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Fontana, Francesca. "Seuils et densités dans les perspectives de régénération urbaine au tournant du XXIè siècle". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG034.
Pełny tekst źródłaAt the beginning of the 21st century, many new challenges have been proposed to the cities in the realms of ecology, economy and sociology. Several western metropolis aim at becoming nowadays a template for a sustainable, smart and fair development, particularly in the “after Kyoto” world. In recent international consultations on the future of cities (e.g. Grand Paris in 2007, followed by Bruxelles 2040, Lille 2030, Big Moscow 2050 etc.) politicians, economists and urban experts discussed together the relationship between regeneration and urban forms. In particular the practices of recycling, rescue and repair became central themes. In order to contain urban expansion, sprawl and lack of identity, the consultations re‐propose the concepts of concentration and intensification of urban areas, of vegetal and artificial density, of mixing and of functional hybridization. These are undeniable qualities of a sustainable city, but unfortunately deprived of real repercussions at the proper human scale. At present, while new inter‐municipal groups redraw their urban limits and envisage to renovate their identity around common goals, our research claims the need to understand and master different degrees of possible modifications on the already established urban fabric. In order for architecture to play a role in situations that are already in progress, reversibility and flexibility become two operational and complementary concepts. Architecture must become capable of integrating in time mutating perspectives and accepting its own transformation and evolution
Fontana, Francesca. "Seuils et densités dans les perspectives de régénération urbaine au tournant du XXIè siècle". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAG034.
Pełny tekst źródłaAt the beginning of the 21st century, many new challenges have been proposed to the cities in the realms of ecology, economy and sociology. Several western metropolis aim at becoming nowadays a template for a sustainable, smart and fair development, particularly in the “after Kyoto” world. In recent international consultations on the future of cities (e.g. Grand Paris in 2007, followed by Bruxelles 2040, Lille 2030, Big Moscow 2050 etc.) politicians, economists and urban experts discussed together the relationship between regeneration and urban forms. In particular the practices of recycling, rescue and repair became central themes. In order to contain urban expansion, sprawl and lack of identity, the consultations re‐propose the concepts of concentration and intensification of urban areas, of vegetal and artificial density, of mixing and of functional hybridization. These are undeniable qualities of a sustainable city, but unfortunately deprived of real repercussions at the proper human scale. At present, while new inter‐municipal groups redraw their urban limits and envisage to renovate their identity around common goals, our research claims the need to understand and master different degrees of possible modifications on the already established urban fabric. In order for architecture to play a role in situations that are already in progress, reversibility and flexibility become two operational and complementary concepts. Architecture must become capable of integrating in time mutating perspectives and accepting its own transformation and evolution
Yun, Ji-Young. "Nouveaux réseaux de communication dans la construction du lien socio-politique en Europe". Paris 5, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA05H089.
Pełny tekst źródłaComte, Olga. "Les petites villes de Russie centrale dans les réformes des années 1990". Paris, INALCO, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001INAL0020.
Pełny tekst źródłaBenraïs, Linda. "Bilan et perspectives de la politique de coopération juridique française en Europe centrale et orientale : la stratégie des partenariats". Paris 5, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA05D008.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe present analysis aims to assess the results and future guidelines of French legal cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe from 1990 to 2004. Starting from a practical viewpoint, it proposes to determine, on a more general level, the legal coherence of the policies of French, European and international cooperation as regards government development aid for the reinforcement of the legal and judicial systems of Central and Eastern European countries and to put forth proposals for the improvement of its current implementation. The present analysis attempts to demonstrate that partnership constitutes the new instrument of agreement between people to be taken for the development of a productive solidarity of efficient influence for the whole of the European Union's third party countries
Gratadour, Céline. "L'accompagnement des demandeurs d'emploi : de la conception à la mise en oeuvre : complexité des institutions, difficultés d'évaluation". Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010062.
Pełny tekst źródłaJimborean, Ramona. "Développement financier et convergence économique : le cas des pays en transition". Paris 12, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA123018.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation identifies financial systems features in Central and Eastern European countries and analyzes several aspects: the relationship between financial development and economic growth (chapter 1), the monetary assets structure (chapter 2) and the bank lending channel as a monetary policy transmission mechanism (chapter 3). Based upon the theoretical and empirical literature on financial development-economic growth link, we show that domestic credit to the private sector has an overall long-run positive and significant impact on economic growth. When we distinguish among the group of countries, the coefficient becomes negatively and significantly correlated to the growth process for South-Eastern European countries (chapter 1). We explain this result by the persistence of `soft budget constraints' and the banking crises that occurred in the 1990s. The analysis of the monetary assets structure shows the preference of holding currency; this is strongly connected with the low confidence in the banking sector, its low efficiency and the high monetary substitutions. The analysis equally shows the preference of holding term deposits, as there is a lack of alternative opportunities for investment and the financial markets are under-developed in these countries (chapter 2). The existence of the bank lending channel as a monetary policy transmission mechanism is examined in chapter 3. The theory is confirmed: lending activity of small/less liquid/less capitalized banks is more sensitive to a monetary policy contraction. We do not expect that the bank-dependence of borrowers will decline as these economies integrate more and become more similar to Western European economies. The continuous diminishment of excess liquidity in the banking systems and the decreasing capitalisation, due to the increasing efficiency, outlines the possibility of strengthening the bank-lending channel in the future, in Central and Eastern European Countries
Wilson, Wetter Yaneira. "La politique de la ville en images : le cas de la Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela (2011-2020)". Thesis, Paris 10, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA100064.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Great Housing Mission Venezuela (Gran Mision Vivienda Venezuela or GMVV) was created in 2011 in a country that has been in constant change since 1999 after the arrival of President Hugo Chavez to the power and which is still experiencing a situation of generalized crisis 21 years later. This program proposes the massive and fast construction of houses mainly destined for families affected by a succession of climatic events. The thesis studies the transformation of the territory produced by the GMVV which goes beyond the traditional framework of city policies. I will analyze the status of the property, the purpose assigned to architecture and urban planning, the role of the image produced in this context, and the stance of the inhabitants in front of their new living environment. The GMVV, strongly supported by the government's official visual communication, combined with other, will be analyzed as a resilience factor for its beneficiaries facing a trauma that reveals the vulnerability of the territory and its inhabitants. One of the conclusions of this study is that the inhabitants express a paradoxical feeling of abandonment by the authorities concurrently with recognition for being sheltered and pride in overcoming the country's sustained crisis situation
Estrada, Federico. "Pouvoirs publics, commerce informel et marché du travail : étude de cas sur les transformations du centre historique à Guatemala-Ville". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0098.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis doctoral study of informal merchants of the historical zone of Guatemala City was intended to comprehend their social and political organization. The analyses were achieved from three different perspectives: the public administration and its influence over the phenomenon; the social organizational logics and the political expressions being produced. It is a qualitative thesis accomplished between 2006 and 2011. The main informants represent two different groups: merchants and employees from the Guatemala City municipality. The analysis revealed that public policies from the municipality are strategically modifying the public space in order to confront the groups that occupy the zone. This type of commerce is erasing the borders of informal and formal, creating a non regular but stable activity. Local and traditional logics are fractioning the space and the political claims. The political movement is still structuring itself and it depends on the municipality. Analyzing the social representations, we prove the modifications of contents given to the category “labor”, herby the flexibility attached to the shape and sense of labor. At the conclusions, three mayor questions arise for continuing the research on informal sectors: Given a frame of a weak Guatemalan State, which are the remaining capacities of the public sphere to intervene the social orders? What are the upcoming effects of the fusing between formal and informal sectors? What type of society could it be created from these emerging new local regulations? And what are the political criteria of the urban renewal project?
Allel, Samir. "Les relations entre les Conseils Régionaux du Culte Musulman et les Collectivités territoriales : analyse de l’organisation locale du culte musulman et de son rapport au politique". Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0143.
Pełny tekst źródła''Islam has its place at the table of the Republic". This quote used by Jean Pierre Chevènement, French Home Secretary of the Jospin government fit into a general debate over the position of Islam and more particularly of local Islam in the French society. The issue of the place of Islam in France and of its daily expression on a local scale has become a recurring problem and some events such as the Toulouse shootings, involving Mohamed Merah, made the "political Islamism" ghost reappear. We have to to go beyond passion in order to understand local Islam in France through the regional Muslim Councils that are supposed to be preferred representatives of public authorities. The goal is to understand the complexity of Islam in France. That is the reason why it was considered interesting to dedicate this research to this issue with the experience of a citizen observing Islam in France. Islam in France as topic was too large to discuss and treat. We were interested in a topic that take root in Islam, in its temporal and institutional aspects. The polemic that the representation of Islam provoked was a push to know more, especially in the city of Avignon. We would like to understand the impact and dimension of the symbolic value of such an institutionalization of Islam. A historic meeting between Islam and Republic seems to happen right before our eyes. It is important to say that most of researches barely treated die organization of the Muslim religion on a local scale. The main objective is to measure in quantitative and qualitative terms the practical action of the French Council of Muslim Faith (CFCM), taking into account its primary missions related to the representation and protection of the Muslim faith. This research also has as an objective to comprehend in a better way the relationship between regional Muslim Councils and local elected representatives. It is particularly interesting to note that for ten years, Islam as a social fact invited itself on cities agendas in the form of files dealing with mosque, Muslim cemetery areas, head scarfs, or more recently halal meals in public schools. All of which are among issues that elected representatives have to deal with and they are not always prepared or legally armed to resolve them. Do the elected Muslim interlocutors have a real representativeness next to the elected members of local authorities (mayors, local council presidents. . . ) or are they just another interlocutor that emphasizes the heterogeneity of j the local Islamic landscape? The lack of hierarchy and the diversity of schools of thought have made it hard for Islam to structure itself and to gain acknowledgement. The nature of the Muslim community, divided and split up is an obstacle to the organization and recognition of Islam by the institutions. As some are demanding for a readjustment of the December 9th 1905 Act, dealing with the separation of State and religions, this study is intended to enlighten with a new outlook the interaction between religious communities and local authorities in a lay State context and in a widely secularized society. This thesis is a contribution to define the real connection between Islam in non Muslim country such as France and secularism felt and used by local elected representatives. It is a way to address citizenship and to address the failure by the Republic to recognize some as full-fledged citizens
Ural, Nur Yasemin. "Mourir en diaspora : les pratiques funéraires des «minorités» musulmanes originaires de Turquie en Allemagne et en France". Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0007.
Pełny tekst źródłaMy doctoral thesis focuses on the question of death of a Muslim in Europe drawing on a case study on the Turkish speaking Muslim minorities in Germany and in France. The post-mortem voyage of the corpses, which is still the dominant practice for this group, has been mainly framed within the discussions on the "integration" of a "migrant", as the decision to be buried in the country of residence is considered to be an ultimate sign for willingness to "integrate". In these debates on the supposed lack of integration, "Islam" is offered to be the principal reason for those who opt for repatriation to the country of origin. With a critical stance to the ideological construction and the absurdity of the question of "integration" of German or French bom citizens of Kurdish or Turkish descent, I focus rather on the economic and political structures enabling repatriation, legal problems before the realisation of Muslim burials in Germany and France from a historical perspective parallel with other minoritised religions by the State, which constructs Islam as an "exception". In order to expose the complexity of the issue, I realised an ethnographic study, based on participant observations and semi-structured interviews on the one hand with Muslim undertaker companies in Berlin and Paris each of which adhering to different religious and/or ideological currents on the other hand with persons
Yoon, Seock-Jun. "Europe in the North Korean crisis (1995-2009) : a multi-track diplomacy approach". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0009.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis aims at exploring the role of Europe in the North Korean crisis during the period from 1995 to 2009. We posit that the undervalued profile of Europe in this crisis in the previous research is mainly due to the realist, state-centred and EU-centred bias of mainstream research, overlooking the overall role of multiple European actors. While the term ‘Europe’ in this thesis is operationalized to refer to a set of multiple European actors, including not only the EU and the EU Member States but also the non-EU European states and the European NSAs, we propose a new analytical framework – European Multi-Track diplomacy – to re-examine the role of Europe in this crisis. Within this framework, we investigate whether the ‘multiplicity’ of European actors, as a distinguishing feature from other international actors in this crisis, is a comparative advantage for Europe to influence this crisis by raising three research sub-questions concerning actors, relationships and influence. For this, a qualitative case study, divided into two sub-cases in a case-within-a case approach is conducted as follows: Europe in the North Korean nuclear crisis; Europe in the North Korean humanitarian crisis. The conclusion drawn from these two sub-case studies is that the European Multi-Track diplomacy based on the multiplicity of European actors made it possible for Europe to influence the North Korean crisis. The different ways of interactions and relationships among multiple European actors, particularly between Track One and Track Two actors, in the North Korean nuclear and humanitarian crises are correlated with the different results of European influence to these two crises
Grojean, Olivier. "La cause kurde, de la Turquie vers l'Europe : contribution à une sociologie de la transnationalisation des mobilisations". Paris, EHESS, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EHES0153.
Pełny tekst źródłaHow to analyze the transnationalisation of pro-Kurdish mobilizations? The main hypothesis of this PhD thesis is that the different dimensions of the Kurdist mobilizations in Europe (emergence, action repertoires, temporalities, rhythms, individual engagements, self commitment, etc. ) have to be related not to the political structures of the countries where these mobilizations take place, but to the extended interdependence system of the Kurdish movement: they' vary according to different interaction systems (relationships with the authorities, with the media, with the other mobilized groups and internaI relationships) that are not limited to the objectively present actors in a given interaction site. The demonstration of this hypothesis goes through the mobilization of plural sources: interviews with activists of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), observations of demonstrations, analysis of the militant press, statistical analysis of protest events and auto-sacrificial actions
Rammelt, Henry. "La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes
Michondard, Eric. "La transition du système stratégique occidental et l'identité européenne de sécurité et de défense : 1990-2000". Lyon 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LYO33043.
Pełny tekst źródłaSmedslund, Katja. "Les violences conjugales à l'égard des femmes en Europe : analyse socio-politique contemporaine et perspectives d'action dans l'Union Européenne". Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030127.
Pełny tekst źródłaFollowing international awareness through United Nations World Conferences on Women, marked by the turn of the Beijing Conference in 1995, the issue of intimate partnership violence against women in the European Union and its eradication arises as a complex and current challenge to the society. This European awakening takes place more specifically starting from the end of the Nineties and concerns all European bodies in particular through the works of the EU, the Council of Europe (all EU countries being members of the Council of Europe) and the European Women Lobby. One of the most important tools implemented at the European Union level in 1997, the program Daphne, clearly gives a report on a multi-field approach from the European point of view. The whole of this work requires, to begin with, a thorough study of the width of the phenomenon, its perimeter and its major causes related to gender violence in order to allow a critical analysis of the implemented European and national policies against intimate partnership violence. This approach will allow us, through a sociopolitical dimension, to reflect upon the importance of multi-field measures and the possibility and the relevance of a European harmonization of the policies and legislations to fight efficiently against this huge plague
Piganiol, Marie. "Quartiers de reconnexion : genèse et production d'un nouveau modèle urbain". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0041.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe dissertation recounts the genesis and production of a new urban model which appeared in many French cities in the beginning of the 21st century. Coming under different labels, such as “eco-districts” or “sustainable districts”, a series of local urban operations initially launched independently, eventually acquired a common social reform dimension. Harmonious social mixing, neighborly relations and a vibrant urban life, and the reconciliation between the city and “nature”, make up this urban ideal which I therefore propose to call “reconnection”. The latter is analyzed through in-depth ethnography (interviews, long-term observations, quantitative data, iconographic and written documents analyses) of three “reconnecting districts” under construction in and around Paris, and by connecting these local urban operations with national policies (studied through field work at the French Ministry of Housing) developed in a wider international context (most notably, the COP21 international climate summit in Paris). The thesis examines the processes by which those urban operations are first set on local political agendas, it analyzes how some of them become trend-setters in France as well as demonstrators of exportable French urban savoir-faire around the world, and finally studies how those new districts’ promises of “reconnection” translate within land and housing markets and take shape through urban and architectural conception work. I argue that this new urban model emerges through an incremental process made up of multiple valuation operations and based on the incessant circulations of reconnection promises among cities, intermediary and national governments as well as economic actors. Ultimately, this thesis aims at contributing to the economic sociology of urban change, to the sociology of promises and innovations, and to the political sociology of models
Beuf, Alice. "Les centralités à Bogotá, entre compétitivité urbaine et équité territoriale". Phd thesis, Université de Nanterre - Paris X, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00612768.
Pełny tekst źródłaUlriksen, Moretti Constanza. "L’action publique en faveur des quartiers défavorisés au Chili (2006-2010) : généalogie et développement des nouvelles approches territoriale et participative". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOU20123/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaOne of the Chilean governments priorities between 1990 and 2005 was the reduction of the housing deficit. Progress has been significant quantitatively, but not qualitatively. In this context, the first Bachelet administration has implemented New housing policy of quality improvement and social integration, which includes the first rehabilitation program for distressed neighborhoods, Quiero mi Barrio (PQMB). A first research stage reconstructs the genealogy and formulation of the PQMB, and a second examines its development, in particular through a case study of two neighborhoods. The results show that a social integration within the territories took precedence over an urban social integration of the neighborhoods in relation to the rest of the city. PQMB appears as a participatory program to improve public spaces, which contains a dialectical process coming from the decisions and practices of all actors involved. However, PQMB has achieved a paradigm shift from quantity to quality in terms of Chilean housing policies, as well as the introduction of citizen participation as an indispensable process. Rather than a comprehensive territorial approach, a territorialization of public spending is observed, which is nonetheless never sufficient to tackle the complexity of the problem. We thus identify three imperatives for the Chilean rehabilitation of disadvantaged neighborhoods: the development of a collaborative institutional support system, rich and varied; a real interdisciplinary work; and a permanent exchange between researchers and practitioners
Una de las prioridades de los gobiernos chilenos entre 1990 y 2005 fue la reducción del déficit habitacional. Los progresos han sido significativos en el plano cuantitativo, pero no así en el cualitativo. En este contexto, la primera administración de Bachelet implementó la Nueva Política Habitacional de Mejoramiento de la Calidad y la Integración Social, que incluye el primer programa de recuperación de barrios vulnerables, Quiero mi Barrio (PQMB). Una primera etapa de investigación reconstruye la genealogía y formulación del PQMB, y una segunda examina su desarrollo, particularmente a partir de un estudio de caso de dos barrios. Los resultados indican que una integración social al interior de los territorios primó por sobre una integración social urbana de los barrios respecto al resto de la ciudad. El PQMB aparece como un programa participativo de mejoramiento de espacios públicos, resultado que encierra un proceso dialéctico derivado de las decisiones y prácticas de todos los actores implicados. No obstante, el PQMB logró cambiar el referencial de las políticas habitacionales, de la satisfacción de la cantidad a la consideración de estándares de calidad, así como también introducir la participación como un proceso indispensable. En lugar de un enfoque territorial integral, se observa una territorialización del gasto público que nunca es suficiente para satisfacer la complejidad del problema. La tesis identifica tres imperativos para la recuperación de barrios vulnerables en Chile: el desarrollo de un sistema de apoyo institucional y de colaboración, rico y variado, un auténtico trabajo interdisciplinario, y una práctica de intercambio permanente entre investigadores y profesionales ejecutores
Borzillo, Laurent. "Les forces expéditionnaires bi/multinationales en Europe : analyse comparée des politiques d’alliance de la France et de l’Allemagne (1991-2016)". Thesis, Montpellier, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020MONTD001.
Pełny tekst źródłaWhy do states create bi/multinational expeditionary forces? Why have not they been used yet? The objective of this PhD dissertation is to explain this paradox, which is well exemplified by the Franco-German brigade and the European Union Battle Groups (EUBG). Although these two units are not the only ones in Europe that can be qualified as expeditionary forces, we chose these two case studies to analyze, among others, the decision-making processes in both France and Germany.We have therefore focused on these two units and on the alliance policies that are at the origin of these units. In practice, our research builds on the work on alliances and the field of comparative foreign policy analysis. The theoretical framework developed to explain the foreign policy decisions is based on the theory of roles by Kal Holsti. Our findings indicate that these decisions are made only by a limited group of actors and result from the roles those actors assume for their country. Institutional arrangements, as well as conflicts and power struggles, moderate these roles. In addition, there is strong evidence for path dependency in cases where decisions have an institutional scope.The decisions in favor of the Franco-German brigade and the EUBG ultimately resulted from the role of a promoter of reinforced European military capabilities and the role of a faithful ally, which dominated among the actors behind these decisions. Other roles present among the French and German decision-makers tend, on the contrary, to slow down the use of these units. This is particularly true for the role of a great power (France) and the role of a civilian power (Germany). Several roles coexist indeed within each state and each sees its amount of influence fluctuate. This variation in roles’ influence depends on the actors involved, as well as on power struggles and relations.Our dissertation is divided into seven chapters. In the first three we will return to the literature on expeditionary forces and alliances, to our methodology, and to the international relations in Europe over the past thirty years. The following chapters deal with the development of the Franco-German brigade as an expeditionary force, the creation of battle groups, the choice of partners within them, and finally the non-employment of these military troops. These are the four empirical chapters of our research.In conclusion, we estimate that the probability of deployment of the studied units in the coming years remains rather low. Relying on role theory, our theoretical explanation serves as a tool for understanding the functioning of the French and German political-military decision-making structures. While validated for this analysis, this theoretical framework now has to be tested on other case studies
Bros, Aurélie. "Good bye Ukraine ! : How does Gazprom aim to ensure the security of demand in a context where Europe is reshaping its energy architecture ?" Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010582.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe history of Gazprom is a series of constant adaptations – with varying degrees of success – to both European market conditions and the format of dialogue with all parties involved in the gas business across the continent. The company thrived during the 1990s and the 2000s in an environment where the main characteristics of the former model were retained. At the same time, Gazprom constantly seized any new opportunity which was offered by the liberalization and opening up of national gas markets. This has not prevented the company from encountering a few difficulties, illustrating that adaptation can be difficult from time to time. Gazprom is facing structural challenges that have been of particular concern over the last few years. The major difficulty is that this occurs at a time when the wider EU-Russia energy dialogue is highly fraught due to severe tensions which are more broadly affecting the dialogue between the European Union and the Russian Federation
Pichonnier, Christopher. "La France et la Hongrie (1989-2004)". Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30018/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThroughout history, relations between France and Hungary have been complex and ambiguous, often characterized by a certain distance and sometimes marked by a genuine resentment. During the early modern period, the Turkish occupation and the long association of Hungary to the Habsburg Empire certainly contributed to building barriers between the two states and thus to slowing down the development of stronger ties. In a similar manner, during the 20th century, even though many factors – geographical, cultural, as well as societal – should have led France to develop a similar relationship of confidence and friendship with Hungary as those it had with other central European capitals, the two World Wars – and the revisionist and communist periods that followed in Hungary – as well as the deep “injury” inflicted on the Hungarians by the Treaty of Trianon have constantly pushed both states into opposing camps. In a country where the intelligentsia was historically quick to “look towards Paris”, these factors and events contributed to creating the myth of an “impossible love” between the two countries. Considered for a very long time as a German zone of influence, Hungary never really represented a favored partner for France in the eastern part of the continent, and the relations between the countries remained largely irregular and asymmetrical. Under these conditions, the major upheavals of the years 1989-1990, while offering an opportunity to redesign a new Europe, also allowed a chance for a new start in French-Hungarian relations. This thesis provides the first analysis of the overall strengthening of French-Hungarian relations in this new historical context. Starting with the observation that French-Hungarian relations undergo a change of dimension from 1989 – a transformation that will be discussed and analyzed – our work tries to understand on the one hand whether this mutation represents a modification of the real nature of French foreign policy towards Hungary, given that the country was mostly treated until then as part of the global periphery; and, on the other hand, whether this period marks the end of an absent France in Hungary. At the twilight of the Cold War and the dawn of the EU's enlargement, does the period from 1989 to 2004 mark the end of an ambiguous and asymmetrical relationship between France and Hungary and the start of a new era for French-Hungarian relations? The thesis is divided into four main parts : the first part provides a general overview of the topic and tests the idea of a “new beginning” of French-Hungarian relations. The second part delivers an analysis of the evolution of cultural relations between the two countries from 1989 to 2004. The third part is dedicated to the strengthening of economic ties between the two states. Finally, the last part studies the evolution of the relations between the two countries throughout the process of the EU and NATO's enlargement
Troncy, Christel. "Institutionnalisation de formations francophones en contexte non francophone : politiques curriculaires et statut du français : l'université Galatasaray en Turquie (1992-2012) : une étude de cas élargie à d'autres formations en Europe orientale". Thesis, Le Mans, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LEMA3003/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaHow does the status of the French language as the teaching language for the courses become institutionalized in academic training programs, within a non French-speaking context? The main assumption is that of a weak institutionalization of the curricular status of the French language in a non French-speaking context, due in particular to the players, who generate the academic curricular policy while being less and less committed to a curriculum in French.The study of the curricular policy evolution at Galatasaray University — a university created in 1992 on the basis of a franco-turkish agreement is —considered along the lines of a qualitative and inductive approach, by means of a case study extended to other training programs in French, of a lesser scope but created during the same era, at the turn of the 1980s-1990s in Turkey and in other Eastern Europe countries. The study relies on a vast corpus of archival data and interview-gathered data. The elements concerning the selected training programs enable us to bring to light some initial institutionalization processes of the status of the French language, that are common to these training programs and to Galatasaray University. All are representative of a particular era, of short lasting, propitious for a movement of academic training programs creation, in French, within these globally non French-speaking contexts in Eastern Europe. In the majority of cases, at various degrees, twenty years later, the status of the French language appears all the more unstable that the networks of players who generate the curricular academic policy are weak, and that the status of the French language is less and less consensual