Artykuły w czasopismach: „Politics of accommodation”

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Critchlow, Donald T. "The Politics of Accommodation". Reviews in American History 39, nr 1 (2011): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2011.0010.

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Lyons, Lenore. "A politics of accommodation". International Feminist Journal of Politics 7, nr 2 (czerwiec 2005): 233–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740500065139.

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Hayter, Teresa. "Urban Politics. Accommodation or Resistance?" Capital & Class 23, nr 3 (październik 1999): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689906900115.

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He, Baogang, Laura Allison-Reumann i Michael Breen. "The Politics of Secular Federalism and the Federal Governance of Religious Diversity in Asia". Federal Law Review 46, nr 4 (grudzień 2018): 575–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600406.

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A secular approach has dominated federal studies, perhaps because there seems a natural fit between federalism and secularism. However, the federal systems or practices of Asia bring that close association into question, and the federal accommodation of religious demands has not been examined fully. This article focuses on how religion has been approached, accommodated or resisted in federal and quasi-federal states in Asia. We select India, Malaysia, Pakistan, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Nepal as cases. We first explore the relationship between federalism, secularism and religion, and find that secular values at the point of federalisation played an important role in federalism's establishment, but that they were later modified in the practice of federal accommodation of religion. We also identify and examine the federal governance of religious diversity, which features three types of accommodation—centrally-based, unit-based and group-based accommodation—with accommodative practices sometimes being for the benefit of a majority religion, and sometimes for a minority one.

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Zarnegar, Gita. "Politics, Phantomization and Pathological Cultural Accommodation". Psychoanalysis, Self and Context 15, nr 3 (2.07.2020): 244–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24720038.2020.1773470.

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Mendelsohn, Matthew. "Public Brokerage: Constitutional Reform and the Accommodation of Mass Publics". Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, nr 2 (czerwiec 2000): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000093.

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It is widely recognized that the traditional institutions and processes of Canadian politics, such as executive federalism, elite accommodation and brokerage parties have fallen into disrepute with large sections of the Canadian public, and political scientists have noted their failure to resolve long–standing conflicts in the area of constitutional politics. I argue that the reasons why these processes have failed to manage constitutional political conflict have not been properly diagnosed. In particular, Canadian political scientists have not adequately differentiated executive federalism from accommodation and brokerage, often assuming they are contingent on each other (as they are, by definition, in the commonly used expression “elite accommodation”). The pessimism among some Canadian political scientists about Canada's ability to amend the Constitution to the satisfaction of major groups stems in large part from the misplaced assumption that the brokerage and accommodation necessary in Canada require executive federalism. This conventional wisdom suggests that since executive federalism is discredited and has been replaced by a populist requirement for citizen participation, usually through referendums, shuns accomodation in favour of a mojoritarianism which is unable to deal adequately with the problems of a multinational federation like Canada.

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Singh, Hari. "Vietnam and ASEAN: The politics of accommodation". Australian Journal of International Affairs 51, nr 2 (lipiec 1997): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719708445211.

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Manion, M. O. "Churches and States: The Politics of Accommodation". Journal of Church and State 44, nr 2 (1.03.2002): 317–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/44.2.317.

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Cordell, Karl. "Upper Silesia and the politics of accommodation". Regional & Federal Studies 5, nr 3 (wrzesień 1995): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569508420941.

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Loewenberg, Peter. "Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge". Austrian History Yearbook 22 (styczeń 1991): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001986x.

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Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

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Chase, Geoffrey. "Accommodation, Resistance and the Politics of Student Writing". College Composition and Communication 39, nr 1 (luty 1988): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/357812.

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Bangstad, Sindre, i Aslam Fataar. "Ambiguous Accommodation: Cape Muslims and Post-Apartheid Politics". Journal of Southern African Studies 36, nr 4 (grudzień 2010): 817–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2010.527639.

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Barraclough, Simon. "Co‑optation and Elite Accommodation in Malaysian Politics". Contemporary Southeast Asia 6, nr 4 (marzec 1985): 308–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs6-4b.

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Miley, Thomas Jeffrey. "Constitutional Politics and Religious Accommodation: Lessons from Spain". Politics, Religion & Ideology 16, nr 4 (2.10.2015): 411–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21567689.2015.1132414.

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ELLEN CURTIN, MARY. "Barbara Jordan: the politics of insertion and accommodation". Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 7, nr 4 (styczeń 2004): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369823042000300117.

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Lijphart, Arend. "From the politics of accommodation to adversarial politics in the Netherlands: A reassessment". West European Politics 12, nr 1 (1.01.1989): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424727.

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Mazaffar, Chandra. "Accommodation and Acceptance of Non-Muslim Communities within the Malaysian Political System". American Journal of Islam and Society 13, nr 1 (1.04.1996): 28–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i1.2349.

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To what extent has the Malaysian political system accommodatednon-Malay and non-Muslim communities? Why has this happened, andhow should political accommodation develop in the future?BackgroundTo understand the accommodation of non-Malay and non-Muslimcommunities, one must have a clear view of Malaysian history. Present-dayMalaysieit is worth repeating over and over agaik-evolved from aMalay-Muslim- polity. The illustrious Melaka kingdom, with Malay as itslanguage and Islam as its religion, marked the genesis of this polity, which,in a sense, has remained an integral part of this region for more than fivecenturies. Although this kingdom ended in 1511, its successor states retainedthe defining characteristics of Malay-Muslim polities in relation tolanguage, religion, culture, politics, and administration. British colonialismacknowledged these sultanates as Malay-Muslim polities and concludedtreaties and agreements with them on that basis.The vast demographic transformation wrought by colonialism did notchange the nature of these polities, for the Chinese and Indian immigrantsof the early twentieth century remained largely “on the outside”: they werepart of the economic enclaves created by colonial rule. Neither the colonialadministration nor the Malay rulers regarded them as citizens.It was only after the Second World War that the situation changed dramatically.Many Chinese and Indians-the overwhelming majority ofwhom were first generation immigrants-were given citizenship rights on ...

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Harun, Ruhanas. "The Politics of Accommodation and the Problem of National-Building in a Plural Society: The Case of Malaysia". ICR Journal 1, nr 4 (15.07.2010): 577–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i4.703.

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The issue of pluralism in Malaysia has attracted keen interest among scholars and commentators from this country as well as from outside the region. It is an issue that has pre-occupied the Malaysian government since Malaysia’s independence from British colonial rule in 1957. Since then the Malaysian state has been concerned with containing and managing the ‘vulnerabilities’ that can cause conflicts among diverse ethnic and religious groups in the country. The method used to manage ethnic relations has been termed the ‘politics of accommodation’ which is essentially based on the principles of bargaining, cooperation and accommodation among different ethnic groups. It is argued that while it has contributed to the peaceful - albeit precarious - coexistence between them, it also has had an impact of delaying the nation-building process in Malaysia. The pre-occupation of the state with ‘national unity’ and ‘national integration’ and the constant reminders to the public on the importance of ‘unity’ are proof that the ‘politics of accommodation’ as a tool for keeping the country and its diverse segments together are faced with serious challenges. This article attempts to look at the functioning of the ‘politics of accommodation’ as strategy for managing politics and society in a multiethnic society and its impact on nation-building in Malaysia.

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Jones, Erik. "Politics Beyond Accommodation? The May 2002 Dutch Parlimentary Elections". Dutch Crossing 26, nr 1 (czerwiec 2002): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03096564.2002.11730808.

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Griswold, Jeffrey B. "Human Insufficiency and the Politics of Accommodation inKing Lear". Renaissance Drama 47, nr 1 (marzec 2019): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/702989.

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Andeweg, Rudy B. "Coalition Politics in the Netherlands: From Accommodation to Politicization". Acta Politica 43, nr 2-3 (24.06.2008): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.8.

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McEachern, Charmaine. "Farmers and conservation: Conflict and accommodation in farming politics". Journal of Rural Studies 8, nr 2 (kwiecień 1992): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0743-0167(92)90074-g.

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Melone, Albert P. "Bulgaria's National Roundtable Talks and the Politics of Accommodation". International Political Science Review 15, nr 3 (lipiec 1994): 257–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251219401500303.

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Muro, Diego. "Territorial Accommodation, Party Politics, and Statute Reform in Spain". South European Society and Politics 14, nr 4 (grudzień 2009): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740903503845.

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Crawford, Timothy W. "Preventing Enemy Coalitions: How Wedge Strategies Shape Power Politics". International Security 35, nr 4 (kwiecień 2011): 155–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00036.

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States use wedge strategies to prevent hostile alliances from forming or to disperse those that have formed. These strategies can cause power alignments that are otherwise unlikely to occur, and thus have significant consequences for international politics. How do such strategies work and what conditions promote their success? The wedge strategies that are likely to have significant effects use selective accommodation—concessions, compensations, and other inducements—to detach and neutralize potential adversaries. These kinds of strategies play important roles in the statecraft of both defensive and offensive powers. Defenders use selective accommodation to balance against a primary threat by neutralizing lesser ones that might ally with it. Expansionists use selective accommodation to prevent or break up blocking coalitions, which isolates opposing states by inducing potential balancers to buck-pass, bandwagon, or hide. Two cases—Great Britain's defensive attempts to accommodate Italy in the late 1930s and Germany's offensive efforts to accommodate the Soviet Union in 1939—help to demonstrate these arguments. By paying attention to these dynamics, international relations scholars can better understand how balancing works in specific cases, how it manifests more broadly in international politics, and why it sometimes fails in situations where it ought to work well.

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Rosyid, Moh. "RIFA'IYAH ISLAMIC COMMUNITY’S ACCOMMODATIVE POLITICS IN KUDUS". Jurnal Politik Profetik 10, nr 2 (29.12.2022): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a1.

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The Rifa'iyah Islamic Community was established by Kiai Ahmad Rifa'i since the Dutch colonial era. This community used the Javanese Book of Tarjumah Pegon as a means of confrontation against colonialism. This article elaborates Rifa’iyah’s political strategy and how this community keeps existing in the present era. The research has an objective to discuss this community’s political strategy, its existence and the dynamic as an Islamic community in Kudus. The paper uses interview as the main method, as well as observation and documentation using history analysis and accommodation theory. The findings of this research that at the starting point of Rifa'iyah community, it was rejected by residents because of differences in worship based on the teachings of the Book of Tarjumah, for example, praying only with fellow Rifa'iyah members, practicing wedding ceremony based on Rifa'iyah guidance, and only studying the book by Kiai Rifa'i. However, its existence is now accepted due to the accommodating strategy of Rifa'iyah pilgrims. Adaptive political efforts are carried out by the Rifa'iyah community in Kudus to exist and be accepted, for example, by doing proactive steps in the fields of government, social, and culture.

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PUUMALA, EEVA. "Political life beyond accommodation and return: rethinking relations between the political, the international, and the body". Review of International Studies 39, nr 4 (28.08.2013): 949–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051200037x.

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AbstractThis article explores political agency in the interstices of the bodily politics of asylum. It shows how its practices make bodily surfaces and how alternative forms of political authority emanate from bodies. Relying on Jean-Luc Nancy's ontology of the body, it examines forms of political agency that are enacted by people often considered as abjective subjectivities in the spaces of the international. Deriving from interviews conducted with failed asylum seekers, the article sheds light on agencies and resistances embedded in and extant despite the governmental efforts to solve the problem of the moving body. Ethnographic data and interviews with the failed asylum seekers show how they take control over their lives, not as separate, sovereign subjects, but in relation to their political surroundings and others. In a way, the failed asylum seekers produce and practice their own politics that both takes part in and exceeds the limits set by sovereign politics. By exploring political agency from underneath and beyond sovereign power and governmentality, the article presents a reading of the intertwining of the international, political, and bodily.

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Olaiz-González, Jaime. "Mexican Supreme Court at Crossroads: Three Acts of Constitutional Politics". ICL Journal 14, nr 4 (20.12.2020): 447–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2020-0022.

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Abstract Since 2018, Mexico’s Supreme Court is facing a critical juncture. The new distribution of political power and the distinctive platform of the governing coalition endowed with massive popular support has forced the Court to redefine its role as a constitutional tribunal within unprecedented dynamics of constitutional politics. Such juncture can be summarized as being at crossroads, between desirable affirmation, strategic accommodation and concerning subordination.

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Lee, Yoonkyung. "Varieties of Labor Politics in Northeast Asian Democracies: Political Institutions and Union Activism in Korea and Taiwan". Asian Survey 46, nr 5 (wrzesień 2006): 721–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.5.721.

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Against existing explanations based on economic structural and organizational differences, this paper contends that patterns of union activism in newly democratized polities are shaped by unions' interaction with political institutions and actors, particularly political parties. Unions' propensity for militant mobilization or accommodation is molded by the permissiveness of political institutions and electoral incentives for partisan alliances.

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Williams, Corey L. "Chrislam, Accommodation and the Politics of Religious Bricolage in Nigeria". Studies in World Christianity 25, nr 1 (kwiecień 2019): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0239.

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This article provides an ethnographic exploration of a new religious movement in Nigeria that often goes by the name ‘Chrislam’. With a particular focus on the Ogbomoso Society of Chrislam, the article documents the group's origins and practices, as well as its public reception. Founded on a claimed vision from God in 2005, the group teaches that Christianity, Islam and African Indigenous Religions come from the same source and should be reunited into a single religious movement. Core to their understanding is what they call ‘a spirit of accommodation’, which provides a divine directive to exceed mere tolerance or coexistence and combine these religions under one roof. With their mission of pursuing unity and commonality while dispelling differences, the group manages to creatively embed multiple complex religious traditions into their belief structures, liturgical practices and ritual ceremonies, in what can be described as a religious bricolage. Despite the group's intention to promote peace and unity and act as a counterpoint to violent movements such as Boko Haram, the Ogbomoso Society of Chrislam finds itself at the centre of an ongoing debate about the politics of religious bricolage and the resulting cultural limits of acceptable forms of religious entanglements.

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Guadagnolo, Gary, i Trey Guinn. "The ABCs of Tatar: multilingual accommodation and Soviet language politics". Russian Journal of Communication 6, nr 2 (15.04.2014): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19409419.2014.906319.

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Bagenstos, Samuel R. ""Rational Discrimination," Accommodation, and the Politics of (Disability) Civil Rights". Virginia Law Review 89, nr 5 (wrzesień 2003): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3202421.

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William, A. Paul, Eugene Vayda, May L. Cohen, Christel A. Woodward i Barbara M. Ferrier. "Medicine and the Canadian State: From the Politics of Conflict to the Politics of Accommodation?" Journal of Health and Social Behavior 36, nr 4 (grudzień 1995): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2137321.

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Hussein, Ebtisam, i Claudia De Martino. "Egypt’s Military Post-2011". Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, nr 1 (1.03.2019): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121004.

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Seven years after the 2011 uprisings, the Egyptian military shows no evident signs of internal cracks. This article argues that the Egyptian army’s unrivalled dominance, both in politics and within the security apparatus, could be explained as the result of three combined factors: substantial economic interests, a long-time legitimacy buttressed by the army’s active involvement in welfare and development initiatives, and the reliance on universal conscription as the main avenue for the successful accommodation of class and social cleavages—key elements underpinning the army’s status of supreme political arbitrator in Egyptian politics.

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Chong, Ja Ian, i Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann. "Post-democratizing Politics in Southeast and Northeast Asia". Pacific Affairs 95, nr 3 (1.09.2022): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953417.

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A growing global trend towards authoritarianism has left democracy, especially its liberal form, under strain. This has occurred despite earlier promises of democratization between the end of the Cold War and the early twenty-first century. Our essay examines how the dynamics of post-democratization politics have played out across several polities in Southeast and Northeast Asia. These regions once included supposed "third wave" democracies and polities apparently on the cusp of political liberalization. Such expectations have not panned out. Instead, the region has generally witnessed either significant authoritarian resilience or autocratic resurgence following spurts of political openness. We examine how such autocratic dynamics have played out following earlier movements toward democratization. Specifically, we identify three key elements of post- democratization politics associated with autocratic success and democratic robustness based on contributions to this special issue, and suggest pathways through which they can a ect political outcomes.<br/> Dominant beliefs can prime accommodation with authoritarianism given pervasive acceptance of state-driven ideologies while identification with liberal values can drive democratic consolidation and resistance to autocracy, regardless of wealth and education. Ostensibly democratic institutions, such as constitutional courts, can become anti-democratic instruments when the exercise of their independent prerogatives means upholding autocratic tendencies that align with their interests and outlooks. Agents and their decisions can both prompt and stymie autocratization, whether intentionally or inadvertently; strategies to consolidate authority can fracture even dominant ruling coalitions. Examining the role ideas, institutions, and agents play in post-democratic politics can further e orts at understanding the current authoritarian wave and its limits.

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Bainham, Andrew. "The Politics of Child Protection in Romania". International Journal of Children's Rights 17, nr 4 (2009): 527–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755609x12466074858754.

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AbstractThis paper challenges criticism of Romania's new child protection and adoption legislation, passed in 2004 and implemented in January 2005. It responds to the argument that Romania's indefinite moratorium on inter-country adoption (except in cases of family adoption) embodied in the new legislation, is a breach of international obligations. It is argued that pressure on Romania to lift the moratorium is based on a misunderstanding of the problems Romania has faced and of the substantive content of the new laws. Institutionalisation of young children is prohibited and, for older children, clear priorities are created for re-integration in the natural family or, failing that, foster care or family-type accommodation before accommodation in an institution can be considered. It is further argued that there has been an unhealthy preoccupation in the West with the single issue of inter-country adoption to the neglect of these other positive reforms to the Romanian child protection system and the programme of de-institutionalisation. The view is taken that criticism of Romanian reforms relies on a distorted notion of what constitutes 'abandonment' and the status of 'orphan'. The author concludes that Romania should robustly resist political pressure to lift the moratorium, largely originating from the pro-adoption lobby in the United States and, most recently, apparently endorsed by the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child.

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Sprenkels, Ralph. "Ambivalent Moderation: The FMLN’s Ideological Accommodation to Post-War Politics in El Salvador". Government and Opposition 54, nr 3 (23.11.2018): 536–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.37.

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El Salvador’s FMLN is an oft-cited example of a rebel movement which successfully embraced electoral democracy. This article examines the ideological dimensions of this transformation. In the course of the Salvadoran peace process, the FMLN substantially overhauled its ideological orientation and associated modes of engagement with the state and the broader political system. Moderation unfolded in four subsequent stages: the resignification of revolution as a process of reform, the FMLN’s rebel-to-party adaptation, the electoral consolidation of the FMLN, and the FMLN as the party in government. Over the years, while electoral politics invited public moderation, Leninist dogma continued to dominate internal party politics. This article finds that the post-war FMLN has employed seemingly contradictory ideological repertoires in parallel. This ambivalence, strongly rooted in the war, has facilitated the FMLN’s electoral ascendency. It has also strained democratic consolidation in El Salvador.

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Taylor, Faith. "Desiring Space: The Affective Politics of Intimacy in Shared Rental Accommodation". Radical Housing Journal 3, nr 2 (17.12.2021): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/fvwy6754.

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The exorbitant cost of housing in London requires an ever-growing sector of the city’s population to pool economic resources through sharing rented accommodation. In such circumstances, tenants often occupy a state of intimate ‘thrown-togetherness’, residing in quasi-voluntary constellations of impermanent kinship and care. Here, the circulation of feeling politically structures everyday life, as cohabitants jostle for space, sovereignty and economic subsistence. Drawing on an in-depth study of twenty-three millennials living in rented housing in the Borough of Hackney, this paper explores the ways in which the affective politics of intimacy between cohabitants, lovers, friends and between tenants and landlords are significant to the distribution of shelter, autonomy and subsistence within an unregulated housing landscape. Using relational theories of affect, the paper explores the productive politics of ‘sad passions’ among respondents struggling with involuntary proximity and diminished personal sovereignty in shared homes.

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Caluwaerts, Didier, i Min Reuchamps. "Still Consociational? Belgian Democracy, 50 Years After ‘The Politics of Accommodation’". Politics of the Low Countries 2, nr 1 (marzec 2020): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/plc/258999292020002001003.

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H.R.H. "Divided Nations and the Politics of Borders". Nationalities Papers 24, nr 3 (wrzesień 1996): 369–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408452.

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The ghost of Trianon continues to haunt Central Europe. The consequences of the unmaking of the Habsburg Kingdom of Hungary still confront diplomats, even more so now in the aftermath of communism and the demise of Soviet hegemony. The plight of Hungarian minorities in Hungary's neighboring states is a constant concern to diplomats as satisfactory accommodation of ethnic minorities fails throughout post-communist Eastern Europe. Specifically, a fear of destabilization on account of a crisis related to the several Hungarian minorities scattered in half a dozen adjacent states is never far from the surface.

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MARKELL, PATCHEN. "POLITICS AND THE CASE OF POETRY: ARENDT ON BRECHT". Modern Intellectual History 15, nr 2 (22.11.2016): 503–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000366.

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Hannah Arendt's essay on Bertolt Brecht has often been understood as an indictment of Brecht's postwar accommodation with the Stalinist regime in East Germany, in line with Arendt's supposed commitment to a firm separation between poetry and politics. Offering the first full reconstruction of the transnational history of Arendt's writing on Brecht, this article shows instead that Arendt's essay was a defense of Brecht against the polemics it is often taken to exemplify. Joining poetry to politics by holding both at a distance from philosophy, Arendt assigned poetry the vocation of disruptive faithfulness to factual reality, which allowed her to praise Brecht on political grounds and to leverage forbearance for his political “sins.” Indeed, by narrating Brecht's “sins” and “punishment” against the grain of Cold War discourse about the poet, Arendt's essay emulated aspects of the poetic practice she admired in Brecht's writing.

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Dixon, Paul. "Political Skills or Lying and Manipulation? The Choreography of the Northern Ireland Peace Process". Political Studies 50, nr 4 (wrzesień 2002): 725–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00004.

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The ‘real war’ and ‘propaganda war’ fought over Northern Ireland for thirty years polarised party and public opinion. The key dilemma faced by politicians during the recent peace process has been how to wind down the ‘war’ and win sufficient party and public support for an accommodation between unionists and nationalists which falls so far short of previous expectations. Scripts telling contrasting stories have been prepared to convince rival republican and unionist audiences to support the peace process. In addition, the pro-Agreement parties have attempted to shift opinion towards accommodation through a range of political skills and choreography. Key competing parties and governments have sometimes co-operated back stage while front stage they have on occasion ‘play acted’ conflict between each other. The political skills, or lying and manipulation, by which the peace process has been driven forward have been uncovered creating public distrust in the political process. Realists see such political deception as an inevitable part of politics and permissible on the grounds that the ends justify the means. Absolutists attack the ‘spin, lying and manipulation’ of the peace process as an assault on democracy. A third democratic realist position argues that sometimes moral leadership requires doing wrong to do right but the gap between ‘truth’ and ‘spin’ should be narrowed. A more open and honest politics would not only be more accountable and democratic but also effective in advancing the peace process.

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Delvoie, L. A., Roy R. Andersen, Robert F. Seibert i Jon G. Wagner. "Politics and Change in the Middle East: Sources of Conflict and Accommodation". International Journal 54, nr 2 (1999): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203393.

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Nan, Susan Allen. "Revisiting a global shift from ethnic warfare to the politics of accommodation." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 8, nr 3 (wrzesień 2002): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327949pac0803_16.

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He, Baogang. "Politics of Accommodation of the Rise of China: the case of Australia". Journal of Contemporary China 21, nr 73 (styczeń 2012): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.627666.

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Douglas, Neville. "The politics of accommodation, social change and conflict resolution in Northern Ireland". Political Geography 17, nr 2 (luty 1998): 209–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(97)00038-3.

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Cruz-Gutiérrez, Cristina. "Hair tangled with politics: Michelle Obama’s tale of strategic resistance and accommodation". Continuum 34, nr 1 (2.12.2019): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2019.1691148.

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Muskens, George. "The Politics of Accommodation Revisited: Media and Media Policies in the Lowlands". Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research 3, nr 2 (czerwiec 1990): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.1990.9968210.

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Cassidy, Kathryn. "Housing, the hyper-precarization of asylum seekers and the contested politics of welcome on Tyneside". Radical Housing Journal 2, nr 1 (4.05.2020): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/uhpo9977.

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This paper analyses the role of housing in shaping the contested politics of welcome in the North East of England. It argues that changes to state provision of asylum seeker housing and the introduction of new legislation to create a hostile internalised bordering regime have led to a hyper-precarization of asylum seekers, which has been contested through a range of political projects at the urban scale. On Tyneside, these projects coalesced around struggles for improvements to state-provided accommodation for asylum seekers. The analysis reveals that whilst asylum housing has become key to the articulation of the politics of welcome within cities outside of London, it is spatially and temporally differentiated. The differential political projects shaping ‘welcoming’ at the urban scale emerge from contestation between a range of actors. On Tyneside, this contested politics arises from two key shifts: a change in national and local government in 2010 and 2011, which catalysed an oppositional politics of welcome amongst regional politicians; and the emergence of a new civil society initiative on Tyneside, whose direct action destabilised the relatively sedimented existing political landscape of welcome in the region, making space for differentiated asylum seeker political subjectivities.

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Jourde, Cédric. "Ethnicity, Democratization, and Political Dramas: Insights into Ethnic Politics in Mauritania". African Issues 29, nr 1-2 (2001): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006168.

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Since the establishment of party politics in colonial Mauritania, and especially since independence in 1960, the Mauritanian political arena has been marked by ethnic tensions. The best example is certainly the ethnic violence that occurred at the end of the 1980s between the Arab-Berbers (Bidhan) and the “Black Africans.” But in Mauritania, as in other countries marked by ethnic tensions and conflicts, it would be an analytical mistake to overlook other forms of group solidarity and other forms of conflict. Often, tensions based on ethnic differences unfold in conjunction with political struggles within ethnic communities, with accommodation across ethnic boundaries, and with debates about the type of political regime. These dynamics must be taken into account if we are to understand the significance of ethnicity as a political variable.

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