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Dansou, Alidjinou Adolphe. "Le discours politique béninois : 1972 à 1990". Montpellier 1, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992MON10037.
Pełny tekst źródłaMayrargue, Cédric. "Dynamiques religieuses et démocratisation au Bénin : pentecôtisme et formation d'un espace public". Phd thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002BOR40041.
Pełny tekst źródłaAgblonon, Kinhou Oreste William. "Démocratie en Afrique, un art machiavélien ? : les fondements de la stabilité politique dans le Bénin du Renouveau démocratique". Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0007.
Pełny tekst źródłaThere is no shortcut towards the progress; argued very exactly Goran Hyden. Regarding democracy, there is either no shortcut, some more of model ready-to-wear clothing. Each society catches itself reconstructing a history, a part of this big history that we baptize democracy. It is hardly as far as this history remains so particular and so original as it has no common measurement with the existing. In this walking which leads towards the democracy, the peoples cross stages in their own way, but always fit through good times and bad into a continuum of direction which makes some democracy a "restless" history. So, since 1990, several African States, try to take part in this adventure, strong of their peculiarities and their diversity. The case of Benin which caught our attention in this work stands out, in spite of the sense given to the social practices neither "as a democracy to the African, nor as an African democracy ". Because what embodies the democracy, it is its history "rainbow" which in spite of time and the practices strengthens its universality. Government of the people by the people and for the people, it is already a history of "chameleon" taking in the passage the color of the peoples and the senses which the peoples in their ontological diversity grant to their social practices. The democracy is thus a history rich in this diverse and varied histories. Societies are for diverse stages in the long process of this construction. And it is one of these stages that we tried to understand through its languages, its practices and the sense granted by the actors to their practices
Hounga, Antoine. "Le tourisme dans un pays en voie de développement : l'exemple du Bénin en Afrique de l'Ouest". Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003CLF20017.
Pełny tekst źródłaBenin, a developing country, becomes independent on August 1st, 1960 and creates its first Ministry of tourism on January 15th, 1961. But, socioeconomic and political factors disturb the development of the sector from 1961 to 1971 (post-colonial) and again from 1972 to 1989 (Marxist-Leninist). The development achieved in 1990, particularly with the advent of democratic revival, is based more on sub-regional rather than international arrivals, due to Benin's geopolitical situation. Consequently, the policy turns to hotel facilities management with an obviously low participation of nationals in tourist activities. Despite a wealth of resources, Benin is a poor country suffering from a total lack of development policy (promotion, training, infrastructure, services) : a problem linked to underdevelopment that must be solved by getting the population involved in the development of the sector
Mayrargue, Cédric. "Dynamiques religieuses et démocratisation au Bénin : pentecôtisme et formation d'un espace public". Phd thesis, Institut d'études politiques de Bordeaux, 2002. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00298180.
Pełny tekst źródłaLa période de transition démocratique a été accompagnée d'un retour du religieux dans l'espace public, perceptible en particulier, au-delà de l'intervention d'acteurs précis, au niveau de la diffusion d'un imaginaire offrant une lecture en termes religieux de ces transformations. C'est dans ce contexte que l'on assiste à l'expansion de mouvements chrétiens pentecôtistes dans l'espace urbain. A travers l'étude des logiques de diffusion des Églises, des trajectoires individuelles de convertis et des mécanismes de construction communautaire, c'est la dimension moderne du phénomène, et sa capacité à médiatiser des changements sociaux, qui sera soulignée. Les dynamiques religieuses sont ensuite mises en relation avec le processus de changement politique, autour d'une réflexion sur la formation d'un espace public. On s'intéressera aux effets différenciés d'une même expression religieuse en fonction des significations qu'en donnent et des usages qu'en font différents acteurs, et en particulier les convertis.
Est ainsi privilégiée une lecture qui, en tenant compte de la diversité, de la fluidité et de la mobilité qui caractérisent ces nouveautés religieuses, insiste sur les conséquences ambivalentes, paradoxales ou involontaires, de l'expansion pentecôtiste sur le processus politique.
Nach, Mback Charles. "Genèse et dynamiques des réformes décentralisatrices dans les États d'afrique subsaharienne (1990-2000) : une approche comparée : Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Gabon, Mali, Niger". Bordeaux 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000BOR40046.
Pełny tekst źródłaPrado, Maillard José Luís. "Le Mexique sous un nouveau contexte : Les rapports des pouvoirs politiques de l'Union". Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA010265.
Pełny tekst źródłaRoux, Jean-Christophe. "Analyse comparative de l'émergence du multipartisme dans les 15 républiques indépendantes de l'ex-URSS de 1989 à 1999". Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA081997.
Pełny tekst źródłaDiop, El Hadji Omar. "Les partis politiques dans le processus de transition démocratique des États d'Afrique noire francophone". Bordeaux 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR40003.
Pełny tekst źródłaMaire, Antoine. "La Mongolie, entre dépendance et politiques développementalistes, 1990-2016". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0014/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation evaluates the development policy implemented by Mongolia between 1990 and 2016. It is built around the following research question: “Between “resources curse”, sinophobia and dependency, how is the new democratic and liberal Mongolia facing the economic development challenge to preserve its independence and sovereignty and to avoid being turned “into a raw materials appendage” to China?”. Through this question, the dissertation will describe the development path followed by Mongolia after 1990. The objective is to propose a description of the new politico-economic system that has emerged, that is the specificities of its capitalism. Apart from this contribution to Mongolian studies, this dissertation will also help to understand the challenges that resource-rich countries are facing in their development process. Finally, this dissertation is proposing a new contribution to understand the reasons that led to a divergence in the economic and political transition processes followed by post-socialist countries after 1990
Crouzel, Ivan. "Refonder l'État par le local : gouvernement local et institutionnalisation d'un État post-apartheid en Afrique du Sud". Bordeaux 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004BOR40034.
Pełny tekst źródłaDuchâtel, Mathieu. "La politique de sécurité nationale à Taiwan sous la présidence indépendantiste de Chen Shui-bian (2000-2008) : sécurité politique et crise de légitimité". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0036.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn 2000, Chen Shui-bian, the candidate of the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party, is elected President of the Republic of China on Taiwan. The first peaceful transfer of power of the history of Taiwan marks a strategic break in East Asia. After the Kuomintang lost the Chinese Mainland to the Communists and relocated the regime on Taiwan by the end of the 1940s, the island’s external security was always conceived in terms of unfinished civil war with Mainland China. Shui-bian transforms Taiwan’s security policy based on a national referent, although Taiwan independence is viewed in Beijing as a potential casus belli. Without a parliamentarian majority and a power basis in the army, Chen Shui-bian faces legitimacy denial on the domestic arena from his inaugural address. But during his second term, his controversial nation-building project and suspicions of corruption spark off a profound legitimacy crisis. Facing the rise of China, with which economic and trade exchanges continue to grow during his two mandates, Chen Shui-bian’s security policy aims at securing Taiwan’s national sovereignty, although it lacks international recognition. Moreover, the United States, Taiwan’s main source of external support, disapprove Chen’s pro-independence policies. Analyzing Taiwan’s national security policy between 2000 and 2008 aims at determining to what extent and through which strategies a new actor in control of the executive branch of power can overcome internal oppositions and transform a policy inherited from the authoritarian period, against a background of fierce democratic competition, competing national identities and pressures from great powers
Aasi, Jony. "Les paradigmes à l'épreuve du temps : la théorie des relations internationales confrontée à la fin de la guerre froide". Lyon 3, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000LYO33042.
Pełny tekst źródłaLe, Huérou Anne. "" Acteurs locaux et régionaux face aux transformations du pouvoir en Russie, 1989-1999 "". Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2006. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00692786.
Pełny tekst źródłaAl, Dabaghy Camille. "La fabrique transnationale d'une échelle de gouvernement : la commune à Madagascar et à Diégo-Suarez sous la Troisième République (1993-2010)". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0183.
Pełny tekst źródłaDecentralization reforms, water management, household waste management, roads, markets, civil status, etc.: under the Third Republic, development aid focused on most of the policies or services that count in the process of rebuilding the municipal institution, introduced by the colonial administration at the end of the 19th century but abolished between 1973 and 1993. The survey focuses on this increasing and combined transnationalisation of decentralisation policy and municipal public action in the 1990s and 2000s. On the basis of archival and ethnographic materials, it re-establishes this process in the average time of the colonial government, examines its recent modalities and questions its effects on the dual level of the figure of the communal institution and the political capacity of the communes, as they appear in the centre, for all the communes, and in Diego Suarez, for a particular urban commune. The thesis first describes the work of aid production and public action at the increasingly numerous and fragmented interfaces between aid organisations and domestic administrations. It shows that aid has become part of the internal division of administrative and political work of government, that the struggles between Malagasy aid and public actors and the domestic struggles between Malagasy political and administrative actors for the control of public action have been established, that these struggles are regulated by a shared grammar of sovereign decision-making under the aid regime. The survey also shows that the repeated and multiplied play of aid has resulted in the pre-eminence gradually acquired in the reconstruction of the municipality, at both national and local level, by Malagasy political and administrative elites who cumulate, diachronically or symbolically, positions in aid and positions in public administrations. They are elites who embody, legitimize and defend the transnationalization of public action. Finally, it shows that the municipal councils of a city like Diego Suarez have been well engaged in strategies to build their capacity to act on aid dependency. But that, if the aid interventions have affected the figure of the communal institution, the very functioning of the municipal organization, it is without significantly increasing its political capacity. Nothing is truly institutionalized about the access of municipal actors to the resources that would allow them to decide and act accordingly
El, Qadim Nora. "Négocier l'asymétrie : les politiques extérieures européennes au regard des relations entre acteurs marocains et européens du gouvernement des migrations". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0054.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation examines Morocco-EU negotiations on migrations since 1999, and specifically since 2003, when both partners started negotiating a readmission agreement. The purpose of such an agreement is to make it easier to deport undocumented migrants. Using a postcolonial approach, this work questions existing analyses of the EU’s external policy and their Eurocentric tendencies. The objective is to pluralize the subjects of international negotiations. The first step towards this objective is to study the historical and institutional complexity of Moroccan as well as European actors. A second important step is to offer a sociological analysis of resistance practices of Moroccan actors to pressures from the EU and European countries. I demonstrate in this work that negotiations, far from being limited to the realm of high politics, are part of the day-to-day practices of administrative actors who are engaged in national and international competition. It through the analysis of everyday contestations that one can understand the agency of Moroccan actors and the ways in which they constantly question the asymmetry of their relationships with European countries
Kaboré, Daouda. "Organisations internationales, démilitarisation de la vie politique et construction de la démocratie en Afrique de l’ouest (Côte d’Ivoire, Libéria, Sierra Léone) : 1990-2011". Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100001/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince 1990, the West African states face insecurity and the struggle for armed conflict resolution. They are mostly destabilized by military coup. International community support Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone in the research of conflict solutions and the building of democratic institutions in the African states. Instead of the interference of the international organization in the African’s internal affairs and the strategies adopted, the insecurity continues to be a real problem for the stability of the sub-region. The states continue to be fragile. According to the assistance of UNO specialized agencies, an international Non-Government Organization (INGO) network is built around the assistance activities, to support the consequences of the armed conflicts. The INGO make the most of the opportunities to reinforce their position in the state and to create others activities to improve their business. Despite all positions of ECOWAS, African unity organization, and African Union to prevent conflicts and to find mechanisms of the management and peaceful solution, the states are not able to build a long term peace. The member states make the most opportunity of the insecurity of the sub region. Theirs strategies are to protect their own interests instead of finding solutions for peace. This behavior and the incoherence in theirs peace-actions continue to be subjects of discussion. This makes think another approach of conflict resolution in Africa. My research is to analyze the strategies of the international organizations, their strength and their weakness in peacekeeping and the capacity-building of African democratic institutions
Jabouin, Evens. "Entre péripéties, luttes et participations : l'émigration des Haïtiens en Floride et en région parisienne au cours du vingtième siècle". Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0044.
Pełny tekst źródłaWhen one mentions the question of the emigration of the Haitians throughout the world, one of the recurrent themes relating to it is that it is almost systematically associated with the years 1960, and more particularly with the advent of Papa Doc to the power in Haiti. As for the favored destinations of the Haitians, there is another recurrent theme which consists of presenting Miami as the bastion of the poor boat people, whereas Paris is regarded as the destination of a more elite Haitian migration or of the persecuted political actors. This study intends to show that what seemed true in Paris during the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century has not been the case for already a few decades. Going back to the first wave of emigration towards Cuba in the years 1910, it shows that the emigration of the Haitians precedes Duvalier, and examines the issue relating to the hosting and the settlement of recent waves of Haitian immigrants in France, in the United States and elsewhere. Regarded as undesirable, they were received rather unfavorably in their respective countries of reception. Nevertheless, recently, the Haitians abroad are shifting from their status of the undesirable poor to that of an influential and respectable group. In Florida today, the Haitians have come to be an important municipal players, elected to the head city institutions which has long been inaccessible to them. In the Paris region, the Haitians have not had equivalent electoral and political success, because they are less visible socially. But they have been, in recent years, part for a very encouraging sociocultural dynamic
Gonchig, Khishig-Erdene. "La Mongolie et ses rapports avec le monde et la France depuis 1990 : influence internationale sur la politique mongole". Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMR130/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis analyzes the internal and external political, economic and constitutional life of Mongolia since its democratic revolution. This small country mainly relies on its natural resources and willing to develop its cooperation with other countries, which have rich experiences in mining. Analyses on foreign direct investment in Mongolia show the impact of domestic legislation: laws on the exploration and exploitation of natural resources, protection of the environment, and strategic ranking of natural resource sites etc. The thesis attempts to explain Mongolia's current relations with foreign countries and tries to predict the future in light of the commitments to international organizations and bilateral and multilateral agreements. This thesis puts into perspective the concept of "third neighbor" in Mongolia's foreign policy: the search for the support of a third power, which is a virtual neighbor (ie without geographical proximity) sharing the same democratic values. Moreover, it tries to explain in detail, the bilateral relations between Mongolia and France, its privileged "third neighbor". It highlights the human and territorial relations between France and Mongolia that allow for good relations at a higher level irrespective of economic and political problems. Finally, as the very first thesis on Mongolian foreign relations, namely with France, it aims to serve as a reference base for those interested in Mongolia
Pineda-Pinzon, Fernando. "L'action de la Commission européenne en Colombie, 1990-2010 : coopération pour le développement et construction des citoyennetés". Thesis, Paris 10, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA100026/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaMore than just great speeches and treaties, international relations take form in actions of cooperation between states. During the two decades following 1990, in a context of an apparent international ideological consensus around democracy and development, our work has studied the translation of discourses into actions on the ground.We have studied the action of the European Union, an actor of international relations in consolidation during this period who presents itself as a champion of democracy. As a field of implementation, we chose Colombia, a strongly ideologically divided country that has been traditionally influenced by the United States, but where the European Union increases its investment after 1990.We analyzed Europe's aid strategies in areas such as democracy building, fund management and education. We also studied documents relating to 13 projects in the field between 1990 and 2010. These are formulation, external communication and projects’ follow-up documents as well as interviews with people who have participated in their implementation.Thanks to this, we were able to appreciate the polysemy and the contradictions, resistances and interpretations that take place at the time of translating political ideas into social or educational projects.Our work allowed us to identify the characteristics of the particular model of democratic citizenship built in the European Commission's cooperation practices in Colombia, highlighting the political projects and the historical nature of these practices that are, most often, analyzed from a purely technical point of view.We also drew conclusions on the specificities of European practices of international relations in the construction of democracy in relation, in particular, to the practices of the United States. Finally, our conclusions concern the process of building peace and democracy in Colombia during the two decades and the role of international action in the country in relation to internal dynamics
Prognon, Nicolas. "La diaspora chilienne en France : l'exil et le retour, 1973-1994". Toulouse 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002TOU20087.
Pełny tekst źródłaAfter the military pronunciamiento on the eleventh of September 1973, thousands of Chileans fled from their country, to France mainly because of a warm feeling toward Salvador Allende's government. The first exiled arrived rather quickly and this flow, rather unusual for a South American country, lasted until 1994 when the status of political refugees was no longer granted by the French Foreign Affairs. Once into exile the Chileans had to learn how to survive first before getting integrated. In the mean time they carried out an important work of denunciation. By the end of the 70's there were signs of homecoming for a minority. But in 1982, the publication of lists by the Santiago Authorities gave many Chileans the hope of a return back. Nevertheless, in spite of a number of reforms, the return of democracy in December 1989 did not bring a solution to the probleme of exile
Ennahi, Youssef. "De l’usage de l’influence et de la manipulation comme stratégies de communication politique chez les islamistes marocains : cas de M. Abdelilah Benkirane, Chef du gouvernement marocain (2011-2017)". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL103.
Pełny tekst źródłaComparable to other countries in the region, the Arab Spring resulted in Morocco with the rise of Islamists to power ; a surprising victory that some justify as the ability of the PJD (Islamist party) to ride the wave of popular demands by taking, on its own, the main complaints of protesters using strategies of political influence and manipulation. The arrival of PJD as head of the Moroccan executive revealed Mr. Benkirane, as an outstanding political figure who knew how to impose a political communication fundamentally different from those of his predecessors founded on strong use of influence and manipulation methods. Indeed, what characterizes the entry of this Islamist leader on the Moroccan political scene is the fact that he progressively diverted his communication from an Islamist opponent to adopt a communication with new orientations. The main features of this new political line are the change of position to the major doctrinal foundations of the PJD as well as a withdrawal from the commitments made during the Arab Spring and the electoral campaign of 2011 elections. The orientation of Mr. Benkirane political communication is, I believe, the manifest subtle orchestration of strategies of influence and political manipulation. This dissertation aims to highlight these strategies as they are manifested in the political communication of Mr. Benkirane
Hamdan, Akhlasse. "Médias et environnement : le processus et les protagonistes du « Grenelle de l’environnement »". Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100145.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis typescript contributes to research in political communication concerning environmental issues in France. We focus in our study on the case of the "Grenelle de l'environnement" announced by Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. It seems interesting to identify two main areas in this research. The first is the strategy of the government policy, investigating the method of the Grenelle and the reasons that led to its organization and the second axis is the media and our question concerns the relationship between both media and political fields. The later leads us to deeply study the reasons why the journalists were interested in the GDE, and analyze media coverage of the Grenelle. To test our hypotheses the research was based on a number of empirical investigations
Jedlicki, Fanny. "De l'exil au retour : Héritages familiaux et recompositions identitaires d'enfants de retornados chiliens". Paris 7, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA070041.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe constructions of their own identities by the children of the Chilean retornados are determined by their family history. Based on politics, violence and the trauma consecutive to repression, the memory transmitted within the exiled families and the community group is linked with the experiences of exile lived in diverse socio-cultural environments. Interactions with the members of the welcoming societies also play a role in the children's progressive socialization and identifications. These children are in close relation with their parents' psyches, as a result of the latter being victims of political repression, and thus tend to identify with them and their projects. The myth of a return to the native country, a corollary of exile, participates in this relation: yet, only 30% of the Chilean refugees returned to Chile, during the military dictatorship as well as afterwards. Those who had often incarnated the image of the ideal political refugee while in exile now find themselves stigmatized and rejected by a society which has changed (during their absence). They are again confronted with a new form of migration, which their children, most of them not born in Chili, find even more complex. Their sufferings are not acknowledged in Chile's national history, rather amnesic about the recent past. However, as time passes, they gradually fit in with their new environment, adapting well or not so well depending on their socio-economic background and the contexts of their return. The retornados' children restructure their feelings of belonging, their geographic choices, their values and their political practices between their family legacy and their growing autonomy. The ways they narrate their identities are revealing of these memory recompositions, structured by a heavy legacy and marked by the global transformation of the contemporary world
Fauconnier, Clémentine. "Organisation partisane et exercice du pouvoir dans la Russie de Poutine : les paradoxes de la fabrication de Russie Unie (2001-2012)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0019.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis aims to examine the issues and modalities of building a political majority in Russia from the 2000s, after a decade marked by the weakness of the Central Executive and party system fragmentation. Created in 2001 to support Vladimir Putin, the situation of the political party United Russia in the political landscape may seem paradoxical. Dominant at all levels of power since 2003, it still remains a tool in the hands of leaders of the Executive, without any real autonomy or influence. United Russia, including officially 2 million members, is not rooted in Russian society and has very few militants. The analysis of the tension between the dynamics of the party’s institutionalization and, at the same time, its maintaining under control of the State appears as a privileged entry point for analyzing, in a comparative perspective, the production of mechanisms of subjections of Russian elected officials. This implies to study the establishment of United Russia and its concrete functioning, the practices of the actors involved in these activities and the meaning they give to these practices. Thus this approach suggests to show how the study of this specific process of party construction is likely to feed a more general and comparative reflection on how the dynamics of differentiation or reconciliation between parties and the State contribute to produce various forms of political investments. For this purpose, studying the party as an institution as well as the comparative historical sociology can show the tensions created by the process of differentiation under the control of United Russia and also how it supports the establishment of new domination mechanisms
Bouhou, Kassim. "La politique étrangère américaine au Maghreb après la guerre froide [1989-2001]". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030034.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn history, United States did not focus on North African issues. American leaders consider that this part of the world is under European influence, especially under French influence. The Second World War, decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s and the Western Sahara dispute in the 1980s are the periods during which American presence has been the most active. Yet, the Maghreb was not kept out the stakes and challenges facing the world in the 1990s. How did the Bush and Clinton Administrations consider the North African authoritarian regimes, socially weakened by endemic debts and unable to provide an alternative response to the popular call for Islamist parties ? In the making of American foreign policy, which actors are bound to the Maghreb region ? Which roles played the Congress, the media, the political parties as the Maghreb faced the booming of Islam as a political force ? Are there any interests of American parties or American political and economic clans in the Maghreb ? Are there any antagonist positions inside the Congress and the executive branch about the policy to conduct in the region ?
Compaore, Jérôme. "La maîtrise et la gestion de l'eau dans un contexte de décentralisation au Burkina Faso depuis 2006 : état des lieux et perspectives dans une dynamique de développement et de communication". Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020083/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaWater is source of life. Longtime ago, water has always been a central and constant concern for people. The issue of water is among the top world hot topics today, following the evidence that the world is experiencing climate change…In Burkina Faso, similarly to Mali and Niger, the constitutions stipulate, "wealth and natural resources belong to people, for their livelihood improvement”. In these countries, the historical context of the Nation-state’s creation was strongly marked by volunteered public actions, under the leadership of the States, strengthened by technical and financial supports from partners to ensure the efficient uses of water resources….The key element of the decentralization is the transfer of powers to local authorities. In all three countries we visited, the principle of progress-based subsidiarity is prevailing. In Burkina Faso, according to the mayor of Gaoua "the transfer should not be done just for fun. The current impression is the denial to transfer everything but I see this as a cautious attitude of the central government. The caution as observed is a good thing, but not a sufficient reason for not transferring all the powers to local authorities"…
Yusifov, Shahin. "La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)
Miranda, perez Fabiola. "Action publique et justice dans le Chili post-dictatorial : Le traitement étatique des violences envers les femmes". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017GREAH042.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince Chile has been back to the democratic regime in 1990, we observe a repositioning of both social policies and policies that seek to correct the violations to the Human Rights committed during the authoritarian regime (1973-1990). Indeed, the objective is to set some instruments up in order to validate the new democracy through the 90s. Thus, in this context of recognition of the social Rights, the women movement(s) succeeds at integrating in the public agenda their request for the creation of a law that would enable the protection of women victims of intimate violence from their partner: the 1994 intra-family violence Law. Under a logical of social protection and public policies focusing, this country develops several devices that shyly emerge between 1994 and 2004. Nevertheless, in 2005 a reform of the penal and family system as long as the law about intra-family violence, allow the implementation of a public policy of care taking for the violence committed against women, that put to work several institutions and actors from both public and private sectors. Despite those lasts initiatives, the assistancial type logics proper to a neoliberal State establish themselves in the field of action, as a way to answer inequalities. Therefore, the situations of abuse suffered by women will be measured depending on the risk they represent for themselves and for their families, or for their exposure to vulnerability situations.Starting from the works about government Sciences (Ihl, Kaluszynski, Pollet, 2003), the sociology of public action (Hassenteuffel, 2011 ; Lascoumes et le Galès, 2004 ; 2012), the sociology of Right and Justice (Commaille et al, 2000), and the studies of gender and public policies (Dauphin, 2010 ; Bereni et al, 2012), this PhD piece of work seeks to question the ways the public policy of violence against women care taking has been set up and legitimated within the State, specially within the social protection organism as the National Women Service (SERNAM), and the justice institutions (Family Matters Courts, Public Ministry, Criminal Courts, among others). Thanks to a mixed methodology for data collection, composed by semi-directive interviews (67) made to relevant actors of the implementation of the public policy but also ethnographical observations within the Family Matters court, the study is interested in the relation that the State establishes with the recipients of the public action, with the objective of understanding how the subjectivity of the workers have an impact on the way violence is dealt with, establishing themselves as a government device for those cases. It also reports the models of social intervention and the social field management in Chile
El, fekih said Wafa. "The evolution of the political discourse over immigration and integration in post-devolution Scotland". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://dante.univ-tlse2.fr/8839/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe project is centred on the idea that post-devolution Scotland is developing its own political and policy trajectory in the context of the nation-building project. Taking into consideration the multi-level system of governance created by the devolution process, the political discourse over immigration and integration has evolved and created an opportunity for the political elite in Scotland to shape their own integration model according to a civic form of Scottish identity. This consensus can also be related to the demographic specificity of Scotland making of immigrants an important asset to the country.Through a mixed-method approach relying mainly on the discourse analysis of political discourse this research project attempts to cater the multi-level dimension of party politics in Scotland, and in particular how the narrative advanced by the political elite on immigration and integration especially has resulted in diverging policy orientations that further reinforce the cleavage between Scottish and British parties. The multicultural orientation of Scotland’s integration strategies is reinforced thanks to the promotion of civic form of national identity that is inclusive of minorities, as well as the celebration of Scotland’s diverse heritage
Laacher, Anaïs. "Afficher sa souveraineté : entente, malentendu et rupture : le Tchad face à la mission de sécurisation de l'ONU (MINURCAT)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0058.
Pełny tekst źródłaFragile state, Chad, which level of development is among the world’s lowest, could be defined in Helman and Ratner’s words as " simply unable to work as independent entity ", as described in their article Failed States published in 1994. Than why did he asked for the withdrawal of the MINURCAT, the European and UN military mission, deployed in 2008? We acknowledge that the negative impact of the relation between these two actors, shown in the exclusion of the MINURCAT, can be explained studying the nature of the “encountering spheres” and their effects, both direct and indirect on Chad. Indeed, this thesis emphasizes on the systemic character of the social link between Chad and the United Nations and therefore intends to categorize the spaces of getting in touch as a three variable system: the socialization, the estrangement and the break. The analysis of the meeting in terms of "spatiality" allows the study of the link between "time and symbolic spheres of the interaction ", which gives enables to establish the incentives to act and the ways of formulation. The latters establish the terms of a new speech based on the claim for a sovereignty which would not be a sovereignty of facade and its recognition by the international community. We will study, on the one hand, the gradual formation of such a space of assessment and, on the other hand, the will to counter the denial of recognition which allows Chad to complete its relationship to its own sovereignty
Dorlian, Samy. "La mouvance zaydite après l'unification yéménite de 1990 ou la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des "perdants de l'histoire"". Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32025.
Pełny tekst źródłaEmerging out of the 26 September, 1962 revolution, North Yemen became not only the first republic in the Arabian Peninsula, but also ended the long-lasting rule of the ShiaZaydi Imamate, embodying the political and religious dominance of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad : the sâda. After the revolution, a majority of the members of this status group, which occupied pre-eminent positions in the social hierarchy of the ancien régime, were relegated to the condition of «losers of the history». Since 1970 and the endof Yemen’s civil war, which pitted republicans against royalists (partisans of theImamate), the sâda adopted a pragmatic political stance, evincing an eagerness to integrate into and adapt to the new system in Yemen, in political as well as in socioprofessional terms.However, within the pluralistic context of the country’s unification in 1990 between North Yemen and South Yemen, some of the sâda choose to give political expression to their Zaydi «sectarian» affiliation, which expression took diverse organizational forms.The resulting Zaydi movement - comprising actors perceived, by the government, as representing the ancien régime - was able to overcome the challenge of compatibility with the republican regime. While adopting a strategy of political modernization, it never ceased asserting its Zaydi thinking. Rather than adopting the «Sunnisation of Zaydism» -as suggested by the republican literature - which would have forced the movement to abandon its primary «sectarian» underpinnings, it opted for an internally congruous Zaydireformism. The two fold undertaking of modernization and reform, put the Zaydimovement on the path of constructing a political vision claiming to be of universal validity. However, this project stalled relatively after June 2004, following the outbreak of the Saada war (from the name of the province bordering Saudi Arabia in the northwest of Yemen), waged between government and the partisans of Husayn, Badr al-Dînand later ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi (respectively son, father and brother). Indeed, the government’s «strategy» of «sectarianization» of its adversary’s political claim, led to acollective stigmatization prompting identity reformulations which seriously threaten the modernizing aspect of the political and religious revival of the «losers of the history» in Yemen
Messiaen, Pierre. "Les conséquences internationales de l'évolution démographique de la fédération de Russie (1991-2012)". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCF021/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis aims to analyse Russia’s international relations through its demographics. The choice is justified by the scale of socio-political changes in the country since the end of USSR and by the seriousness of the Russian demographic situation since 1991. The country is facing a lasting demographic decline and the regional demographic disparity has been accentuated. The question becomes therefore a major political issue. This demographic decline has impacts on the territory, the economy and the army, redefining thus the Russian power. International relations theories show the complexity of the connection between demographics and international relations of a State. The demographic factor seems less integrated by leaders but it offers further analysis that puts Russian foreign policy rhetoric into perspective. The demographic criteria could have a larger influence on Russia’s international issues. It offers also opportunities. Demography plays an ambiguous role in Moscow’s Chinese and Asian policies. The Russian demographic decline has had an impact on the redefinition of the relations between Russia and CIS countries. Migration ties with Russia are the result of a demographic interdependence that becomes an economic and then political one. The demographic reality in the post-Soviet area favours a soft power based policy for Moscow in Central Asia, especially in Kazakhstan. The Russia demographic reality has contributed to a shift within Russian foreign policy and a change of position for Russia in the world
Nguyen, Leroy Marie-Lan. "Les enjeux du foncier au Vietnam à travers la nouvelle réforme de 2014". Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020064.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn recent years, land issues in Vietnam are the main subject of complaints received by state institutions. Between abusive expropriation, vagueness of land allocation and agreement with the private sector, wide spread protests have arisen around land management procedures.In this context, a new land reform came into force in July 2014. This law aims to reconcile multiple objectives that may appear a priori contradictory: to ease tensions related to land, while intensifying the exploitation of land resources to achieve the goal of becoming an industrialized nation by 2020, as declared by the Vietnamese Communist Party.However, the real issue of the new law is not legal, but political. Land tensions today are of such magnitude that the lack of response by the ruling class would correspond to an admission of failure in its mission to manage land resources. The National Assembly’s intervention did not take a form of a more stringent regulation of land management. The response given by the authorities is the self-regulation of land stakeholders
Durand, Stéphanie. "La Chine, nouvel acteur du développement en Afrique ?" Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D018.
Pełny tekst źródłaPas de résumé en anglais
Hassabo, Chaymaa. "La stabilité du régime Moubarak à l'épreuve d'une "situation de succession prolongée" : les limites de la consolidation autoritaire : un état des lieux politique de la période 2002-2010". Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENH001.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field
Elmanuni, Aimen. "Les conséquences de la transition politique en Lybie sur l'organisation administrative locale". Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCF001.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince 17 February 2011, Libya has known a period of political and legal transition that is ongoing. The subject of this thesis focuses on the study of the consequences of this transition on the organization of local administration. The transitory political authorities have sought to reorganize the country through new local administration structures. It is the object of the law no. 59 adopted in 2012 by the National Transition Council. But the application of the provisions of this law encountered important difficulties due to the instability of the Libyan political situation. This work concerns the elaboration, content and impact of this law for establishing in Libya a new local organization during this transitory political period that began in 2011 and lasted until the adoption and the signature of the Libyan political agreement in Skhirat in Morocco, on 17 December 2015.The first part of this thesis focuses on the political difficulties encountered during the elaboration of the new local legislation by the National Transition Council, the National General Congress, and the Parliament. The second part of the work exposes the obstacles encountered in the application of the provisions of this legislation due to the political situation of the country marked by political divisions and the coexistence of central competing authorities. The local administrative reorganization is underway but still remains an objective to be finalized for the administrative and political reconstruction of Libya and to thereby guarantee its future, which remains linked to the return of a real political stability
Njimeni, Njiotang Clébert Agenor. "Le discours de Paul Biya à l'ère du multipartisme au Cameroun : mises en scène argumentatives et relation au pouvoir". Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BOR30004/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaPolitical speech is the main tool used in order to wield power in Cameroon, a country which is being run by Paul Biya for the past 35 years. The various stands taken by this political figure is revealed through these speeches which inform on the argumentative background and inner thoughts of this politician. The doctorate thesis which studies the relationship between power and the argumentative strategies in Paul Biya speeches in the multiparty era in Cameroon therefore sets out to throw more light on this peculiar situation. This research work is discussed from the vantage point of discourse analysis, more specifically on rhetoric argumentation. Using integrative and analytical approaches to discourse analysis, the work draws its key concepts mainly from language sciences. The textometric analysis of the corpus is carried out using the Hyperbase Statistics Analysis software. Also, the analysis of the corpus has brought us to coin new terms in order to address the specificities of Paul Biya speehes. The findings reveal that in his speeches, Paul Biya makes use of a set-up which is grounded on logico-affective arguments anchored in the social reality as well as in the practices of the various traditional powers in Cameroon. The analysis also brings to the fore the various persuasive strategies and the evolution of the sociopolitical life in Cameroon. This research work also reveals how Paul Biya incarnates a strong, sacred and mythified power which gives him the privilege of having an exclusive aura at the national level which can appease the Cameroonian people and nip in the bud all the initiatives of his rivals. He has therefore succeeded in establishing a political regime which takes advantage of disharmony in order to perpetuate his power
Ducastelle, Lison. "L'IRA : de la violence armée au désarmement (1969-2005) : enjeux, symboles et mécanismes". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030190/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Irish Republican Army (IRA), the main Republican paramilitary group in Northern Ireland was founded in 1969. From then on it fought to put an end to the British presence in Northern Ireland and to achieve the unification of Ireland. The decommissioning of the IRA, which seemed unrealizable until 2001, was indeed accomplished between 2001 and 2005, as part of the Peace Process. On 26 September 2005, the IRA officially laid down its weapons. What mechanisms played a role in the IRA putting its arsenal beyond use during the Northern Ireland Peace Process, despite the armed group’s declaration in 1998 that there would be no disarmament? As mentioned in the title of this thesis, three questions underlie our analysis: What was at stake in the giving up of violence and in decommissioning for the IRA and Sinn Féin during the Peace Process? What was the symbolic significance of decommissioning for the IRA and for the whole Republican movement? Finally, what diplomatic and psychological mechanisms managed to convince the IRA to give up violence and then to disarm? At the clandestine group’s own request, the technical aspects of decommissioning and the number of arms which were destroyed still remain confidential. Therefore, this study does not reveal any State secrets, but rather underlines the dynamics of the process which led the IRA from armed violence to the giving up of arms
Schuliaquer, Ivan. "La negociación de las escenas mediáticas. Los gobiernos de izquierda y los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales en América del Sur. Los casos de Argentina (2003- 2015) y Uruguay (2005-2015)". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA032.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation examines variations and continuities in the negotiation of media scenes between South America leftist governments and the large national media groups at the start of the 21st century through two main cases. First, the initial two presidencies of the Frente Amplio in Uruguay (those of Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) and José Mujica (2010-2015)). Second, the Kirchnerist presidencies in Argentina (that of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and the two of Cristina Fernández (2007-2015)). In the conclusion, it compares them with a third case: that of the first two governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006-2015).The theoretical-methodological approach consists of three dimensions. The first characterizes the national media systems, divided in two levels. One, the structure of the political field: the relative weight of the State over the media and the centrality of party mediation. Two, the structure of the media field: the configuration of the main media companies, as well as the dominant culture of political journalism. The second dimension is political communication, explored through the governments’ media strategies and the scenes of large national media groups on national politics. The third dimension focuses on communication policies, analyzing them through the governments’ reforms and interventions in the media sector, and the political and commercial strategies of the large national media groups.In contexts characterized by a public confrontation between political and media elites, this thesis shows that the negotiation of media scenes was strongly conditioned by the correlation of forces between the actors, their ideology and their repertoires of action in each country
Esta tesis estudia las variaciones y continuidades en la negociación de las escenas mediáticas entre los gobiernos de izquierda sudamericanos y los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales a principios del siglo XXI. Para hacerlo se focaliza en dos casos principales. Por un lado, en las dos primeras presidencias del Frente Amplio en Uruguay: las de Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) y José Mujica (2010-2015). Por otro lado, en las presidencias del kirchnerismo en la Argentina: la de Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) y las dos de Cristina Fernández (2007-2015). En las conclusiones, los compara con un tercer caso: el de los primeros dos gobiernos de Evo Morales en Bolivia (2006-2015).El abordaje teórico-metodológico consta de tres dimensiones. La primera caracteriza los sistemas mediáticos nacionales y se divide en dos planos. Uno, la estructuración del campo político: el peso relativo del Estado sobre los medios y la centralidad de la mediación partidaria. Dos, la estructuración del campo mediático: la configuración de las principales empresas mediáticas, la estabilidad histórica de su línea editorial y de su propiedad, así como las culturas dominantes del periodismo político. La segunda dimensión es la comunicación política, a la que se indaga a través de las estrategias de aparición mediática de los gobiernos y de las escenas de los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales sobre la política nacional. La tercera dimensión se detiene en las políticas de comunicación. Se las analiza a partir de la interacción entre las acciones de reforma e intervención de los gobiernos sobre el sector mediático y de las estrategias políticas y comerciales de los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales.En contextos caracterizados por un enfrentamiento público entre élites políticas y élites mediáticas, esta tesis demuestra que la negociación de las escenas mediáticas estuvo fuertemente condicionada por la ideología de los actores, pero también por la correlación de fuerzas entre ellos y sus repertorios de acción en cada país
Nollet, Jérémie. "Des décisions publiques « médiatiques » ? : sociologie de l’emprise du journalisme sur les politiques de sécurité sanitaire des aliments". Thesis, Lille 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LIL20013/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaAre public policies made by the media? This would-be influence of journalists over public decisions is common place among “decision-makers”. It is also assumed by Agenda-setting as well as social problems theorists. Yet, the real nature of the phenomenon is more complex: it follows different paths along several directions. It rests on the active and variable engagement of the politicians and high civil servants who produce decisions. Thus, the question needs to be rephrased: to what extent does the production of public decisions depend on the journalistic field? In order to elucidate this question, this doctoral thesis offers a sociological analysis of the specific logics which lead decision-makers (i.e. ministers’ personal staff, and representatives aswell as high civil servants,) to pay attention to media coverage in decision-making processes. The elaboration of this theoretical framework, at the crossroads of the sociologies of journalism and public action, is based on ananalysis of the handling of the mad cow disease by French officials during the 1990s. The ambition is to account for the very attention the holders of the executive power (namely, the Ministers of Agriculture, Consumption,Health, but also the Prime Minister and the President), the members of Parliament and high civil servants paid to media-related challenges within the practice of decision-making. Thus, it appears that the most “media dependent”decisions are the result of the handling of the most symbolic issues according to the logics of action of the most dependent agents on legitimization stakes in the journalistic field: the principal ministers and their advisers
Verniers, Gilles. "The localization of caste politics in Uttar Pradesh after Mandal and Mandir : reconfiguration of identity politics and party-elite linkages". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0043/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation focuses on the transformations of electoral politics in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, afte period of crystallization and politicization of caste and religious-based identities. The dissertation studies evolution of a number of political indicators to reveal profound changes in the ways parties and candidates mobi voters. It is observed notably that the horizontal forms of caste-based mobilization that characterized much of politics of the state have receded in favour of local arrangements between parties, candidates and local social grou This leads the caste variable to become more deeply embedded into the political sphere, but locally.The main argument of this dissertation is the local embeddedness of caste took place in deep connection with th local economical context. The prosopography of candidates and elected representatives of the state assembly in 2 and 2012 reveals that parties tend to not only choose their candidates according to their ascriptive identity, but a following their inscription in local dominating economic networks. A political ethnography conducted across state confirms the existence of a process of integration or congruence of political, social and economic elites. Th the social composition of the state assembly tends to be both heterogeneous in terms of caste and homogeneou terms of economic background. This questions the emancipatory character or potential of caste-based mobilizat and representation
Aliyeva, Potier Elmira. "Les relations extérieures du Parlement écossais : 1999-2007". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAC020.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe focus of my dissertation is the external action of the Scottish Parliament. My study identifies the operational capacity of this institution within the British institutional system, on the European Union arena and in international relations. I have identified the factors structuring the parliamentary action that shaped three poles such as the British Isles, Europe and outside the geographic European space. The pole of Europe covers both Continental Europe and the EC institutional environment. I have also identified the specialisation of methods and tools of action within the above mentioned poles
Mazé, Dominique. "Déploiement de la stratégie des groupes chinois dans les pays émergents et en développement : analyse contextuelle et culturelle. Comment les fleurons chinois s'emparent de territoires et préemptent le long terme". Thesis, Brest, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BRES0080/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe rising power of industrial firms and conglomerates from Asia, Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, shakes up the agendas of many global companies and opens the door to further academic research. We argue that it challenges the sustainability of the multinational corporations of Anglo-Saxon inspiration. The Periphery of the global economy composed of emerging and developing countries is likely to shift to the Center in the mid- and long-term. Both Chinese State and private enterprises are reshuffling the cards within and outside the Periphery to gain and, ultimately, preserve a strong leadership in the next 50-100 years. Empirical studies dedicated to emerging market multinationals (EMMs) have failed to create a new theory so far, thus providing material for the advocates of evolutionism. Dunning, Kim and Park (2008) viewed the internationalization of EMMs as the contemporary version of the patterns implemented by developed country multinationals in the late 1970s. According to these authors, the strategies of EMMs, and their execution in the host countries, are “an old wine in new bottles”. The content is similar; only the container is different. Our research aims at decoding the strategic, transactional, and operational dynamics at stake in the maneuver warfare waged by Chinese multinational companies in emerging and developing economies. Our five empirical studies strived to shed a new light on how Chinese multinationals conquer new territories, on how they dismantle invincible positions held by historic players, and on how they preempt the long term in countries of the Periphery. Our survey demonstrates that they leverage an unrivalled collection of specific levers and assets that help them wage the war (war-fighting capabilities) and conquer global leadership positions (war-winning capabilities). Unlike the evolutionist trend, we found out that the Chinese expansion strategies and footprint are unique. They are driven by China’s existential questions (critical masses of resources) and long history. The case studies show that the institutional preemption of the flawed, moth-eaten governance of the host countries, skillfully orchestrated by the Chinese State, is the favorite mode of entry of the Chinese dragons in emerging and developing countries. They also show that the latter invest heavily in voids of all natures (1), and that they deploy liquid strategies named ‘water strategies’ as opposed to ‘stone strategies’ (2). Facing water strategies, the ‘stone strategies’ of Western multinationals appear vulnerable. Our research makes it clear that water wins over the stone. Our findings rehabilitate the role of culture in the field of international strategy, and lead to a new theoretical paradigm: IFLC (Institutionalize – Fill – Leverage – Combine). The IFLC model could pave the way to brand new agendas and practices in strategic management
Benmakhlouf, Julie. "La relation franco-américaine autour de la question irakienne : la contestation d'un mode occidental alternatif". Thesis, Lille 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LIL20018/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene