> ([your date of access]).

Introduction The accelerometer seems, at first, both advanced and dated, both too complex and not complex enough. It sits in our video game controllers and our smartphones allowing us to move beyond mere button presses into immersive experiences where the motion of the hand is directly translated into the motion on the screen, where our flesh is transformed into the flesh of a superhero. Or at least that was the promise in 2005. Since then, motion control has moved from a promised revitalization of the video game industry to a not-quite-good-enough gimmick that all games use but none use well. Rogers describes the diffusion of innovation, as an invention or technology comes to market, in five phases: First, innovators will take risks with a new invention. Second, early adopters will establish a market and lead opinion. Third, the early majority shows that the product has wide appeal and application. Fourth, the late majority adopt the technology only after their skepticism has been allayed. Finally the laggards adopt the technology only when no other options are present (62). Not every technology makes it through the diffusion, however, and there are many who have never warmed to the accelerometer-controlled video game. Once an innovation has moved into the mainstream, additional waves of innovation may take place, when innovators or early adopters may find new uses for existing technology, and bring these uses into the majority. This is the case with the accelerometer that began as an airbag trigger and today is used for measuring and augmenting human motion, from dance to health (Walter 84). In many ways, gestural control of video games, an augmentation technology, was an interlude in the advancement of motion control. History In the early 1920s, bulky proofs-of-concept were produced that manipulated electrical voltage levels based on the movement of a probe, many related to early pressure or force sensors. The relationships between pressure, force, velocity and acceleration are well understood, but development of a tool that could measure one and infer the others was a many-fronted activity. Each of these individual sensors has its own specific application and many are still in use today, as pressure triggers, reaction devices, or other sensor-based interactivity, such as video games (Latulipe et al. 2995) and dance (Chu et al. 184). Over the years, the probes and devices became smaller and more accurate, and eventually migrated to the semiconductor, allowing the measurement of acceleration to take place within an almost inconsequential form-factor. Today, accelerometer chips are in many consumer devices and athletes wear battery-powered wireless accelerometer bracelets that report their every movement in real-time, a concept unimaginable only 20 years ago. One of the significant initial uses for accelerometers was as a sensor for the deployment of airbags in automobiles (Varat and Husher 1). The sensor was placed in the front bumper, detecting quick changes in speed that would indicate a crash. The system was a significant advance in the safety of automobiles, and followed Rogers’ diffusion through to the point where all new cars have airbags as a standard component. Airbags, and the accelerometers which allow them to function fast enough to save lives, are a ubiquitous, commoditized technology that most people take for granted, and served as the primary motivating factor for the mass-production of silicon-based accelerometer chips. On 14 September 2005, a device was introduced which would fundamentally alter the principal market for accelerometer microchips. The accelerometer was the ADXL335, a small, low-power, 3-Axis device capable of measuring up to 3g (1g is the acceleration due to gravity), and the device that used this accelerometer was the Wii remote, also called the Wiimote. Developed by Nintendo and its holding companies, the Wii remote was to be a defining feature of Nintendo’s 7th-generation video game console, in direct competition with the Xbox 360 and the Playstation 3. The Wii remote was so successful that both Microsoft and Sony added motion control to their platforms, in the form of the accelerometer-based “dual shock” controller for the Playstation, and later the Playstation Move controller; as well as an integrated accelerometer in the Xbox 360 controller and the later release of the Microsoft Kinect 3D motion sensing camera. Simultaneously, computer manufacturing companies saw a different, more pedantic use of the accelerometer. The primary storage medium in most computers today is the Hard Disk Drive (HDD), a set of spinning platters of electro-magnetically stored information. Much like a record player, the HDD contains a “head” which sweeps back and forth across the platter, reading and writing data. As computers changed from desktops to laptops, people moved their computers more often, and a problem arose. If the HDD inside a laptop was active when the laptop was moved, the read head might touch the surface of the disk, damaging the HDD and destroying information. Two solutions were implemented: vibration dampening in the manufacturing process, and the use of an accelerometer to detect motion. When the laptop is bumped, or dropped, the hard disk will sense the motion and immediately park the head, saving the disk and the valuable data inside. As a consequence of laptop computers and Wii remotes using accelerometers, the market for these devices began to swing from their use within car airbag systems toward their use in computer systems. And with an accelerometer in every computer, it wasn’t long before clever programmers began to make use of the information coming from the accelerometer for more than just protecting the hard drive. Programs began to appear that would use the accelerometer within a laptop to “lock” it when the user was away, invoking a loud noise like a car alarm to alert passers-by to any potential theft. Other programmers began to use the accelerometer as a gaming input, and this was the beginning of gesture control and the augmentation of human motion. Like laptops, most smartphones and tablets today have accelerometers included among their sensor suite (Brezmes et al. 796). These accelerometers strictly a user-interface tool, allowing the phone to re-orient its interface based on how the user is holding it, and allowing the user to play games and track health information using the phone. Many other consumer electronic devices use accelerometers, such as digital cameras for image stabilization and landscape/portrait orientation. Allowing a device to know its relative orientation and motion provides a wide range of augmentation possibilities. The Language of Measuring Motion When studying accelerometers, their function, and applications, a critical first step is to examine the language used to describe these devices. As the name implies, the accelerometer is a device which measures acceleration, however, our everyday connotation of this term is problematic at best. In colloquial language, we say “accelerate” when we mean “speed up”, but this is, in fact, two connotations removed from the physical property being measured by the device, and we must unwrap these layers of meaning before we can understand what is being measured. Physicists use the term “accelerate” to mean any change in velocity. It is worth reminding ourselves that velocity (to the physicists) is actually a pair of quantities: a speed coupled with a direction. Given this definition, when an object changes velocity (accelerates), it can be changing its speed, its direction, or both. So a car can be said to be accelerating when speeding up, slowing down, or even turning while maintaining a speed. This is why the accelerometer could be used as an airbag sensor in the first place. The airbags should deploy when a car suddenly changes velocity in any direction, including getting faster (due to being hit from behind), getting slower (from a front impact crash) or changing direction (being hit from the side). It is because of this ability to measure changes in velocity that accelerometers have come into common usage for laptop drop sensors and video game motion controllers. But even this understanding of accelerometers is incomplete. Because of the way that accelerometers are constructed, they actually measure “proper acceleration” within the context of a relativistic frame of reference. Discussing general relativity is beyond the scope of this paper, but it is sufficient to describe a relativistic frame of reference as one in which no forces are felt. A familiar example is being in orbit around the planet, when astronauts (and their equipment) float freely in space. A state of “free-fall” is one in which no forces are felt, and this is the only situation in which an accelerometer reads 0 acceleration. Since most of us are not in free-fall most of the time, any accelerometers in devices in normal use do not experience 0 proper acceleration, even when apparently sitting still. This is, of course, because of the force due to gravity. An accelerometer sitting on a table experiences 1g of force from the table, acting against the gravitational acceleration. This non-zero reading for a stationary object is the reason that accelerometers can serve a second (and, today, much more common) use: measuring orientation with respect to gravity. Gravity and Tilt Accelerometers typically measure forces with respect to three linear dimensions, labeled x, y, and z. These three directions orient along the axes of the accelerometer chip itself, with x and y normally orienting along the long faces of the device, and the z direction often pointing through the face of the device. Relative motion within a gravity field can easily be inferred assuming that the only force acting on the device is gravity. In this case, the single force is distributed among the three axes depending on the orientation of the device. This is how personal smartphones and video game controllers are able to use “tilt” control. When held in a natural position, the software extracts the relative value on all three axes and uses that as a reference point. When the user tilts the device, the new direction of the gravitational acceleration is then compared to the reference value and used to infer the tilt. This can be done hundreds of times a second and can be used to control and augment any aspect of the user experience. If, however, gravity is not the only force present, it becomes more difficult to infer orientation. Another common use for accelerometers is to measure physical activity like walking steps. In this case, it is the forces on the accelerometer from each footfall that are interpreted to measure fitness features. Tilt is unreliable in this circumstance because both gravity and the forces from the footfall are measured by the accelerometer, and it is impossible to separate the two forces from a single measurement. Velocity and Position A second common assumption with accelerometers is that since they can measure acceleration (rate of change of velocity), it should be possible to infer the velocity. If the device begins at rest, then any measured acceleration can be interpreted as changes to the velocity in some direction, thus inferring the new velocity. Although this is theoretically possible, real-world factors come in to play which prevent this from being realized. First, the assumption of beginning from a state of rest is not always reasonable. Further, if we don’t know whether the device is moving or not, knowing its acceleration at any moment will not help us to determine it’s new speed or position. The most important real-world problem, however, is that accelerometers typically show small variations even when the object is at rest. This is because of inaccuracies in the way that the accelerometer itself is interpreted. In normal operation, these small changes are ignored, but when trying to infer velocity or position, these little errors will quickly add up to the point where any inferred velocity or position would be unreliable. A common solution to these problems is in the combination of devices. Many new smartphones combine an accelerometer and a gyroscopes (a device which measures changes in rotational inertia) to provide a sensing system known as an IMU (Inertial measurement unit), which makes the readings from each more reliable. In this case, the gyroscope can be used to directly measure tilt (instead of inferring it from gravity) and this tilt information can be subtracted from the accelerometer reading to separate out the motion of the device from the force of gravity. Augmentation Applications in Health, Gaming, and Art Accelerometer-based devices have been used extensively in healthcare (Ward et al. 582), either using the accelerometer within a smartphone worn in the pocket (Yoshioka et al. 502) or using a standalone accelerometer device such as a wristband or shoe tab (Paradiso and Hu 165). In many cases, these devices have been used to measure specific activity such as swimming, gait (Henriksen et al. 288), and muscular activity (Thompson and Bemben 897), as well as general activity for tracking health (Troiano et al. 181), both in children (Stone et al. 136) and the elderly (Davis and Fox 581). These simple measurements are the first step in allowing athletes to modify their performance based on past activity. In the past, athletes would pour over recorded video to analyze and improve their performance, but with accelerometer devices, they can receive feedback in real time and modify their own behaviour based on these measurements. This augmentation is a competitive advantage but could be seen as unfair considering the current non-equal access to computer and electronic technology, i.e. the digital divide (Buente and Robbin 1743). When video games were augmented with motion controls, many assumed that this would have a positive impact on health. Physical activity in children is a common concern (Treuth et al. 1259), and there was a hope that if children had to move to play games, an activity that used to be considered a problem for health could be turned into an opportunity (Mellecker et al. 343). Unfortunately, the impact of children playing motion controlled video games has been less than successful. Although fitness games have been created, it is relatively easy to figure out how to activate controls with the least possible motion, thereby nullifying any potential benefit. One of the most interesting applications of accelerometers, in the context of this paper, is the application to dance-based video games (Brezmes et al. 796). In these systems, participants wear devices originally intended for health tracking in order to increase the sensitivity and control options for dance. This has evolved both from the use of accelerometers for gestural control in video games and for measuring and augmenting sport. Researchers and artists have also recently used accelerometers to augment dance systems in many ways (Latulipe et al. 2995) including combining multiple sensors (Yang et al. 121), as discussed above. Conclusions Although more and more people are using accelerometers in their research and art practice, it is significant that there is a lack of widespread knowledge about how the devices actually work. This can be seen in the many art installations and sports research studies that do not take full advantage of the capabilities of the accelerometer, or infer information or data that is unreliable because of the way that accelerometers behave. This lack of understanding of accelerometers also serves to limit the increased utilization of this powerful device, specifically in the context of augmentation tools. Being able to detect, analyze and interpret the motion of a body part has significant applications in augmentation that are only starting to be realized. The history of accelerometers is interesting and varied, and it is worthwhile, when exploring new ideas for applications of accelerometers, to be fully aware of the previous uses, current trends and technical limitations. It is clear that applications of accelerometers to the measurement of human motion are increasing, and that many new opportunities exist, especially in the application of combinations of sensors and new software techniques. The real novelty, however, will come from researchers and artists using accelerometers and sensors in novel and unusual ways. References Brezmes, Tomas, Juan-Luis Gorricho, and Josep Cotrina. “Activity Recognition from Accelerometer Data on a Mobile Phone.” In Distributed Computing, Artificial Intelligence, Bioinformatics, Soft Computing, and Ambient Assisted Living. Springer, 2009. Buente, Wayne, and Alice Robbin. “Trends in Internet Information Behavior, 2000-2004.” Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 59.11 (2008).Chu, Narisa N.Y., Chang-Ming Yang, and Chih-Chung Wu. “Game Interface Using Digital Textile Sensors, Accelerometer and Gyroscope.” IEEE Transactions on Consumer Electronics 58.2 (2012): 184-189. Davis, Mark G., and Kenneth R. Fox. “Physical Activity Patterns Assessed by Accelerometry in Older People.” European Journal of Applied Physiology 100.5 (2007): 581-589.Hagstromer, Maria, Pekka Oja, and Michael Sjostrom. “Physical Activity and Inactivity in an Adult Population Assessed by Accelerometry.” Medical Science and Sports Exercise. 39.9 (2007): 1502-08. Henriksen, Marius, H. Lund, R. Moe-Nilssen, H. Bliddal, and B. Danneskiod-Samsøe. “Test–Retest Reliability of Trunk Accelerometric Gait Analysis.” Gait & Posture 19.3 (2004): 288-297. Latulipe, Celine, David Wilson, Sybil Huskey, Melissa Word, Arthur Carroll, Erin Carroll, Berto Gonzalez, Vikash Singh, Mike Wirth, and Danielle Lottridge. “Exploring the Design Space in Technology-Augmented Dance.” In CHI’10 Extended Abstracts on Human Factors in Computing Systems. ACM, 2010. Mellecker, Robin R., Lorraine Lanningham-Foster, James A. Levine, and Alison M. McManus. “Energy Intake during Activity Enhanced Video Game Play.” Appetite 55.2 (2010): 343-347. Paradiso, Joseph A., and Eric Hu. “Expressive Footwear for Computer-Augmented Dance Performance.” In First International Symposium on Wearable Computers. IEEE, 1997. Rogers, Everett M. Diffusion of Innovations. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962. Stone, Michelle R., Ann V. Rowlands, and Roger G. Eston. "Relationships between Accelerometer-Assessed Physical Activity and Health in Children: Impact of the Activity-Intensity Classification Method" The Free Library 1 Mar. 2009. Thompson, Christian J., and Michael G. Bemben. “Reliability and Comparability of the Accelerometer as a Measure of Muscular Power.” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise. 31.6 (1999): 897-902.Treuth, Margarita S., Kathryn Schmitz, Diane J. Catellier, Robert G. McMurray, David M. Murray, M. Joao Almeida, Scott Going, James E. Norman, and Russell Pate. “Defining Accelerometer Thresholds for Activity Intensities in Adolescent Girls.” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise 36.7 (2004):1259-1266Troiano, Richard P., David Berrigan, Kevin W. Dodd, Louise C. Masse, Timothy Tilert, Margaret McDowell, et al. “Physical Activity in the United States Measured by Accelerometer.” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 40.1 (2008):181-88. Varat, Michael S., and Stein E. Husher. “Vehicle Impact Response Analysis through the Use of Accelerometer Data.” In SAE World Congress, 2000. Walter, Patrick L. “The History of the Accelerometer”. Sound and Vibration (Mar. 1997): 16-22. Ward, Dianne S., Kelly R. Evenson, Amber Vaughn, Anne Brown Rodgers, Richard P. Troiano, et al. “Accelerometer Use in Physical Activity: Best Practices and Research Recommendations.” Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise 37.11 (2005): S582-8. Yang, Chang-Ming, Jwu-Sheng Hu, Ching-Wen Yang, Chih-Chung Wu, and Narisa Chu. “Dancing Game by Digital Textile Sensor, Accelerometer and Gyroscope.” In IEEE International Games Innovation Conference. IEEE, 2011.Yoshioka, M., M. Ayabe, T. Yahiro, H. Higuchi, Y. Higaki, J. St-Amand, H. Miyazaki, Y. Yoshitake, M. Shindo, and H. Tanaka. “Long-Period Accelerometer Monitoring Shows the Role of Physical Activity in Overweight and Obesity.” International Journal of Obesity 29.5 (2005): 502-508.

IntroductionFirmly located within the discourse of visible culture as the lofty preserve of art exhibitions and museum artefacts, the noun “curate” has gradually transformed into the verb “to curate”. Williams writes that “curate” has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded to describe a creative activity. Designers no longer simply sell clothes; they “curate” merchandise. Chefs no longer only make food; they also “curate” meals. Chosen for their keen eye for a particular style or a precise shade, it is their knowledge of their craft, their reputation, and their sheer ability to choose among countless objects which make the creative process a creative activity in itself. Writing from within the framework of “curate” as a creative process, this article discusses how the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, hosted by Irish President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in May 2011, was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity. The paper will focus in particular on how the menu for the banquet was created and how the banquet’s brief, “Ireland on a Plate”, was fulfilled.History and BackgroundFood has been used by nations for centuries to display wealth, cement alliances, and impress foreign visitors. Since the feasts of the Numidian kings (circa 340 BC), culinary staging and presentation has belonged to “a long, multifaceted and multicultural history of diplomatic practices” (IEHCA 5). According to the works of Baughman, Young, and Albala, food has defined the social, cultural, and political position of a nation’s leaders throughout history.In early 2011, Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant in Dublin, was asked by the Irish Food Board, Bord Bía, if he would be available to create a menu for a high-profile banquet (Mahon 112). The name of the guest of honour was divulged several weeks later after vetting by the protocol and security divisions of the Department of the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Lewis was informed that the menu was for the state banquet to be hosted by President Mary McAleese at Dublin Castle in honour of Queen Elizabeth II’s visit to Ireland the following May.Hosting a formal banquet for a visiting head of state is a key feature in the statecraft of international and diplomatic relations. Food is the societal common denominator that links all human beings, regardless of culture (Pliner and Rozin 19). When world leaders publicly share a meal, that meal is laden with symbolism, illuminating each diner’s position “in social networks and social systems” (Sobal, Bove, and Rauschenbach 378). The public nature of the meal signifies status and symbolic kinship and that “guest and host are on par in terms of their personal or official attributes” (Morgan 149). While the field of academic scholarship on diplomatic dining might be young, there is little doubt of the value ascribed to the semiotics of diplomatic gastronomy in modern power structures (Morgan 150; De Vooght and Scholliers 12; Chapple-Sokol 162), for, as Firth explains, symbols are malleable and perfectly suited to exploitation by all parties (427).Political DiplomacyWhen Ireland gained independence in December 1921, it marked the end of eight centuries of British rule. The outbreak of “The Troubles” in 1969 in Northern Ireland upset the gradually improving environment of British–Irish relations, and it would be some time before a state visit became a possibility. Beginning with the peace process in the 1990s, the IRA ceasefire of 1994, and the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, a state visit was firmly set in motion by the visit of Irish President Mary Robinson to Buckingham Palace in 1993, followed by the unofficial visit of the Prince of Wales to Ireland in 1995, and the visit of Irish President Mary McAleese to Buckingham Palace in 1999. An official invitation to Queen Elizabeth from President Mary McAleese in March 2011 was accepted, and the visit was scheduled for mid-May of the same year.The visit was a highly performative occasion, orchestrated and ordained in great detail, displaying all the necessary protocol associated with the state visit of one head of state to another: inspection of the military, a courtesy visit to the nation’s head of state on arrival, the laying of a wreath at the nation’s war memorial, and a state banquet.These aspects of protocol between Britain and Ireland were particularly symbolic. By inspecting the military on arrival, the existence of which is a key indicator of independence, Queen Elizabeth effectively demonstrated her recognition of Ireland’s national sovereignty. On making the customary courtesy call to the head of state, the Queen was received by President McAleese at her official residence Áras an Uachtaráin (The President’s House), which had formerly been the residence of the British monarch’s representative in Ireland (Robbins 66). The state banquet was held in Dublin Castle, once the headquarters of British rule where the Viceroy, the representative of Britain’s Court of St James, had maintained court (McDowell 1).Cultural DiplomacyThe state banquet provided an exceptional showcase of Irish culture and design and generated a level of preparation previously unseen among Dublin Castle staff, who described it as “the most stage managed state event” they had ever witnessed (Mahon 129).The castle was cleaned from top to bottom, and inventories were taken of the furniture and fittings. The Waterford Crystal chandeliers were painstakingly taken down, cleaned, and reassembled; the Killybegs carpets and rugs of Irish lamb’s wool were cleaned and repaired. A special edition Newbridge Silverware pen was commissioned for Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip to sign the newly ordered Irish leather-bound visitors’ book. A new set of state tableware was ordered for the President’s table. Irish manufacturers of household goods necessary for the guest rooms, such as towels and soaps, hand creams and body lotions, candle holders and scent diffusers, were sought. Members of Her Majesty’s staff conducted a “walk-through” several weeks in advance of the visit to ensure that the Queen’s wardrobe would not clash with the surroundings (Mahon 129–32).The promotion of Irish manufacture is a constant thread throughout history. Irish linen, writes Kane, enjoyed a reputation as far afield as the Netherlands and Italy in the 15th century, and archival documents from the Vaucluse attest to the purchase of Irish cloth in Avignon in 1432 (249–50). Support for Irish-made goods was raised in 1720 by Jonathan Swift, and by the 18th century, writes Foster, Dublin had become an important centre for luxury goods (44–51).It has been Irish government policy since the late 1940s to use Irish-manufactured goods for state entertaining, so the material culture of the banquet was distinctly Irish: Arklow Pottery plates, Newbridge Silverware cutlery, Waterford Crystal glassware, and Irish linen tablecloths. In order to decide upon the table setting for the banquet, four tables were laid in the King’s Bedroom in Dublin Castle. The Executive Chef responsible for the banquet menu, and certain key personnel, helped determine which setting would facilitate serving the food within the time schedule allowed (Mahon 128–29). The style of service would be service à la russe, so widespread in restaurants today as to seem unremarkable. Each plate is prepared in the kitchen by the chef and then served to each individual guest at table. In the mid-19th century, this style of service replaced service à la française, in which guests typically entered the dining room after the first course had been laid on the table and selected food from the choice of dishes displayed around them (Kaufman 126).The guest list was compiled by government and embassy officials on both sides and was a roll call of Irish and British life. At the President’s table, 10 guests would be served by a team of 10 staff in Dorchester livery. The remaining tables would each seat 12 guests, served by 12 liveried staff. The staff practiced for several days prior to the banquet to make sure that service would proceed smoothly within the time frame allowed. The team of waiters, each carrying a plate, would emerge from the kitchen in single file. They would then take up positions around the table, each waiter standing to the left of the guest they would serve. On receipt of a discreet signal, each plate would be laid in front of each guest at precisely the same moment, after which the waiters would then about foot and return to the kitchen in single file (Mahon 130).Post-prandial entertainment featured distinctive styles of performance and instruments associated with Irish traditional music. These included reels, hornpipes, and slipjigs, voice and harp, sean-nόs (old style) singing, and performances by established Irish artists on the fiddle, bouzouki, flute, and uilleann pipes (Office of Public Works).Culinary Diplomacy: Ireland on a PlateLewis was given the following brief: the menu had to be Irish, the main course must be beef, and the meal should represent the very best of Irish ingredients. There were no restrictions on menu design. There were no dietary requirements or specific requests from the Queen’s representatives, although Lewis was informed that shellfish is excluded de facto from Irish state banquets as a precautionary measure. The meal was to be four courses long and had to be served to 170 diners within exactly 1 hour and 10 minutes (Mahon 112). A small army of 16 chefs and 4 kitchen porters would prepare the food in the kitchen of Dublin Castle under tight security. The dishes would be served on state tableware by 40 waiters, 6 restaurant managers, a banqueting manager and a sommélier. Lewis would be at the helm of the operation as Executive Chef (Mahon 112–13).Lewis started by drawing up “a patchwork quilt” of the products he most wanted to use and built the menu around it. The choice of suppliers was based on experience but also on a supplier’s ability to deliver perfectly ripe goods in mid-May, a typically black spot in the Irish fruit and vegetable growing calendar as it sits between the end of one season and the beginning of another. Lewis consulted the Queen’s itinerary and the menus to be served so as to avoid repetitions. He had to discard his initial plan to feature lobster in the starter and rhubarb in the dessert—the former for the precautionary reasons mentioned above, and the latter because it featured on the Queen’s lunch menu on the day of the banquet (Mahon 112–13).Once the ingredients had been selected, the menu design focused on creating tastes, flavours and textures. Several draft menus were drawn up and myriad dishes were tasted and discussed in the kitchen of Lewis’s own restaurant. Various wines were paired and tasted with the different courses, the final choice being a Château Lynch-Bages 1998 red and a Château de Fieuzal 2005 white, both from French Bordeaux estates with an Irish connection (Kellaghan 3). Two months and two menu sittings later, the final menu was confirmed and signed off by state and embassy officials (Mahon 112–16).The StarterThe banquet’s starter featured organic Clare Island salmon cured in a sweet brine, laid on top of a salmon cream combining wild smoked salmon from the Burren and Cork’s Glenilen Farm crème fraîche, set over a lemon balm jelly from the Tannery Cookery School Gardens, Waterford. Garnished with horseradish cream, wild watercress, and chive flowers from Wicklow, the dish was finished with rapeseed oil from Kilkenny and a little sea salt from West Cork (Mahon 114). Main CourseA main course of Irish beef featured as the pièce de résistance of the menu. A rib of beef from Wexford’s Slaney Valley was provided by Kettyle Irish Foods in Fermanagh and served with ox cheek and tongue from Rathcoole, County Dublin. From along the eastern coastline came the ingredients for the traditional Irish dish of smoked champ: cabbage from Wicklow combined with potatoes and spring onions grown in Dublin. The new season’s broad beans and carrots were served with wild garlic leaf, which adorned the dish (Mahon 113). Cheese CourseThe cheese course was made up of Knockdrinna, a Tomme style goat’s milk cheese from Kilkenny; Milleens, a Munster style cow’s milk cheese produced in Cork; Cashel Blue, a cow’s milk blue cheese from Tipperary; and Glebe Brethan, a Comté style cheese from raw cow’s milk from Louth. Ditty’s Oatmeal Biscuits from Belfast accompanied the course.DessertLewis chose to feature Irish strawberries in the dessert. Pat Clarke guaranteed delivery of ripe strawberries on the day of the banquet. They married perfectly with cream and yoghurt from Glenilen Farm in Cork. The cream was set with Irish Carrageen moss, overlaid with strawberry jelly and sauce, and garnished with meringues made with Irish apple balsamic vinegar from Lusk in North Dublin, yoghurt mousse, and Irish soda bread tuiles made with wholemeal flour from the Mosse family mill in Kilkenny (Mahon 113).The following day, President McAleese telephoned Lewis, saying of the banquet “Ní hé go raibh sé go maith, ach go raibh sé míle uair níos fearr ná sin” (“It’s not that it was good but that it was a thousand times better”). The President observed that the menu was not only delicious but that it was “amazingly articulate in terms of the story that it told about Ireland and Irish food.” The Queen had particularly enjoyed the stuffed cabbage leaf of tongue, cheek and smoked colcannon (a traditional Irish dish of mashed potatoes with curly kale or green cabbage) and had noted the diverse selection of Irish ingredients from Irish artisans (Mahon 116). Irish CuisineWhen the topic of food is explored in Irish historiography, the focus tends to be on the consequences of the Great Famine (1845–49) which left the country “socially and emotionally scarred for well over a century” (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher 161). Some commentators consider the term “Irish cuisine” oxymoronic, according to Mac Con Iomaire and Maher (3). As Goldstein observes, Ireland has suffered twice—once from its food deprivation and second because these deprivations present an obstacle for the exploration of Irish foodways (xii). Writing about Italian, Irish, and Jewish migration to America, Diner states that the Irish did not have a food culture to speak of and that Irish writers “rarely included the details of food in describing daily life” (85). Mac Con Iomaire and Maher note that Diner’s methodology overlooks a centuries-long tradition of hospitality in Ireland such as that described by Simms (68) and shows an unfamiliarity with the wealth of food related sources in the Irish language, as highlighted by Mac Con Iomaire (“Exploring” 1–23).Recent scholarship on Ireland’s culinary past is unearthing a fascinating story of a much more nuanced culinary heritage than has been previously understood. This is clearly demonstrated in the research of Cullen, Cashman, Deleuze, Kellaghan, Kelly, Kennedy, Legg, Mac Con Iomaire, Mahon, O’Sullivan, Richman Kenneally, Sexton, and Stanley, Danaher, and Eogan.In 1996 Ireland was described by McKenna as having the most dynamic cuisine in any European country, a place where in the last decade “a vibrant almost unlikely style of cooking has emerged” (qtd. in Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 136). By 2014, there were nine restaurants in Dublin which had been awarded Michelin stars or Red Ms (Mac Con Iomaire “Jammet’s” 137). Ross Lewis, Chef Patron of Chapter One Restaurant, who would be chosen to create the menu for the state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II, has maintained a Michelin star since 2008 (Mac Con Iomaire, “Jammet’s” 138). Most recently the current strength of Irish gastronomy is globally apparent in Mark Moriarty’s award as San Pellegrino Young Chef 2015 (McQuillan). As Deleuze succinctly states: “Ireland has gone mad about food” (143).This article is part of a research project into Irish diplomatic dining, and the author is part of a research cluster into Ireland’s culinary heritage within the Dublin Institute of Technology. The aim of the research is to add to the growing body of scholarship on Irish gastronomic history and, ultimately, to contribute to the discourse on the existence of a national cuisine. If, as Zubaida says, “a nation’s cuisine is its court’s cuisine,” then it is time for Ireland to “research the feasts as well as the famines” (Mac Con Iomaire and Cashman 97).ConclusionThe Irish state banquet for Queen Elizabeth II in May 2011 was a highly orchestrated and formalised process. From the menu, material culture, entertainment, and level of consultation in the creative content, it is evident that the banquet was carefully curated to represent Ireland’s diplomatic, cultural, and culinary identity.The effects of the visit appear to have been felt in the years which have followed. Hennessy wrote in the Irish Times newspaper that Queen Elizabeth is privately said to regard her visit to Ireland as the most significant of the trips she has made during her 60-year reign. British Prime Minister David Cameron is noted to mention the visit before every Irish audience he encounters, and British Foreign Secretary William Hague has spoken in particular of the impact the state banquet in Dublin Castle made upon him. Hennessy points out that one of the most significant indicators of the peaceful relationship which exists between the two countries nowadays was the subsequent state visit by Irish President Michael D. Higgins to Britain in 2013. This was the first state visit to the United Kingdom by a President of Ireland and would have been unimaginable 25 years ago. The fact that the President and his wife stayed at Windsor Castle and that the attendant state banquet was held there instead of Buckingham Palace were both deemed to be marks of special favour and directly attributed to the success of Her Majesty’s 2011 visit to Ireland.As the research demonstrates, eating together unites rather than separates, gathers rather than divides, diffuses political tensions, and confirms alliances. It might be said then that the 2011 state banquet hosted by President Mary McAleese in honour of Queen Elizabeth II, curated by Ross Lewis, gives particular meaning to the axiom “to eat together is to eat in peace” (Taliano des Garets 160).AcknowledgementsSupervisors: Dr Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire (Dublin Institute of Technology) and Dr Michael Kennedy (Royal Irish Academy)Fáilte IrelandPhotos of the banquet dishes supplied and permission to reproduce them for this article kindly granted by Ross Lewis, Chef Patron, Chapter One Restaurant ‹http://www.chapteronerestaurant.com/›.Illustration ‘Ireland on a Plate’ © Jesse Campbell BrownRemerciementsThe author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions on an earlier draft of this article.ReferencesAlbala, Ken. The Banquet: Dining in the Great Courts of Late Renaissance Europe. 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Apocacidal Tendencies: Three Excerpts from the Heaven's Gate Website 1995 (A term which blends apocalypse with suicide, apocacides could be best described as those groups or individuals who understand salvation from an imagined approaching armageddon to involve, indeed depend upon, the voluntary sacrifice of one's own life on earth.) 1. '95 Statement by An E.T. Presently Incarnate: "... We brought to Earth with us a crew of students whom we had worked with (nurtured) on Earth in previous missions. They were in varying stages of metamorphic transition from membership in the human kingdom to membership in the physical Evolutionary Level Above Human (what your history refers to as the Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven). It seems that we arrived in Earth's atmosphere between Earth's 1940s and early 1990s. We suspect that many of us arrived in staged spacecraft (UFO) crashes and many of our discarded bodies (genderless, not belonging to the human species), were retrieved by human authorities (government and military). Other crews from the Level Above Human preceded our arrival and 'tagged' -- placed a despite 'chip' -- in each of the vehicles (bodies) that we would individually incarnate into, when that instruction would be given. These 'chips' set aside those bodies for us ... In any given civilisation on a fertile planet such as Earth (and Earth has had many periodic/cyclical civilisations), the Level Above Human plants all the new life forms (including humans) for that civilisation in a neutral condition so that they have a chance to choose the direction of their growth. The Level Above Human -- or Next Level -- directly (hands on) relates significantly to the civilisation at its beginning stage, and subsequently (with few exceptions) at approximately 2000-year intervals (48-hour intervals from a Next Level perspective) until that civilisation's final 'Age.' ..." 2. Our Position Against Suicide: " ... We know that it is only while we are in these physical vehicles (bodies) that we can learn the lessons needed to complete our own individual transition, as well as to complete our task of offering the Kingdom of Heaven to this civilisation one last time. We take good care of our vehicles so they can function well for us in this task, and we try to protect them from any harm. We fully desire, expect, and look forward to boarding a spacecraft from the Next Level very soon (in our physical bodies). There is no doubt in our mind that our being 'picked up' is inevitable in the very near future. But what happens between now and then is the big question. We are keenly aware of several possibilities ... The true meaning of 'suicide' is to turn against the Next Level when it is being offered. In these last days, we are focused on ... entering the Kingdom of Heaven ..." 3. Last Chance to Evacuate Earth Before It's Recycled (Sept 29, 1996): "... I'm in a vehicle that is already falling apart on me, and I'm desperate to try to help you have a last chance to go ... I don't mean to make fun of this. I am desperate -- for your sakes. Within the past twenty-four hours I have been clearly informed by my Older Member of how short the remaining time is; how clearly we cannot concentrate on anything except the perspective that says: the end of this civilisation is very close. The end of a civilisation is accompanied by spading under, refurbishing the planet in preparation for another civilisation. And the only ones who can survive that experience have to be those who are taken into the keeping of the Evolutionary Level Above Human ..." Heaven's Gate -- http://www.trancenet.org/heavensgate/index.html Magnificat Meal Movement [Toowoomba, Australia] -- http://homepages.iol.ie/~magnific/ Apocaholic Cocktails: Mixing Visions of the End Armageddon Anonymous: Hidden Faces Plotting the End on Television The 1996 book release X-Files Confidential describes its subject matter as "'social-science fiction' ... fuelled by the realities -- and internal anxieties -- of [our] time: the era of diminished expectations", a television show which "concerns itself with the dark side of technology, competition, politics, ambition, and selfishness", warning against the "risks of abandoning an interior life or one's community" and reinforcing the notion that "our attempts to combat evil are usually an exercise in futility" though that "effort alone is significant". Unlike the participants within the apocaholic communities who intimate that the 'truth is with us', the X-Files, as an entertainment product of the secular industry, proclaims that the 'truth is out there'. This conceptual and narrative framework within the X-Files works on several levels: Frustrates resolution through contrived revelation; Frustrates revelation through contrived resolution; Identifies and resists externally imposed futures; Gives a narrative voice to marginalised hierarchies of genres, values and futures mythology, eg., those involving ufology, genetic mutations and the like; De-emphasises mainstream hierarchies of authority, genres, values and futures mythology; Suggests a regime of hidden truth, embedded within what initially appears as disconnected and unrelated phenomena; Implicates the mainstream future as conspiricist (i.e., the governments which control our futures do not have our interests at heart); Identifies the ritualistic reassurance set by the mainstream discursive strategy (e.g., "apology is policy"); Cultivates its own in-language, or futurespeak, where special terms refer to a future-oriented conspiracy of mammoth proportions. And, finally, it gives meaning to the millennium beyond a mere change in dates. All in all, the X-Files is popular and successful because it explores the possibilities of resolvable and unresolvable endings. It blurs the boundaries between the theological and the secular imaginings of the end. It borrows elements common to contemporary evangelicalism, endtime signs such as the mark of the beast, and gives them a plausible secular narrative. For example, whereas it might be difficult to suspend disbelief for a story that has a charismatic antichrist controlling the world through marking its population with 666, X-Files modernises the setting by creating a mysterious consortium of 12 elders who are in allegiance with some alien plan to initiate a scheduled holocaust. Such an organised drive towards armageddon involves genetic tagging of the populations through smallpox injections, little biochips which switch on and switch-off cancers, transportation of plague through bee stings and heavenly lights that harbour creatures with sinister purposes. In the X-Files, mainstream society is the cult whose future has been pre-organised by its real architects and whose adherents, the general populace, move through society blinded by ideas and doctrines of thought that Mulder sees as lies. His ultimate quest is find the truth, to reveal the future being secretly planned for the world. His quest involves reading the signs of the times in his encounters with the X-Files. Scully, whose initial introduction was to provide a sceptic balance to his quest, in fact provides a scientific rationale for Mulder's seemingly odd flights of fancy. In explaining Mulder's theories away in pseudo-scientific terms, Scully makes the unthinkable seem more plausible, and her character development from sceptic to believer provides the narrative added credibility for long-term viewers. If Scully can be convinced, then there must really be a hidden sinister future embedded beyond the mainstream outlook. Mainstream programmes such as these can in themselves throw wine of the proverbial armageddon fire. Both Star Trek and the X-Files were favourite pastimes for the Heaven's Gate Cult. Star Trek epitomised the ultimate open-ended humanist future, exploration of the unknown, while the X-Files epitomised the nature of this level, a conspiricist and closed future in which the world's only hope lay in the revealing of the sinister unknown before the great destructive end. Needless to say, X-Files-styled sites proliferate the Webscape in late 1999: Apocalypse Soon -- http://www.apocalypsesoon.org/english.html UFOs & Antichrist Millennium Bug Connection New World Order -- http://www.mt.net/~watcher/nwoy2k.html UFOs, Aliens & Antichrist: The Angelic Conspiracy & End Times Deception -- http://www.mt.net/~watcher/ "The Bible says that the b'nai Elohim, angels, sons of God, were ministers of creation, from before the worlds, Job 38:7. Contrary to popular secular theories, the b'nai Elohim are created beings distinct from ELOHIM the God of Israel. God created the b'nai Elohim to reflect His glory, and reflect His word which spoke all things into being. Before a third of the heavenly host rebelled, they were stewards of creation, building civilizations on the terrestrial planets of our solar system designed to glorify the Word of God. The Cydonia "face" is a monument constructed by these Sons of God, revealing their knowledge of the message in the stars. Both the Cydonia face and the Sphinx are cherubim, combining figures in the constellations Virgo and Leo, symbolic representations of the first and second advent of Christ on Earth." Satan's Plan to Escape Judgement -- http://www.mt.net/~watcher/hate.html "Previous pages explained how Satan was created to lead the angelic hierarchy, ruling over physical civilizations of angels on planets, such as the one still in evidence on Mars. After Satan rebelled, the center of his angelic civilization was destroyed "from among the stones of fire", yet the Bible tells us Satan is still waiting for the time of God's judgment. Satan is not in hell, he is still allowed audience before God, where he accuses the faithful (Rev.), and he still roams above and within the earth (Job). Since Satan is the most beautiful and powerful cherub, Prince of the Powers of the Air, intelligence behind UFO phenomena, the authority over all the aerial regions outward from earth..." The Millennium Group -- http://www.millenngroup.com/ Australia's Fair Dinkum Magazine -- http://unforgiven.iweb.net.au/~dinkum/ Eyes on the World -- http://eotw.orac.net.au/articles/index.html Antichrist / False Prophet -- http://members.tripod.com/jonastheprophet1/antipope.html "Antichrist will arise out of the British Monarchy within the context of the European Union/False prophet will arise out of the Vatican-Whore Church/Both will work together to build Satan's end time kingdom in these last and final days." 666 Sketch: The Mark of the Beast -- http://www.greaterthings.com/Essays/666mark.htm Conspiracy Books -- http://parascope.com/parastore/booksconspiracy.htm Corrupt Government, Conspiracy, New World Order, A Future? -- http://www.pushhamburger.com/ Dark Conspiracy -- http://www.blazing-trails.com/DarkConspiracies/welcome.html "Things have gotten really seriously convoluted. To try to follow some of the conspiracies requires a substantial amount of dedication. Any one thread can lead to so many other threads, eventually, maybe they will come together into a complete tapestry that could scare the bejabbers out of you." New World Order Conspiracy -- http://www.ufomind.com/para/conspire/nwo/ Silver Screen Endings: Blockbuster Profits in Apocalypse Gripped in a delirium of apocaholicism, contemporary secular society is exploring the conditions and consequence of endings. Mainstream presentations such as Independence Day, Event Horizon, Armageddon, End of Days, The Matrix and Deep Impact depict the notion of endings in elaborate and extravagant modes. Independence Day is a lesson in Orwellian doublethink -- it begins by destroying the very values it eschews at its closure. The statue of liberty, the White House, and the Empire State Building, all contemporary icons of western democratic and consumerist values, are brutally and spectacularly disintegrated. Yet the very core of the western meta-narrative, the maintenance of independence, which brought about the empowerment of these icons, is upheld throughout the film, leaving a critical viewer with the sense that what we are watching in this film is not the destruction of the world by some alien force -- certainly no other nation is depicted as so grossly devastated nor are any icons of other significantly known cultures destroyed -- but the annihilation of contemporary western icons: essentially, the death of icons. The values are constant, as emoted by the President of the United States towards the fiery conclusion of the movie, but the icons are unstable, susceptible to external disruption, unlike the proverbial humanist spirit. Hence, most audiences reacted gleefully to seeing famous landmarks blasted to smithereens -- this goes hand in hand I suspect with the prevailing social atmosphere cultivating change: do away with the current icons, they are no longer valid nor do they faithfully represent the social world around us, we require new ones to image our emerging spirit. Event Horizon is very different in content and style. It blends conventional theology with science fiction to create an incredible narrative about a starship so fast that it punches a hole through to hell and back. The concern throughout the film as the blood thickens is not with the collective end to society but rather with the very personal and private closure to individual life and the post-death experience. Other films, like Deep Impact and Armageddon, draw on the "worst bits" in the bible, to quote one trailer, and depict disturbing destructive images of the western metropolitan society, with dramatic wrangling over who will survive and how in order to establish a brave new world. What links these varying cinematic depictions of the end? Is it perhaps the imagined triumph of humanist spiritism, usually legitimised through the sacrificial offering of a main character in a film's final showdown? (Bruce Willis dies in Armageddon, Tea Leoni waits with her estranged father for the tidal wave in Deep Impact, and a half-drunk kamikaze pilot in an old biplane destroys the mothership at the close of Independence Day.) Being excessively popular, one needs to ask what role these films play within the collective social narrative of endism: do these films serve to quiet anxieties about the end by visualising human solutions to impossible destructive odds? Or do apocalyptic blockbusters market towards existing endtimes tension, reflecting the growing apocaholic nature of our societies as we near the close of the twentieth century and thereby, in true western capitalist fashion, profit from this cultural dysfunction? Or do films of this nature answer a more base, unacknowledged desire within our societies to see the end and survive? Event Horizon -- http://www.eventhorizonmovie.com/ End of Days -- http://www.end-of-days.com/ The Matrix -- http://www.whatisthematrix.com/ Deep Impact -- http://www.deepimpact.com/ Timeout: Clocking the Endtimes Christian End-Time Expectations -- Millennia Monitor -- http://www.fas.org/2000/endtime1.htm This resource provides links to a wide variety of Christian sources with a primary focus on millennial, apocalyptic, or other End Time expectations. Countdown 2000: Your Guide to the Millennium -- http://www.countdown2000.com/index.htm "As we approach the millennium, the world seems to be getting weirder. Countdown 2000 is packed with the latest news, hype, and hysteria. Where will the blow-out parties be? Will Y2K cause global havoc? How can I get involved in improving the world? Whatever the millennium and year 2000 mean to you, Countdown 2000 can help you learn what you want to know. Countdown 2000 is packed with over 150 pages, and 2500 links." Amazing Prophecy -- http://bibleprophecy.com/ Topics covered: Bible prophecy, rapture, tribulation, millennium, last days, end times, end of time, second coming, covenants, revelation, advent, antichrist, 666, parousia (appearing of Christ), preterist (fulfilled prophecy), eschatology (the study of last things), and many more. 888 Christ Come: Your Bible Prophecy Website -- http://www.888c.com/ Apocalists: The Tribulation Inbox Interesting things happen on discussion lists. Perhaps a more significant example of apocalyptic dissemination, capable of real-time feedback and iteration on endtime signs within every corner of the Web, millions on the bible highway speak of the premillennial tension that characterises contemporary cultural life and thousands more direct these lunges into apocalyptic extrapolation via discussion lists. Nowhere has the apocalyptic urge to image the end, to identify the sign of its approach, been more revitalised than on this electronic frontier: indeed, Apocalypse has an impressive online presence. Today, anyone can receive daily updates sent to their email inbox on the progress or nearness of the great endtimes tribulation, press releases of the latest armageddon publication list, prophecy ezines, the latest incarnation of the mark of the beast 666, new candidates for antichrist identification and revelation reports, to name but a few: Bible Prophecy Discussion List -- http://www.geocities.com/~dawn-/index.html Bible Prophecy-L was created as an open, moderated forum to discuss and share information related to end times Bible prophecy. Some of the topics you may find discussed are: Eschatology; Global Government; Global Religion and the New Age Movement; Rapture; Antichrist; Environmental Changes (earthquakes, tornados, volcanoes, freak storms, flooding etc.); Israel and the Middle East; Signs in the Heavens (UFOs, Comets, etc.); Pestilence (infectious diseases); Wars and Rumors of Wars; Prophecy Conference Updates ... etc. Bible Prophecy Report -- http://philologos.org/bpr Bible Codes News Update -- http://thebiblecodes.com/news/bcnu.htm Tribulation News -- http://www.tribnews.net/mir Conspiracy Journal -- http://www.members.tripod.com/uforeview/welcome.html Citation reference for this article MLA style: Jason Ensor. "Apocacide, Apocaholics and Apocalists: A Selective Webography of Endism." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/apocacide.php>. Chicago style: Jason Ensor, "Apocacide, Apocaholics and Apocalists: A Selective Webography of Endism," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/apocacide.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Jason Ensor. (1999) Apocacide, Apocaholics and Apocalists: A Selective Webography of Endism. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/apocacide.php> ([your date of access]).