Rozprawy doktorskie: „Politics of accommodation”

1

Kelly, Jon Edward. "Social policy in Ontario : the politics of accommodation". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24035.

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Emanuelsson, Ann-Catrin. "Diaspora global politics : Kurdish transnational networks and accommodation of nationalism /". Göteborg : Dept. of Peace and Development Research, Göteborg University, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013153776&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Reed, Charles William. "Consociationalism and European accommodation : the politics of citizenship and immigration". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.625066.

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Robbin, Alice. "Classifying racial and ethnic group data: The politics of negotiation and accommodation". Elsevier, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105872.

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"Standards for Maintaining, Collecting, and Presenting Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity," formerly known as "Statistical Policy Directive 15," is a classification system that has formed the basis of the U.S. government's collection and presentation of data on race and ethnicity since 1977. During the mid-1990s, it underwent a public evaluation to determine whether the racial and ethnic group categories should be revised. This article examines the history of Statistical Policy Directive 15 from its origins through October 1997 and evaluates its consequences on political, economic, and social life. Among the many lessons that government information specialists can take away from the history of Statistical Policy Directive 15 is that classification systems are not neutral tools that objectively reflect and measure the empirical world. Classification systems cannot be isolated from the larger political setting. They are tightly linked to public policies, and, in the case of racial and ethnic group classification, they constitute highly contested social policy about which there is little public consensus.

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Kassim, Azizah bte. "Politics of accommodation : a case study of Malay squatters in Kuala Lumpur". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1985. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28696/.

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This thesis is an attempt to study local level politics among the urban poor, i.e. the squatters in Kuala Lumpur, the capital city of Malaysia, by focusing attention on a Malay squatter community in a squatment in the southwestern part of the city and examining their struggle to retain their illegally occupied land and their attempt to improve their living conditions in the squatment in the face of an apparently unsympathetic urban bureacracy. The study is prompted by Oscar Lewis' theory of 'culture of poverty' and the concept of marginality and it is the contention of this thesis that the Malay squatters are neither marginal nor do they exhibit traits of Lewis' 'culture of poverty'; they are sufficiently well organised at the community level which accounts for their success in achieving some of their communal goals and such success is attributable to their close association with politicians from the party in power. The thesis consists of eight chapters. Chapter I, the introduction, outlines the aims and scope of the thesis, its problems, theoretical orientation and provides a brief background of the country and its people. Chapter II traces the historical development of squatting in Peninsular Malaysia (formerly Malaya) with special reference to the emergence of squatting among Malays in Kuala Lumpur. Chapter III examines the development of the squatment under study and the squatters' initial involvement with political parties. Chapter IV deals with the squatter community, its economy and social networks. Chapter V takes a look at the squatters' relationship with the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), the predominant party in the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) between 1967 and 1977. Chapter VI examines the basis of the squatters' dependency on UMNO and the exchanges taking place between them, while Chapter VII looks at the role of the political party in community organisation of the squatters. Chapter VIII, the conclusion, summarises the findings of the thesis, compares the Malay squatters with those of other ethnic groups and explains the nature of the relationship between the squatters and UMNO in terms of political party patronage.

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6

Wolff, Ben. "Citizenship and hegemony the politics of accommodation and control in the Jewish state /". Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/721.

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Panagos, Dimitrios. "Aboriginality, existing aboriginal rights and state accommodation in Canada". Thesis, Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1310.

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Wan, Asna Wan Mohd Nor Wan Asna Wan Mohd. "Malaysia : the political and economic aspects of accommodation and conflict regulation in an ethnically divided society". Thesis, University of Hull, 1996. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:11291.

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This study examines practices used by the Malaysian elites in their efforts to solve problems related to ethnic and cultural divisions in the country. The study traces the history of political development of Malaysia, from the very first attempt at inter-ethnic co-operation --- the meetings of the 1949-1950 Communities Liaison Committee --- to the most recent one --- the deliberations of the 1989-1991 National Economic Consultative Council. The focus of the research is on political and economic issues involved. Theories which are relevant to the study of ethnicity and political stability such as 'pluralism', consociationalism and conflict-regulation theory are reviewed in this study. In addition, alternative explanations of contemporary Malaysian politics such as those provided by critical social theory, political economy/development and radical political economy approaches are also included. Empirically, the research is based on personal interviews in Malaysia in 1993, materials on the National Economic Consultative Council, letters, parliamentary debates, government and party literature, newspapers, periodicals, election manifestos, articles and books related to the subject. This study shows that the ideal concepts of consociationalism cannot fully apply to contemporary Malaysia. Because of the dominant role of UMNO in the Barisan Nasional, the system has developed into 'asymmetric accommodation'. However, there is still an adherence to the principle of multi-ethnic coalition, a genuine power-sharing and the presence of accommodative attitudes and motives among the elites which the consociational model highlights.

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9

Bettan, Isaac. "Self-determination and the politics of human rights, peoples, sovereignty, and the accommodation of identities". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0025/MQ51299.pdf.

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Malloy, Tove. "The 'politics of accommodation' in the Council of Europe after 1989 : national minorities and democratization". Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369369.

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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine, i n/a. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070216.133604.

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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.

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Faulkner, Xandra Madeleine. "The Spirit of Accommodation: The Influence of the ALP's National Factions on Party Policy, 1996-2004". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366353.

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This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text

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13

Murau, Steffen. "The political economy of private credit money accommodation". Thesis, City, University of London, 2017. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/19010/.

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Private credit money forms are debt instruments that co-exist alongside publicly provided forms of money and emerge de-centrally out of the lending activities of banks or non-bank financial institutions. In normal times, they are easily convertible into higher-ranking forms of public or commodity money. Throughout history, however, private credit money forms have repeatedly become subject to a run by investors who all at once tried to convert their private credit money balances into higher-ranking money. Such runs are an integral and unavoidable feature of the modern credit money system, which in its essence is a self-referential network of expanding, yet instable debt claims. To keep up the stability of the monetary system, governments had to react to these runs and in a range of instances decided to drag the private credit money form under the control of the state by ensuring that they do not break away from par. This study examines this process of 'accommodating' private credit money. It establishes a functionalist theory about the transformation of the modern monetary system. To understand how and why such accommodation occurred, it develops an ideal-typical model of private credit money accommodation and applies it on three cases in the respective centres of the global financial system: the 1797 Bank Restriction in England that accommodated bank notes; the 1933 Emergency Banking Act in the U.S. that accommodated bank deposits; and the realignment of policies by the Fed and the U.S. Treasury in the 2008 crisis, which accommodated overnight repurchase agreements and money market fund shares as ‘shadow money’. On the basis of those case studies, the study argues that today’s public credit money supply is made up of accommodated, formerly private, credit money forms.

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Salae, Hafiz. "The political accommodation of Salafi-reformist movements in Thailand". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20038/.

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This thesis examines the political accommodation of contemporary Salafi-reformist movements into Thailand’s dual context of a Buddhist majority centralised state and the Malay Muslim minority. The two chosen case studies are Assalam (est. 1977) and the Muslim Group for Peace (MGP) (est. 2001) situated in the Deep South and Bangkok respectively. On the study of these movements’ ideological, organisational, and behavioural dimensions, I have developed three conceptual frameworks: Islamic reformism, network-based movements, and accommodation, which is based on the literature of Islamism, Islamic social movements and activism and Thai Muslim politics. While previous studies of Islamic reformists in Thailand have focused on the role of individuals as a unit of analysis, this thesis looks into a larger level of social movement organisation, without ignoring the importance of influential leaders. This thesis also contributes to the literature of Thai Muslim politics by identifying ideological differences between Salafism and reformism. This thesis argues that in their attempts to domesticate their Islamic reformist ideologies into Thailand’s socio-political structures, Salafis adopted pragmatism as an essential approach that enabled them to become successfully accommodated. Their organisational strategies relied on the creation of network-based movements encompassing educational, media, social, and political organisations. Equipped by internal strength of modernist elements and external political opportunities and constraints, the formalisation of organisations became a transition point that made the movements shift from the narrow rigid Salafi positions to the broader socially engaged reformist perspectives. Thus, their activisms expanded from organising religious educational programmes to providing religious-social services. In pursuit of accommodation, it is necessary for both movements to balance the compromise between their Salafi-reformist ideologies and socio-political realities. Although these pragmatic efforts resulted in relatively successful accommodation with the Thai state and better recognition from Malay Muslim society – with a significant degree of latent conflict and competition, the movements failed to maintain a relationship with their purist Salafi networks.

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15

Oman, Natalie. "Sharing horizons, a paradigm for political accommodation in intercultural settings". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0016/NQ44539.pdf.

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Oman, Natalie Benva. "Sharing horizons : a paradigm for political accommodation in intercultural settings". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35035.

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This dissertation examines the issue of intercultural understanding. I explore the role played by language in constituting human subjectivity in accordance with the common insights of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Martin Heidegger, and Mikhail Mikhailovich Bakhtin, in order to: (1) affirm the complexity and fragility of the process of building understanding in fight of our immersion in specific cultural-linguistic worldviews; and (2) demonstrate that human beings are ontologically predisposed to achieve understanding, and that this ontological predisposition is enhanced by a constant and inescapable process of crossing "language boundaries" in daily life. I argue that the very manner of human induction into cultural-linguistic worldviews suggests the means by which intercultural understanding might best be fostered: through the bestowal of recognition and the cultivation of dialogical relationships.
I assemble key elements of an assortment of different theories of intercultural understanding in which these techniques are assigned a central role; this exercise generates a Wittgensteinian "perspicuous representation" of the process of crafting intercultural understanding itself, and reveals the unique strengths of two convergent approaches in particular. Both the contemporary reinterpretation of the traditional ideal of intercultural understanding of the Gitxsan and Wet'suwet'en First Nations of northwestern British Columbia, and the recent writings of Charles Taylor on the subject of international human rights standards comprise variations of what I call the "shared horizons" paradigm. The great advantages of this paradigm are its ability to address the distortive effect exercised by power inequalities upon efforts to create intercultural understanding (demonstrated through a case study of the Gitzsan-Wet'suwet'en land claim), and its amenableness to a variety of distinct culture-specific normative justifications. The shared horizons approach does not offer a blueprint for achieving intercultural understanding, but rather, a modest and adaptable set of principles that can serve as the foundation for efforts to work toward the resolution of intercultural disagreements.

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17

Henders, Susan J. "Special status regions : the territorial accommodation of cultural difference". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297360.

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Chill, Sarah P. "Communication Accommodation and Female Political Leaders: The Case of Elizabeth Warren". Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1420802379.

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Quesney, Cécile. "Compositeurs français à l’heure allemande (1940-1944) : le cas de Marcel Delannoy". Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040029.

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Si la vie musicale en France sous l’Occupation est aujourd’hui un champ de recherche bien balisé, le parcours de l’un des compositeurs majeurs de cette période, Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), n’a encore fait l’objet d’aucune étude approfondie. Appuyé sur un large éventail de sources, dont le riche fonds Delannoy conservé à la BnF, ce travail vise à combler cette lacune en situant Delannoy dans le contexte plus large d’une génération particulièrement exposée sous Vichy. Dans ce contexte coercitif mais favorable à la création musicale, plusieurs compositeurs de cette génération (notamment Poulenc et Honegger) sont en effet impliqués dans diverses activités qui révèlent leurs engagements et leur degré d’accommodation face à la situation d’Occupation. Pour rendre compte des activités de Delannoy sous Vichy, il s’est avéré nécessaire d’élargir la périodisation. D’abord parce que son principal projet et succès de la période, Ginevra, un opéra créé en 1942 à l’Opéra-Comique, est le fruit d’une commande d’État de 1938. Et plus généralement parce que ses choix musicaux et extra-musicaux, comme ceux de ses contemporains, ne peuvent être compris dans le seul contexte des 4 années d’Occupation
Although the French musical life during the Occupation is now a familiar field of research, no detailed study has been made of Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), one of the most important composers of the period. Supported by a wide range of sources, including the large collection of Delannoy’s papers conserved at the BnF, the present work aims to fill this gap by situating Delannoy in the larger context of a generation of musicians that were especially visible during the Vichy years. In this context, both coercive and favorable to musical creation, several composers (notably Poulenc and Honegger) were indeed involved in a number of activities that reveal their commitments and the degree of adaptation in the face of the Occupation. To account for Delannoy’s activities under Vichy, it was necessary to extend the period under study: his principal project and success of the period, Ginevra (an opera premiered in 1942 at the Opéra-Comique), was the result of a 1938 State commission; more generally, his musical and extra-musical choices, much like those of his contemporaries, cannot be understood if they are restricted to the four years of the Occupation

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Koneska, Cvete. "Between accommodation and resistance : political elites in post-conflict Bosnia and Macedonia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:854136ff-ef12-448b-9713-a150e4c0fbe3.

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This thesis explores why political elites in post-conflict ethnically divided states accommodate or resist each other across ethnic lines. The geographic focus of research is on post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia. In both countries the track record of post-conflict politics has been uneven and on some issues political elites still resist agreement and co-operation across ethnic lines. This thesis explores the reasons behind this mixed pattern of ethnic accommodation and resistance. Based on the post-conflict literature in social science, the thesis examines the impact that the following explanatory variables have on ethnic accommodation and resistance: power-sharing mechanisms, political party dynamics, informal practices, policy legacies, and external actors. The analysis is situated at the policy level. Two policy areas, highly sensitive for ethnic relations in the post-conflict context, are analysed and compared in each of the two countries. In Bosnia, the focus is on military and police reforms; in Macedonia, on minority education and decentralisation. Within the wider institutionalist approach, the empirical chapters present the findings of process tracing in each of the four policy fields. Based on these findings, the thesis demonstrates that although power sharing arrangements tend to lead to greater ethnic accommodation, they are not always sufficient to produce accommodating outcomes. Informal practices often supplement the work of formal institutions in providing incentives and means towards greater accommodation. External actors tend to enable greater accommodation when perceived as neutral and credible by domestic political elites. Ethnic divisions in both countries remain and require regular management by a flexible set of institutions, which can accommodate challenges unforeseen by peace agreements.

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Limaye, Satu Prakash. "United States-Indian relations, 1981-1989 : the pursuit and limits of accommodation". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315903.

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Lochead, Karen Elizabeth. "Reconciling dispossession?: The legal and political accommodation of Native title in Canada and Australia /". Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2039.

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Devine, James Thomas. "Accommodation within Middle Eastern strategic rivalries: Iranian policy towards Saudi Arabia 1988 to 2005". Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86691.

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This study will focus on Iran's policies of accommodation within its strategic rivalry with Saudi Arabia between 1988 and 2005. Although the two states continue to be rivals in the Persian Gulf, the Islamic world and within OPEC, Tehran has pursued a policy that has been intended to minimize conflict and reduce tensions. This study will attempt to explain why this policy was initiated and why it has taken particular forms. This time period covers two Iranian presidencies, the Kuwait crisis, September 11th and the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.
This study is significant because of the states involved. The Persian Gulf is one of the most volatile areas in the world, and Iran is in the center of events. However, this study is also important for theoretical reasons. First, the term accommodation is rarely used in a systematic way. This analysis will adopt the definition Lijphart developed in the context of Dutch consociational politics. Lijphart referred to accommodation as the "settlement of divisive issues and conflicts where only a minimal consensus exists". This is different from most of the international relations literature, which focuses on conflict resolution or rivalry termination. This study argues that Iran's policies toward Saudi Arabia are better understood as rivalry management and therefore involve different dynamics and require a different approach to providing a causal explanation. Second, this research is significant because it recognizes that there may be important differences between the states in rivalry dyads. States like Iran, which will be referred to as regional challengers, are involved in rivalries with the US allies, and therefore face a different set of pressures/constraints than do their adversaries. Third, this study is important because it examines accommodation in the developing world rather than between great powers. Therefore, it considers the impact of political and economic development on rivalry behavior. Finally, this research is significant because of the methodology being employed. The framework of analysis being used not only takes into account different levels of analysis, but also different types of causal relationship. Therefore it provides for a holist explanation that integrates different arguments from the literature.
Cette mémoire a comme focus les politiques d'accommodation que l'Iran a poursuites vers l'Arabie saoudite entre 1988 et 2005. Tandis que les deux états ont continué leur rivalité dans le Golfe Persique, le monde islamique et l'OPEP, Téhéran a tenté de minimiser les conflits et réduire les tensions. On essaye d'expliquer l'initiation de cette politique et les formes qu'elle a prises. La durée examinée ici inclut deux présidences iraniennes, la crise du Kuwait, les attaques de l'onze septembre 2001, et les guerres de l'Afghanistan et l'Irak. fr
Cette étude est de grande portée à conséquence de l'identité des deux états impliqués. Le Golfe Persique est l'un des lieux les plus volatils du monde, et l'Iran se trouve toujours au sein des relations internationales de cette région. De plus, cet oeuvre est important dans le cadre de théorie. D'abord, le mot accommodation n'est utilisé que rarement dans une manière systématique. Par contre, cette mémoire emploie la définition introduite par Lijphart dans le contexte de la politique interne néerlandaise. Selon Lijphart, l'accommodation est « la résolution des problèmes controversées et des conflits dont il n'y existe qu'un consensus minime ». Cette proposition est distinct de la plupart de la littérature sur les relations internationales, qui porte attention plutôt sur la terminaison des rivalités. Par contre, cette étude soutient que les politiques de l'Iran par rapport à l'Arabie saoudite agissaient plutôt comme la gestion d'une rivalité. De ce fait, elles avaient des dynamiques différentes de celles entendues d'habitude, et ont besoin d'une analyse différente aussi. Deuxièmement, cet oeuvre accepte qu'il y ait souvent d'importantes divergences entre les deux côtés d'une rivalité internationale. Les états comme l'Iran, nommés ici provocateurs internationaux, sont rivaux des alliées des États-Unis, et donc rencontrent pressions et contraintes différents de celles rencontrées par leurs adversaires. En troisième lieu, cette étude se distingue des autres analyses de la rivalité en examinant l'accommodation dans le tiers monde et non entre les grandes puissances. Alors, elle considère l'impacte du développement politique et économique sur les actions des états rivaux. Finalement, cette mémoire est importante à cause de la méthode qu'elle poursuit. En utilisant plusieurs niveaux d'analyse et différents types de relation causative, elle offert une explication holiste qui intègre plusieurs opinions de la littérature.

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Hafez, Mohammed M. "Islamism between accommodation and insurgency : a political process explanation of Islamist strategies in Algeria and Egypt". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324909.

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Webster, John A. "Parliamentary majorities and national minorities : Moldova's accommodation of the Gagauz". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c266878a-7666-4be8-a139-1bb8fdaad664.

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This thesis provides an institutional explanation for the peaceful solution of the conflict between the Moldovan state and its small Gagauz minority in the period from 1988 to 1995. The central argument is that different institutional arrangements during this time had a direct effect on the Moldovan state’s capacity to bring about autonomy for the Gagauz. I show how Gagauz leaders, conditioned by the territorial-based structures of the Soviet Union, mobilized a political movement to push for the creation of an autonomous republic, and how this preference for autonomy remained the consistent demand of the Gagauz throughout the early years of post-communist transition. This finding supports the contention that Gagauz preferences cannot be used to explain the rich variation in political outcomes during this period. I assert that the critical changes were essentially institutional: new electoral laws; revised parliamentary rules and procedures; and a complete rewriting of Moldova’s constitution. These innovations were crucial in enabling the inclusive-minded majority in the Moldovan parliament to overcome the power of nationalist veto players by increasing the majority’s control of the legislative agenda. The importance of these institutional factors is examined by careful analysis of the different stages of the Moldovan parliament’s accommodation of the Gagauz: from separatism and stalemate to compromise. Furthermore, I reassert the central role of institutional arrangements by discounting the external influence of Turkey as a patron state on the successful negotiations between Moldova and the Gagauz. Using previously unresearched archival material, unstructured interviews with many of the key actors, and local media reporting, this thesis challenges existing accounts of the Gagauz conflict in Moldova. These accounts assert that either the Gagauz reaction to titular nationalism or the shifting preferences of strategic-thinking elites was the key causal factor of the political outcomes observed during this period. In contrast, this thesis shows that institutional design played a decisive role in the resolution of this conflict. The findings of this research offer useful lessons for other ethnically-divided states with mobilized minorities.

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Suckle, Elsa. "Muslim religious accommodation in public institutions : an exploration of religious equality in principle and practice". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2009. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3210/.

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This thesis assesses fairness for Muslim religious value claims in liberal institutions aspiring to public neutrality. This is achieved though critically examining neutrality and religious equality in liberal political theory, national models of secularism, and instantiations at the local level of schools and workplaces. Through adopting a contextual approach to political theory, I argue for the situated nature of fairness. The aim of this approach is to utilise ideal theory to arrive at realistic guidelines fit for real (non-ideal) worlds. I therefore both address the limits of theory to practice and show how empirical contextualisation might inform revised theories better equipped to account for contextual variables. In order to address the shortcomings in existing models of neutrality and in existing ways of theorising about religious exemptions in contemporary liberal political theory, two arguments for accommodation are advanced: corrective grounds and reasonable access grounds. Corrective grounds stress the need to correct for existing inequities already in place privileging majoritarian groups, as we face the task of responding fairly to minority requests for accommodation. Reasonable access grounds emphasise the significance of environmental factors in exploring entitlement to religious exemptions from general rules and regulations. Both these accounts build on empirical contextualisation. Evidence supporting these arguments is derived from two national contexts – the U.S. and Sweden – and takes the form of semi-structured elite interviews with a range of individuals with expertise on questions of Muslim religious accommodation. Through this analysis, the thesis contends that the ‘costs’ associated with Muslim value claims in liberal institutions should not exclusively be attributed to inherent factors. On these grounds I argue for the remodelling of public institutions in order to facilitate the ease with which religious commitments are combined with access to, and participation in, public institutions aspiring to neutrality.

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Khrychikov, Sergey V. "Managing ethnic differences in the post-Soviet states : political accommodation of the Russophone minorities in Estonia and Ukraine". Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404222.

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Hawkins, Stephen Bernard. "Narrative in Political Argument: The Next Chapter in Deliberative Democracy". Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20212.

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Deliberative democrats have argued that democracy requires citizens to seek consensus, using a familiar style of principle-based moral argument. However, critics like Iris Young object that deliberative democracy’s favoured model of reasoning is inadequate for resolving deep value conflicts. She and others have suggested that the aim of improving understanding across political differences could be achieved if our conception of legitimate democratic discourse were broadened to include a significant role for narrative. The question is whether such a revision would amount to abandoning the deliberative democratic goal of seeking reasonable resolutions of value conflict. This thesis argues that a narrative approach to deliberative democracy can realize its commitment to reasoned justification, while preserving the significance of differing perspectives and promoting mutual understanding. The narrative-contextualist approach is developed and illustrated with reference to public debate over issues such as cultural accommodation and historical justice.

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Gilliard, Dominique DuBois. "Political Accommodation: The Effects of Booker T. Washington's Leadership and Legacy on Tuskegee University and The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2010. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1667.

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In this re-evaluation of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, I identify the original causes that made the Study emerge, examine why the intent of this research shifted over time, reveal the manner in which the Study was conducted, expose the role the government played in the manipulation of the Experiment, and, finally, investigate the ways, as well as the reasons, for the selection of the participants involved in the Study. After exploring the Experiment itself, I investigate the lasting effects of it on the community in which it occurred and the ways in which it further affected the relationship between African Americans and the United States Government. I explore the reasons for the involvement of Tuskegee Institute. Also, the philosophies of its founder, Booker T. Washington, are examined to discover the rationale behind the Institution's participation in an Experiment, which eventually became harmful. Finally, I hope to reveal why Tuskegee has been historically omitted from any blame in the Study.

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Townshend, William Roger. "From new world order to superpower accommodations : political realism and Russian-European security: security risks, objectives and strategies". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322341.

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George, R. H. "Accommodation and coercion in comedy and tragedy : an analysis of the social and political implications of the development of classical Greek drama". Thesis, University of Essex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336945.

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Burton, Richard Edmund. "The spiring treadmill and the preposterous pig : the accommodation of science in the political, occult and poetic development of W.B. Yeats, 1885-1905". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1985. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/734cf369-d112-47ae-8035-72b5dabcdd2a/1/.

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Johnson defined metaphysical poetry as a violent yoking together of heterogeneous ideas. Such a process, I suggest, is developed in Yeats's work. The early desire to "hammer" his conflicting "thoughts into unity" bears fruit in the mature verse. The "thoughts long knitted into a single thought" of 'Coole Park, 1929' are echoed, for instance, by the overwhelming desire in 'The Tower' to make the "moon and sunlight seem/One inextricable beam". The argument continues, as in 'Dialogue of Self and Soul', say, or the seventh section of 'Vacillation', but it is played out against a long history of reconciliation. We remember the Irish airman who "balanced all, brought all to mind" in 1919. Clearly a prerequisite is a flexible attitude to Truth, and this thesis examines ways in which such flexibility is expressed in Yeats's occult and political theory, and in the development of his poetic. It begins with an introductory account of Yeats's early scientific reading, the deliberalizing implications of that material, and the debt to it of proto-fascist and, later, fascist theorists. The first chapter considers fascism generally, and examines aspects of Yeats's early work that seem to indicate the later politics. The second chapter returns to the nineteenth century intellectual climate - to the interaction of the new science and the established church, on the one hand, and the occult revival on the other. Yeats's occult development is considered against this background and shown to be empirical. Each step is dictated by a rationale that is aware of the fundamental importance of logic. To walk the narrow path between Grey Truth and Secret Rose, between science and spirituality, requires poise. Chapters four and five consider the nature of 'balance' and the evil of obsession in the early work, concentrating in particular on three poems Yeats was later to cast away 'Mosada', 'Time and the Witch Vivien' and 'The Seeker'. The thesis is concluded with a consideration of anarchy as the result of the perpetual balance of irreconcilables 'Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold' - and suggests ways in which the material presented might be used in a reassessment of Yeats's later work. Yeats's knowledge of science, coupled with his refusal to reject any aspect of the truth, however "grey", suggested a world-picture that nourished, and to some extent prefigured the later politics.

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Ozar, Ryan H. "Accommodating Amish Students in Public Schools: Teacher Perspectives on Educational Loss, Gain, and Compromise". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1531913852929844.

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Gunnarsson, Nathalie. "Competitive, Accommodative or Neither? : An Examination of two Swedish Parties Competitiveness while in Opposition and Support Party Status". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90999.

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This research aims to contribute to the knowledge gap about opposition and support parties’ competitive behaviour in minority situations where no party have a majority in the parliament. Two Swedish parties - the Centre Party and the Left Party - will be examined to answer the two overarching research questions. Namely, 1) how does the competitive behaviour of parties vary in relation to a party’s role as a support party or opposition party? And 2) does the result support the cartel party thesis or the model of classic opposition? The competitive behaviour was measured in regards to counter proposals, standpoints and reservations on the governmental propositions. This was done through a quantitative content analysis of committee reports during four terms of office. The results indicate that both parties were more competitive during their time in opposition compared to in support status. This supports the model of classic opposition and rejects the cartel party thesis.

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Pul, Hippolyt Akow Saamwan. "Threads and Stitches of Peace- Understanding What Makes Ghana an Oasis of Peace?" NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/23.

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Ghana is considered an oasis of peace despite having the same mix of ethno-political competitions for state power and resources; north-south horizontal inequalities; ethno-regional concentrations of Christians and Muslims; highly ethnicised elections; a natural resource dependent economy; and a politically polarized public sphere, among others, that have plunged other countries in Africa into violent and often protracted national conflicts. Use of the conflict paradigm to explain Africa's conflicts glosses over positive deviance cases such as Ghana. This study used the peace paradigm in a mixed method, grounded theory research to examine Ghana's apparent exceptionalism in staving off violent national conflicts. From the survey of 1429 respondents and 31 Key Informants, findings indicate Ghanaians are divided on whether their country is peaceful or not. They are equally divided on classifying the state of peace in Ghana as negative or positive. Instead, they have identified sets of centrifugal and centripetal forces that somehow self-neutralize to keep Ghana in a steady state of unstable peace. Among the lift forces are strongly shared cultural and Indigenous African Religious values; symbiotic interethnic economic relationships; identity dissolution and cultural miscegenation due to open interethnic systems of accommodation and incorporation; and the persistence of historical multi-lateral political, sociocultural, and economic relationships. On the drag side are the youth bulge; emergent religious intolerance; elite exit from the state in using private solutions for public problems; and highly politicized and partisan national discourses that leave the country with no national agenda. In sum, Ghana is no exception to the rule. The four interconnected meso theories that this study identifies provide pointers to what factors Ghana needs to strengthen to avert descent into violence.

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Furgerson, Jessica L. "The Battle for Birth Control: Exploring the Rhetoric of the Birth Control Movement 1914-2014". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1420730080.

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Avrutin, Eugene M. "A legible people : identification politics and Jewish accommodation in Tsarist Russia /". 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3150151.

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Whittington, Elissa. "Settler-colonial politics in B.C.'s consultation and accommodation policy: a critical analysis". Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/10811.

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This thesis explores technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s policy for consultation with Indigenous peoples about proposed land and resource decisions. I use the concept of settler colonialism to analyze the contents of British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy to assess whether and how the policy is oriented toward settler-colonial relationships. I analyze a British Columbia provincial policy document entitled Updated Procedures for Meeting Legal Obligations When Consulting First Nations Interim. By focusing on this policy document, I examine how power operates through settler state law and policy. I critically analyze three technologies of power that operate in British Columbia’s consultation and accommodation policy: the administrative law principle of procedural fairness, recognition politics, and the assumption of legitimate settler sovereignty. I consider how the policy’s focus on process reveals colonial power dynamics. Furthermore, I argue that recognition politics operate in the policy because Indigenous difference is recognized and some space is made for Indigenous actors to exercise authority, however the settler state retains final decision- making authority, which shows a colonial hierarchy of power. Finally, I consider how the assumption of legitimate settler state sovereignty that underlies B.C.’s law and policy is a source of authority through which the settler state has various types of power under the policy, including definitional power and final decision-making power.
Graduate

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39

Kurtoğlu, Gül M. "Toleration of the intolerants? : accommodation of political Islam in the Muslim world /". 2003. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3088758.

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Onguny, Philip O. "Exploring the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios during the 2007/08 conflicts". Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9149.

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Depuis des années, le Kenya avait donné l’impression d’être un pays relativement stable dans la région d’Afrique sub-saharienne, régulièrement secouée par les conflits, et un « centre » autour duquel la communauté internationale coordonne ses missions vers certains pays d’Afrique comme ceux faisant partie de la Région des Grandes Lacs (Burundi, Rwanda, Ouganda, République démocratique du Congo, Kenya et Tanzanie) et ceux de la Corne de l’Afrique (Kenya, Somalie, Éthiopie, Djibouti et Ouganda). Toutefois, les élections présidentielles très contestées en 2007 et les conflits qui se sont enchaînés ont entrainé de nombreuses préoccupations en ce qui concerne la stabilité du Kenya à l’ère de l’insécurité globale. Alors que le rétablissement de la paix continue, la coexistence entre groupes est toujours délicate car le Kenya compte au moins quarante-deux ethnies qui sont toutes distinctes les unes par rapport aux autres. Par ailleurs, l’ouverture d’une enquête judiciaire, par la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), contre quatre des six personnes présumées être les principaux auteurs des violences postélectorales de 2007/08, s’ajoute aux problèmes liés à la coexistence pacifique entre les différents groupes avant les prochaines élections. Cette thèse examine les politiques relatives à l’accommodation des différents groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires et comment ces politiques ont influencé les relations entre les groupes lors des conflits de 2007/08 au Kenya. Partant du constat qu’un conflit est un processus communicatif, elle intègre le concept d’encadrement médiatique à la théorie de Protracted Social Conflict (PSC) définie par Azar (1990) pour tracer non seulement les changements dans les discours d’encadrement de ces conflits, mais aussi pour illustrer les mutations des attitudes à l’égard des relations entre groupes survenues avant, durant et après ces conflits. Cette étude emploie principalement les méthodes qualitatives pour rassembler les données issues des trois régions au Kenya qui sont ethniquement et linguistiquement divergentes: Nyeri (la majorité Kikuyu), Kisumu (la majorité Luo) et Eldoret (la majorité Kalenjin). L’argument central de cette thèse est que l’encadrement des relations entre groupes, notamment lors des conflits, est soit différencié soit concerté dépendamment du stade auquel le conflit se manifeste. Alors que dans l’encadrement différencié, les discours médiatiques sont articulés de façon à ce que ceux-ci soient susceptibles d’entrainer une polarisation entre groupes, l’encadrement concerté décrit les discours médiatiques négociés de manière à ce que ceux-ci reflètent les valeurs partagées au travers des différents groupes, et donc sont susceptibles d’engendrer une coopération entre groupes. J’argumente que les changements dans le discours des radios vernaculaires prennent effet lorsque de nouveaux éléments sont ajoutés aux discours caractérisant un conflit déjà existant, et les « nouveaux significations » que ces éléments apportent à la compréhension du conflit en question. J’argumente également que le changement du l’encadrement différentiée à l’encadrement concerté (et vice-versa) dépende du degré de résonance de ces discours avec la population cible. De façon générale, cette étude suggère que le langage de diffusion et la proximité culturelle induisent l’encadrement entre groupes à travers les radios vernaculaires au Kenya. La force de cette thèse se trouve donc dans les perspectives analytiques qu’elle propose pour localiser les discours changeants lors des conflits, plus particulièrement dans les états multiethniques où les politiques d’accommodation entre les différents groupes demeurent toujours fragiles et conditionnelles.
For many years, Kenya gave the impression of a relatively stable nation-state within the turbulent sub-Saharan Africa and a suitable hub from which the international community extends its missions to parts of Africa such as the Great Lakes Region (Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, DR Congo, Kenya and Tanzania) and the Horn of Africa (Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia Djibouti and Uganda). However, the highly disputed presidential elections in 2007 and the upheaval that followed prompted concern about Kenya’s stability in the wake of global insecurity. While the healing process is underway, challenges of intergroup accommodation persist, as Kenya counts about forty-two distinct ethno-linguistic groups. Also, the International Criminal Court (ICC) recently brought criminal proceedings against four of the six alleged masterminds of the 2007/08 conflicts, adding to the challenges of intergroup cohesion ahead of the next general elections. This dissertation examines the politics of intergroup accommodation in Kenya’s vernacular radios and how they influenced intergroup relations in the events leading to the 2007/08 conflicts. Considering conflict as a communicative process, it builds on Azar’s (1990) theory of Protracted Social Conflicts (PSC) by integrating media framing not only to unpack the discourses that surrounded the framing of the 2007/08 conflicts, but also to uncover attitudinal shifts that characterized intergroup relations prior to, during, and after this particular conflict. The study mainly borrows from qualitative methods to collect data from three distinct ethno-linguistic regions in Kenya: Nyeri (Kikuyu majority), Kisumu (Luo Majority) and Eldoret (Kalenjin majority). The central argument of this dissertation is that the framing of conflicts by vernacular radios can either be differentiated or concerted, and this depends on the stage at which a given conflict manifests itself. While in differentiated framing, media narratives are negotiated in terms of negative competition likely to reinforce divisive or rebellious attitudes, concerted framing underpins the framing process whereby media discourses are articulated in a manner that underlines shared ideals that cut across intergroup allegiances, and thus may strengthen collaborative attitudes. I argue that the shifts in vernacular radio narratives occur when new elements are added to the already existing conflict frames and the kinds of “new meaning” they generate with regard to conflict processes. I also argue that the shifts from differentiated framing to concerted framing (and vice-versa) also hinge on the degree to which the proposed frames resonate with the appeals and expectations of the target population. Overall, the study argues that the language of broadcast and cultural proximity drive the framing of intergroup relations in Kenya’s vernacular radios, particularly in situations of conflict or competition. The strength of this dissertation lies in the analytical viewpoints that it proposes to locate the shifting perspectives in conflict situations, especially in multiethnic states where the politics of intergroup accommodation are fragile and situational.

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Cho, Jaee. "Cultural Crossing and Diversity Ideologies: Three Essays on the Identity Politics of Cultural Accommodation and Integration". Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8VT24GR.

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My dissertation explores people’s responses to cultural crossing, exploring when and why it is admired or admonished. One form of crossing is cultural accommodation, which occurs when a recently arrived foreign visitor behaves like a local, adhering to host-country norms of behavior rather than those of his/her heritage country. The second is cultural borrowing, which occurs when ideas from multiple cultural traditions are integrated into a product, performance or activity. I propose that people’s background beliefs about cultural differences (i.e., diversity ideologies) influence their evaluations of the actions of other people who cross cultures, as well as their own decisions to cross cultures. My studies consider two well-studied diversity ideologies—colorblindness and multiculturalism. In addition, I also consider polyculturalism, a more novel ideology that, like multiculturalism, celebrates cultural differences. However, polyculturalism differs in that it embraces cultural change. I develop novel methods for empirically distinguishing consequences of the mindset of polyculturalism as opposed to classical multiculturalism. In Chapter 1, I explore how diversity ideologies affect people’s acceptance of foreign visitors’ accommodation to the local culture. Multiculturalism, which holds cultural traditions to be separate legacies that should be preserved, was associated with negative evaluations of high accommodation. When polyculturalism (vs. multiculturalism) was experimentally primed, high accommodation was evaluated more positively. Further, I examine the underlying effects of diversity ideology on evaluations by focusing on trust judgments and find that multiculturalists’ distrust of high accommodators involves judgments of low ability and of identity contamination. In Chapter 2, I develop the argument that diversity ideologies guide people’s first-person decisions about whether to accommodate when entering a new cultural context. Polyculturalism facilitated cultural accommodation and longer-term cultural adjustment by reducing concerns about contamination of heritage identity, whereas colorblindness and multiculturalism had no consistent effects. In Chapter 3, I theorize and demonstrate that diversity ideologies also affect how people draw upon knowledge from foreign cultures in their problem-solving. Polyculturalism encouraged participants’ inclusion of foreign ideas when solving problems, which enhanced their creativity. However, colorblindness, which views ethnicity/culture as a mirage that is best ignored, inhibited participants’ incorporation of foreign ideas, thereby reducing creativity. No effect was found for multiculturalism. Taken together, the chapters of my dissertation contribute to a more nuanced understanding of cultural crossing: when people do it, and when people admire or admonish others for doing so. Also, these empirical findings advance research on polyculturalism and spark future research questions.

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Maia, Margarida Matos da Silva. "O impacto das políticas públicas de habitação no mercado de arrendamento". Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/67817.

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Dissertação de mestrado em Economia Social
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo primário compreender o esforço financeiro praticado pelos agregados familiares no acesso ao mercado habitacional. Como primeira abordagem, decidi falar do mercado de arrendamento, por ter observado que os preços que se têm praticado nas rendas atribuídas aos alojamentos, serem, em alguns casos, um factor impeditivo no acesso à habitação por parte de algumas famílias. No seguimento, procedi a uma revisão de literatura baseada nas políticas de habitação em Portugal, que por motivos de maior rigor analítico e melhor compreensão do objeto de estudo, compreendeu o período de tempo decorrido entre c. 1880 e o ano de 2017. Quanto ao estudo empírico, optou-se pela utilização de métodos de análise estatística descritiva e correlacional tendo-se analisado variáveis relacionadas com os rendimentos das famílias, com as despesas com a habitação, com a qualidade e condições de vida e ainda, variáveis relacionadas com a pobreza. Esta investigação mostrou que o custo de habitação afeta a qualidade de vida e o bem-estar das famílias uma vez que o aumento dos rendimentos das famílias é acompanhado com o aumento das despesas com a habitação e que uma diminuição na taxa de pobreza é igualmente acompanhada por uma subida do preço da habitação.
The present work aims to comprehend the financial effort carried out by households in order to access the housing market. The renting market is mentioned due to the renting prices attributed to accommodations, being an every so often impeditive factor for some families in the access to housing. In order to attain a comprehensive study, throughout this essay, I revised works of literature on housing politics in Portugal, encapsulating politics from 1880 until the year 2017. An empirical study was led through the use of descriptive and correlational statistics analysis methods. For this, I analysed variables related to household income, housing expenses, condition and quality of life and poverty. On a final note, this investigation shows the impact that housing costs have on the quality of life and well-being of families since the rise of household income is followed by an increase in housing expenses; and that the decrease of poverty rates is equally accompanied by a rise of housing prices.

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Quesney, Cécile. "Compositeurs français à l'heure allemande (1940-1944) : le cas de Marcel Delannoy". Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11445.

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Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Université Paris-Sorbonne. La version intégrale de cette thèse est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).
Si la vie musicale en France sous l’Occupation est aujourd’hui un champ de recherche bien balisé, le parcours de l’un des compositeurs majeurs de cette période, Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), n’a encore fait l’objet d’aucune étude approfondie. Appuyé sur un large éventail de sources, dont le riche fonds Delannoy conservé à la BnF, ce travail vise à combler cette lacune en situant Delannoy dans le contexte plus large d’une génération particulièrement exposée sous Vichy. Dans ce contexte coercitif mais favorable à la création musicale, plusieurs compositeurs de cette génération (notamment Poulenc et Honegger) sont en effet impliqués dans diverses activités qui révèlent leurs engagements et leur degré d’accommodation face à la situation d’Occupation. Pour rendre compte des activités de Delannoy sous Vichy, il s’est avéré nécessaire d’élargir la périodisation. D’abord parce que son principal projet et succès de la période, Ginevra, un opéra créé en 1942 à l’Opéra-Comique, est le fruit d’une commande d’État de 1938. Et plus généralement parce que ses choix musicaux et extra-musicaux, comme ceux de ses contemporains, ne peuvent être compris dans le seul contexte des 4 années d’Occupation. Delannoy, qui se fait connaître à la fin des années 1920, est un compositeur actif dans les entreprises de popularisation de la culture des années 1930, tandis que son style musical éclectique et accessible conquiert un large public. En 1942, son opéra Ginevra est très bien accueilli en raison de son inscription dans le genre français de l’opéra-comique, de ses emprunts éclectiques et de ses références à la musique du passé. Mais ce moment de grande médiatisation s’accompagne de plusieurs compromissions : critique musical d’un journal collaborationniste, membre du groupe Collaboration et de la délégation française invitée à Vienne pour la Semaine Mozart du Reich allemand (1941), Delannoy prend part à plusieurs projets de collaboration culturelle. À la Libération, ces compromissions lui sont reprochées : il est sanctionné par différentes instances officielles d’épuration et fait en outre l’objet d’une épuration plus informelle. Au croisement de l’histoire et de la musicologie, cette approche monographique qui situe le compositeur étudié dans sa génération vise plus largement à rendre compte des conséquences de l’Occupation sur les carrières des compositeurs, de leurs engagements et du rôle qu’ils ont tenu dans la politique musicale de Vichy et de l’occupant.
Although the French musical life during the Occupation is now a familiar field of research, no detailed study has been made of Marcel Delannoy (1898-1962), one of the most important composers of the period. Supported by a wide range of sources, including the large collection of Delannoy’s papers conserved at the BnF, the present work aims to fill this gap by situating Delannoy in the larger context of a generation of musicians that were especially visible during the Vichy years. In this context, both coercive and favorable to musical creation, several composers (notably Poulenc and Honegger) were indeed involved in a number of activities that reveal their commitments and the degree of adaptation when faced with the Occupation. To account for Delannoy’s activities under Vichy, it was necessary to extend the period under study: his principal project and success of the period, Ginevra (an opera premiered in 1942 at the Opéra-Comique), was the result of a 1938 State commission; more generally, his musical and extra-musical choices, much like those of his contemporaries, cannot be understood if they are restricted to the four years of the Occupation. Having made his name in the 1920s, Delannoy participated in the 1930’s ventures of cultural popularization, while his eclectic and accessible style won him a large public. In 1942, his opera Ginevra was very well received thanks to its ties to the traditional genre of French opéra-comique as well as its eclectic borrowings and references to the music of the past. Very much in the public eye, Delannoy also compromised himself in different ways: as a musical critic of collaborationist newspaper, as a member of the “Groupe Collaboration” and of the French delegation invited to Vienna for the Mozart Week of the German Reich (1941), he took part in several projects of cultural collaboration. It is because of these activities that the composer was penalized by professional and judicial purges following the Liberation, and also by a kind of more informal épuration. At the intersection of history and musicology, this monographic approach which places the composer in the context of his generation aims at a broader understanding of the Occupation’s consequences on composers’ careers, their political commitments, and the roles they played in the musical politics of Vichy and the German occupier.

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Nykolaishen, Sarah. "Culture and community: reorienting the accommodation debate". Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2408.

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This paper examines the "cultural thesis," a normative account of why culturally diverse polities should recognize and accommodate minority and indigenous claims for cultural protection, and addresses the "anti-essentialist" critique of the cultural thesis. The anti-essentialist critique holds that key arguments for the cultural thesis, such as those advanced by Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, support problematic, essentialist concepts of culture. This paper argues that the anti-essentialist critique overlooks key parts of the cultural thesis but does, nevertheless, illuminate the need for an approach to practical claims to culture. Two approaches are presented-the "unbounded approach" and the "shifting boundaries approach"-both of which are developed in contemporary political theory writings. The paper argues that the shifting boundaries approach, which asks us to consider the role that a claimed cultural practice or activity plays in enhancing community integrity, provides a better framework for understanding the claims advanced by minorities and indigenous peoples. Both the drawbacks of the unbounded approach and the advantages of the shifting boundaries approach are discussed in relation to the Aboriginal rights case R v. Van der Peet.

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BACHVAROVA, MIRA. "Non-domination and the Accommodation of Minority Social Practice". Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6792.

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This thesis develops an account of non-domination as a principle of legitimacy that ought to govern both inter-group and intra-group relations in multicultural states. It applies this principle to the question of how political institutions should respond to claims for the accommodation of controversial minority practices, using the example of the polygamous community in Bountiful, British Columbia. In developing this account, the thesis engages with three bodies of theoretical literature – of multiculturalism, of political legitimacy, and of autonomy. In the dominant normative theories of multiculturalism, answers are centered on what the limits of toleration are, what it means to recognize a collective identity, or what group rights can be claimed and how group rights are balanced with individual rights. While not rejecting the importance of these issues in a pluralistic state, my approach de-centers them by subsuming them under the broader problem of what makes a political authority morally legitimate vis-à-vis particular collective - as well as abstract individual - subjects. I argue that the most promising response to this problem lies with the concept of non-domination, conceived as a foundational principle of political legitimacy for multicultural states. This principle both demands and checks a democratic method for determining specific forms of accommodation. In some cases the advancement of non-domination between groups conflicts with the advancement of non-domination within groups. In political theory this question is often taken up by feminist scholars concerned with the ‘paradox of multicultural vulnerability’ and, more generally, with the dilemma of how to identify and critique internalized oppression while promoting full respect for individual moral agency. Borrowing from these debates, I outline a conception of the relational moral autonomy of the person and argue that it forms a necessary component of a non-domination- based analysis. The conclusion of the thesis with respect to minority social practices is that specific claims should be determined on the basis of a democratic process aimed at uncovering whether and when, all things considered, the accommodation of that particular practice is consistent with non-domination both between and within groups.
Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-29 11:13:58.516

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Alptekin, Huseyin. "Evaluating liberal multiculturalism : what could political theory offer in accommodating diversity?" Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-08-1857.

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Liberal multiculturalism, at least in the lines of some of its advocates, is vulnerable to serious critiques. This paper lists all major critiques directed to liberal multiculturalism without necessarily agreeing with all. Yet, this is not a sufficient reason to drop it from the intellectual agenda. In contrast, it still stands as the most promising theory to solve the problems stemming from cultural diversity. The position taken in this report sees liberal multiculturalism insufficient in accommodating all the interests of all the parties involved (e.g., different minority groups, political positions, theoretical approaches). Yet, a flexible and contextual formulation of liberal multiculturalism is able to accommodate the broadest range of demands involved in the debate without any serious damage to the core liberal premises such as respecting freedom of choice and basic human rights. What is achieved with such a formulation is not an entirely consistent philosophical truth project, but a relatively flexible guide to solve public policy issues in the face of cultural diversity.
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Basta, Karlo. "Accommodative Capacity of Multinational States". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32661.

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This dissertation explains the extent and durability of the institutions of territorial autonomy in multinational states. Its main argument is that the viability of territorial autonomy hinges on the relative economic importance of the minority-inhabited region for the central government. If the fiscal resources of the minority-inhabited region are critical for the funding of the central government’s policy objectives, autonomy is likely to be limited and short lived. If those resources are not as crucial for the governability of the entire state, autonomy is likely to be more extensive and durable. The importance of the minority-inhabited region depends on two sets of factors. The first is the relative level of economic development of majority and minority-inhabited areas. The second is the strategy of governance adopted by the central state elites. Strategies of governance determine the extent of the fiscal burden that the central government will place on the population of the state, thereby exerting significant influence on accommodative outcomes. The theoretical framework developed in this dissertation refers to statist (high spending) and laissez-faire (low spending) strategies of governance. The framework is tested in four multinational states: the former Yugoslavia, the former Czechoslovakia, Canada and Spain. The empirical chapters combine structured-focused comparison with longitudinal case study analysis. The cases largely bear out the hypotheses presented in the dissertation. However, analysis of the cases also demonstrates the importance of minority-group influence at the central state level in accounting for accommodative outcomes. In cases where minority elites have extensive influence at the centre, attempts at limiting the autonomy of minority-inhabited regions tend to be unsuccessful. This thesis contributes to a greater understanding of the design and durability of the institutions of territorial autonomy, which have important consequences for the stability and viability of multinational states.

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Siroky, Lenka Bustikova. "Revenge of the Radical Right: Why Minority Accommodation Mobilizes Extremist Voting". Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/5575.

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How can we explain variation in support for radical right parties over time and across post-communist democracies? This project suggests that support for radical right parties is driven by the politics of accommodation, and is aimed at counteracting the political inroads, cultural concessions and economic gains of politically organized minorities. It differs from other studies of extremist politics in three primary respects: (1) Unlike current approaches that focus on competition between the extreme and mainstream parties, I emphasize dynamics between the radical right party and non- proximate parties that promote minority rights. (2) Several approaches argue that xenophobia drives support for the radical right, whereas I show that xenophobia is not a distinct feature of the radical right party support base; what differentiates radical right voters from other voters is opposition to governmental transfers towards politically organized minorities. (3) I endogenize issue salience and identify coalition politics - i.e., coalitions of mainstream parties and parties supporting minority protection - as a key mechanism that increases the salience of identity issues in political competition, and benefits radical right parties. The project tests these propositions empirically, and finds supportive evidence using two unique micro-level surveys and an original party-election-level data set covering all post-communist democracies.

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Soufi, Youcef. "At home in one's habitus: the accommodation of communities of the good life". Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2869.

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This thesis seeks to offer a particular perspective from which to understand and approach the claims of some social collectivities. By making use of the concept of the habitus as employed by Talal Asad, I introduce the category of communities of the good life, whose members dedicate their lives to ends achievable only by a conscious shaping of their subjectivity. I argue that in light of the exigencies for sustaining a commitment to such a life, current legal rights are insufficient to make these communities feel that they can fully fulfill their aspirations in liberal societies. This in turn makes the basis of social and political solidarity tenuous. Perhaps worse, I argue, the accommodation of groups can only be placated by establishing structures of domination through the creation of assimilative mechanisms. I therefore contend that modern liberal democratic societies should understand their political union not as one based on liberal rights but on a union for the fulfillment of the concrete ends sought by citizens. In arguing for this position, I also seek to respond to two objections. The first is that the heterogeneous nature of all groups makes any accommodation either impossible without privileging some over others or perhaps placing dissenters in a precarious situation. The second is that accommodations will result in the subversion of citizens' freedoms.

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Abdul, Kadir Suzaina. "Traditional Islamic society and the state in Indonesia the Nahdlatul Ulama, political accommodation and the preservation of autonomy /". 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/42725390.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1999.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 397-408).

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