Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Politicisation”
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1
Segerberg, Alexandra. "Thinking doing : the politicisation of thoughtless action /". Stockholm : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-768.
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So, Hok-lai, i 蘇學禮. "Politicisation of housing issues in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1995. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31967802.
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So, Hok-lai. "Politicisation of housing issues in Hong Kong". [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B14777435.
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Sharma, Rama. "Marginality, identity and politicisation of the Bhangi community, Delhi". Thesis, Keele University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329060.
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Mavroudi, Elizabeth. "Palestinian 'identities' in Athens : negotiating hybridity, politicisation and citizenship". Thesis, Durham University, 2005. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1793/.
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Ali, Sameen Andaleeb Mohsin. "Staffing the state : the politicisation of bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26180/.
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This thesis contributes to the literature on the politics of bureaucracy. I show how politicised bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan 'get things done' even beyond the career advancement of a particular patron and her bureaucratic appointee. In order to show this, I trace the politicised appointment of senior and mid-tier bureaucrats by political and bureaucratic patrons using legal, extra-legal, and illegal methods in pursuit of three types of outcomes: (i) bureaucratic efficiency; (ii) electoral gain; and (iii) personal enrichment and protection. I contend that particular combinations of actor 'objectives' and 'methods' result in particular types of bonds - either strong or diffuse - between the patron and the appointed bureaucrat. It is, in turn, the interaction of these three variables (objective, method, bond) that determines whether or not the patron achieves the outcome she wanted, i.e. 'what gets done'. This thesis contributes to the literature on the politics of bureaucracy. I show how politicised bureaucratic appointments in Pakistan 'get things done' even beyond the career advancement of a particular patron and her bureaucratic appointee. In order to show this, I trace the politicised appointment of senior and mid-tier bureaucrats by political and bureaucratic patrons using legal, extra-legal, and illegal methods in pursuit of three types of outcomes: (i) bureaucratic efficiency; (ii) electoral gain; and (iii) personal enrichment and protection. I contend that particular combinations of actor 'objectives' and 'methods' result in particular types of bonds - either strong or diffuse - between the patron and the appointed bureaucrat. It is, in turn, the interaction of these three variables (objective, method, bond) that determines whether or not the patron achieves the outcome she wanted, i.e. 'what gets done'.
7
Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. "Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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Williams, Matthew. "The language of legislation and the politicisation of British judges". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:31b03113-216f-4291-8635-aa4aa7e287f0.
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Over the course of the 20th and 21st Centuries the judiciary have increasingly made decisions that have affected the substantive content and the procedural implementation of public policy. The aim of this thesis is to provide an explanation for this political behaviour in judges by introducing the Legislative Politicisation of the Judiciary Theory to the debate. The theory proposes that the key independent causal variable is the language of Parliamentary legislation. The argument is that as legislation has been increasingly used to delegate power from Parliament to its various agents, the language used has become more indeterminate in order to enable discretion. Such indeterminacy creates an institutional problem where the orders of the sovereign Parliament are not clear, and to resolve this uncertainty in the Rule of Law the judges must intervene. The political behaviour of judges is therefore stimulated by a change in the legislative supply-side rather than a change in the behavioural demand-side, and the judges are acting as professional technocrats charged with ensuring the efficacious implementation of Parliamentary legislation. A new discourse analysis methodology has been created for this thesis that provides evidence of change in the language of legislation between 1920 and 2010. A total of 8,328 sections of primary and secondary legislation have been hand-coded, with results showing that 3% of sections in 1920 (21 sections in real terms) were “Henry VIIIth clauses”, where power to make new law was delegated by Parliament; by 2010 this had increased to 16% (400 sections in real terms).
9
Jann, Werner, i Sylvia Veit. "Politicisation of administration or bureaucratisation of politics? : The case of Germany". Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4516/.
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Der Aufsatz befasst sich mit der Frage, ob sich eine wachsende Politisierung der Ministerialbürokratie und eine zunehmende Bürokratisierung der Politik in einer Hybridisierung der Karriereverläufe von Spitzenbeamten und Exekutivpolitikern auf Bundes- und Landesebene in Deutschland nachweisen lässt.Switches between political and administrative positions seem to be quite common in today’s politics, or at least not so unusual any longer. Nevertheless, up-to-date empirical studies on this issue are lacking. This paper investigates the presumption, that in recent years top bureaucrats have become more politicised, while at the same time more politicians stem from a bureaucratic background, by looking at the career paths of both. For this purpose, we present new empirical evidence on career patterns of top bureaucrats and executive politicians both at Federal and at Länder level. The data was collected from authorized biographies published at the websites of the Federal and Länder ministries for all Ministers, Parliamentary State Secretaries and Administrative State Secretaries who held office in June 2009.
10
Bhanot, Savita. "The everyday politicisation of identities : being Hindu in a university context". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410976.
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Kahlon, Raminder Kaur. "Performative politics : artworks, festival praxis and nationalism, with reference to the Ganapati Utsava in western India". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29520/.
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This study explores regionally based perspectives on the broader nation-wide phenomena of the politicisation of Hinduism (Hindutva) in historical and contemporary times (van der Veer 1987; Basu et al 1993; Pandey 1993; Jaffrelot 1996). However, in contrast to these works, my focus is on the extent to which an annual religious festival, the Ganapati utsava, has been effected by the wider socio-political terrain in the cities of Mumbai and Pune, Maharashtra. The Ganapati utsava is a discursive arena for mutually reliant activities of a devotional, artistic, entertaining, and socio-political nature. The intertwining of the various constituent elements sustain and accentuate each other in the performative milieux of the festival, yet also lie outside of totalising political schemas. I note that the festival has become a site for the hegemonic strategies of several political parties, and sponsored media competitions who all vie for supremacy in the festive context. As a result, the festival represents an uneven field of consent and contestation (Laclau and Mouflfe 1985). The history, and contemporary praxis of the festival necessitates a consideration of the movement of nationalism(s) for which the festival played a significant part, particularly under the auspices of Bal Gangadhar Tilak since the 1890s. I propose that the efficacy of nationalism as a hegemonic strategy relies as much on public performative events, as on constitutional politics and social structures (eg. Gellner 1983), or on the print media, such as newspapers and novels (eg. Anderson 1983). By integrating Habermas' views on the 'public sphere' (Habermas 1991) and perspectives on public rituals or 'public arenas' (Freitag 1989), the study notes the interactive potency of both collective gatherings and media forms as sites for variant nationalist strategies. Mandap (shrine) tableaux, in particular, are considered as performative loci for socio-political variables, particularly in their audio-taped narratives and visualisation of versions of the nation.
12
Halpin, Laura. "Developing rural Irelandthe politicisation and impacts of European and Irish structural policies". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.536891.
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Scanlon, Helen. "Representations and reality : women and politicisation in the Western Cape, 1948-76". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271031.
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Kang, Min-Hui. "The politicisation of disabled women in South Korea : a case study investigation". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439585.
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Manenzhe, Jacob. "The politicisation of Funerals in South Africa during the 20th century (1900 – 1994)". Diss., Pretoria : [s. n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05282008-143310/.
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Langer, Ana Ines. "The politicisation of private persona : the case of Tony Blair in historical perspective". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430068.
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Simpson, Rohan D. S. "Got AATitude? A quantitative analysis of refugee decision-making at the Administrative Appeals Tribunal". Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21665.
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The Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) is the first level of appeal for an asylum seeker whose application has been rejected by the Department of Home Affairs. There have been allegations that appointments at the AAT have become politicised. Despite these concerns, there exists no empirical means to test political influence at the AAT. This thesis develops a method to quantitatively test these allegations and provide further insights into asylum decision-making. Drawing off a specially generated Database of all publicly available refugee decisions at the AAT for the years 2015-2018 (2,272 cases), this study measures the effect of the Party appointing each Member on asylum outcomes. The key finding is that the odds of a Labor-appointed Member giving a favourable decision to an asylum-seeker were 1.46 times higher than those of a Liberal-appointed Member. Further, this study finds that the decision patterns vary significantly between Labor- and Liberal-appointed Members for applications from the same country of origin.
18
Popartan, Lucia Alexandra. "The socio-cognitive dimension of water: the case of politicisation of water in Barcelona". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671135.
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The thesis studies the discursive construction of cognitive frames in the
water sector in order to understand the dynamics of politicisation and
depoliticisation in the water conflict in Barcelona between 2011 and 2020.
The focus is placed on a particular type of politicisation at work in our
case study: the populist politicisation. Using Critical Discourse Analysis as
a method, the thesis will address the following research questions: (1) To
what extent is the politicisation of water in Barcelona a populist one and to
what extent does it challenge the water paradigm in the city? (2) How do
private actors react to the politicisation of water in the city and why does
it matter? (3) Is Circular Economy a de-politicised area in the interaction
between the actors in conflict? At theoretical level, the work articulates a
novel conceptual framework which critically combines the literatures on
populism, politicisation, and construction of discursive coalitions to
analyse the water conflict in Barcelona. At empirical level, this conceptual
framework is used to correct the one-sidedness of existing studies on
politicisation of water or “remunicipalisation” which focus mainly on the
public actors and disregard to a great extent the reaction of private actorsAquesta tesi doctoral estudia la construcció discursiva de marcs cognitius en el sector de l’aigua per tal de comprendre la dinàmica de politització i despolitització de l’aigua a la ciutat de Barcelona entre el 2011 i el 2020. L’estudi de cas se centra en un tipus particular de politització: la política populista. Utilitzant el mètode denominat anàlisi crítica del discurs, la tesi aborda les següents preguntes d’investigació: (1) ¿En quina mesura el discurs de l’aigua a Barcelona en aquest període és populista i quins son els seus efectes polítics? (2) Com reaccionen els actors privats davant el canvi de política de l’aigua a la ciutat i quina importància té aquesta reacció? (3) És l’economia circular un àmbit despolititzat en la interacció entre els actors en conflicte? A nivell teòric, la tesi articula un marc conceptual original que combina la literatura sobre populisme, politització i ecologia política per analitzar el conflicte de l’aigua a Barcelona. A nivell empíric, aquest marc teòric serveix per corregir la unilateralitat dels estudis existents sobre la política de l’aigua o la remunicipalització, centrats de manera preponderant en els actors públics, i que per tant no tenen en compte el discurs i les estratègies de legitimació dels actors privats
19
Krapels, Gabrielle E. A. M. "In the shadow of politicisation : explaining services liberalisation in the European Union (2001-2011)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:89c9cf0f-8432-4677-8f91-70b8bc43a851.
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This thesis researches the variation in levels of liberalisation within the European services market, focusing in detail on four selected service sectors (i.e. postal services, electricity services, healthcare services and the services covered by the Services Directive) from 2001 until 2011. In this thesis, I propose a model of European integration capable of explaining the exact levels of liberalisation in each service sector. I argue that the level of liberalisation can be explained by looking at the drivers of integration (i.e. expected economic benefits from further integration and the level of supranational activity), which determine the societal demand for further integration and the shape legislators’ preferences and constraints, and the intervening influence of adhoc politicisation (i.e. the influence of public opinion through mass mobilisation). To illustrate this, this thesis applies a two-tiered approach of analysis. First, it explains the context in which the legislation is made to understand the economic implications of the proposed legislation, the level of supranational activity preceding the tabling of the legislation and the preferences of all actors involved. Second, taking preferences as exogenously given, this thesis applies a method of process tracing to study in detail the negotiations between legislators – the amending stage of the legislation. The case studies show that the drivers are crucial to explain the general demand for integration and at the same time show how politicisation, taking various guises, influences the level of liberalisation – primarily by altering legislators’ relative power. Particularly interesting is that politicisation can affect the negotiations even in absence of politicisation actually materialising causing some legislation to be made in the ‘shadow of politicisation’. These findings confirm existing explanations of European integration and add new insights as to how we can understand the process of European integration more generally.
20
CORTI, FRANCESCO. "THE POLITICISATION OF SOCIAL EUROPE. CONFLICT DYNAMICS IN THE POST-CRISIS DEBATE OVER EU SOCIAL AND EMPLOYMENT POLICIES". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/728637.
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The bulk of the literature on ‘Social Europe’ has described the latest development of the social dimensions of the E(M)U in negative terms by referring to the absorption, the displacement, the decline and the marginalization of the EU social policies. Notably, the ruling of the European Court of Justice and the new post-crisis governance of the Economic and Monetary Union have contributed to increase the centrality of social issues in the European public debate, exacerbate the conflicts between political actors on EU social and employment policy and mount the dissensus towards the European integration process.
While academic literature has broadly focused on the mobilization of political parties in defense of national welfare states against the EU “intrusiveness” into domestic decision-making and on the heightened politicization of EU affairs at the domestic level, less attention has been paid to the ‘politicization of Social Europe’, and especially to the configuration of the political conflicts over social integration at the EU level. Indeed, traditional literature on dimensions of politics in the European Parliament and the Council has ignored the specific conflict dynamics that characterize the political debate in this specific policy area. Therefore, the objective of this thesis is to fill this gap, and especially so by focusing on the new conflict constellations that emerged in the aftermath of the EU crisis.
Drawing on the “clash syndrome” theory elaborated by Ferrera, I argue that the political debate over EU social integration is characterized by the overlapping of four lines of conflict of a functional, normative and territorial nature. Contrary to traditional literature, which has described the conflict over EU integration as mainly one- or bi-dimensional, the main finding of this thesis is that the political confrontation over EU social and employment policy is characterised by the coexistence of multiple and criss-crossing divides, which differently combine according to the arena where the debate takes place, the actors involved, the rules of the decision-making process and the issue at stake.
The way these political divides interact leads to the creation of different conflict constellations, which can hinder the adoption of specific social policy proposal, but that can also open possibility spaces for the emergence of new coalitions that facilitate the adoption of an ambitious Social policy agenda.
21
Daweti, Siyabulela. "A critical analysis of ethnic conflict in Kenya : the politicisation of ethnicity in Kenya subsequent to the 2007 elections". Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020780.
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This study examines the interface between Kenyan politics and ethnicity. More specifically it examines why ethnicity is at the core of Kenyan politics. Although this study discusses how colonialism influenced the ethnicisation of African politics, it focuses more on the era of post-colonial politics. The objective of the study is to investigate how post-colonial Kenyan leaders have shaped the content of Kenyan politics. This study explores ethnic conflicts in Kenya, more especially the 2008 conflict. In order to provide a clear framework for the analysis of Kenyan society, Zambian politics and its social dynamics were also examined in this study. In terms of political development and other variables, one could describe Zambia as Kenya’s peer. It is, therefore, an ideal country against which to evaluate Kenya. In terms research methodology, this study has taken a descriptive and an explanatory approach. Thematic and content analysis has also been employed as data analysis methods. This study has established that the manner in which Kenyan politics are organised is centred on ethnicity. The study found that Kenya’s unique political and social components have predisposed Kenya to ethnic conflicts. For example, a political future within Kenyan political parties and in public office is heavily influenced by one’s ethnicity. Ethnicity also plays a role in the nature of political coalitions. As a solution to the Kenyan problem, this author has recommended that Kenya’s politics (and political campaigns) be based on issues related to the development of Kenyan society, rather than ethnicity. Those in public office should also elevate national identity above ethnic identity.
22
Colley, Linda. "Myth, Monolith or Normative Model? Evolution of the Career Service Model of Employment in the Queensland Public Service 1859-2000". Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367460.
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Public services play an essential role in society, and every citizen uses them. They have traditionally been the principal means of implementing the political will, through policy development and implementation. Yet it is almost a national sport to criticise public servants. Their image is often poor, fed by television programmes such as Yes Minister. Common perceptions include that they have little real merit, do not work hard, are under little pressure to perform, are too powerful, are almost impossible to dismiss, and could benefit from some private sector experience. Such are the consequences of the career service model of employment that public servants enjoy. This thesis considers the much-maligned career service model of public sector employment relations, and asks how important it was, how it evolved, and why. First, it outlines the traditional understanding of public service employment, with its central tenets of merit, tenure, standardised conditions and political neutrality, all administered by an independent central personnel agency, and then explores the adoption, adaptation and reform of that model in three major western democracies - Britain, the United States and Australia. Then, it considers the implementation and evolution of that model in the Queensland public service from 1859 to 2000. The thesis argues that the traditional career service model was necessary to overcome problems of politicisation, corruption, insecurity and inefficiency that arose from the previous patronage model in the early 1800s. The model contained sound principles that were largely consistent with Westminster conventions, and were considered necessary for effective service in a political environment. Poor implementation of the model led to growing dissatisfaction by the late 20th century. However, rather than diagnose the problem as poor implementation and perhaps inadequate political leadership of the service, the career service model itself was found deficient, and was subjected to extensive reform through the weakening of its central tenets. The evolution of the career service demonstrates some circularity, as the problems of politicisation and insecurity that existed prior to the career service model begin to re-emerge.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Industrial Relations
Griffith Business School
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Hamdi, Muhamed Elhachmi. "An analysis of the history and discourse of the Tunisian Islamic movement Al-Nahda: a case-study of the politicisation of Islam". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243946.
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Lee, Sun Woo. "A civil-law prosecution system, presidentialism and the politicisation of criminal justice in new democracies : South Korea and Russia in comparative perspective". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5653/.
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This study aims to comparatively explore how the politicisation of criminal justice would appear in several new democracies with the institutional combination of presidentialism and a civil-law prosecution system, by focusing on the strategic interaction between an incumbent president and prosecutors, in South Korea and Russia, in the new institutionalist perspective. Civil-law prosecutors could damage particular politicians’ moral foundations with specific timing and extent, manipulating criminal proceedings through their broad power within the centralised criminal procedure. This is why they must be cautiously checked by any other body of government, contrary to their common-law counterparts who exercise a limited power due to the decentralised criminal procedure. Fortunately, in most civil-law countries, prosecutors are accountable to democratic bodies, in spite of the global tendency of judicial independence. Also in practice, civil-law prosecutors have not often been involved in the politicisation of criminal justice, despite their extensive influence over criminal procedure, in the continental European countries wherein the tradition of parliamentary supremacy is strong. By contrast, in new democracies with the institutional combination between a civil-law prosecution system and presidentialism, prosecutors have often taken partisan behaviour in favour of or against an incumbent president. For instance, two South Korean Presidents, Young-sam Kim and Dae-jung Kim, and Russian President Boris Yel’tsin, had exploited civil-law prosecutors for the politicisation of criminal justice, but were faced with their defection immediately before their retirement. Unusually, only Vladimir Putin could avoid this unfortunate fate, even at the last phase of his tenure, among the South Korean and Russian Presidents after democratisation. According to this study, high-ranking prosecutors generally pursued their own career advancement, and consequently the prosecution service was loyal to an incumbent president during most of his tenure, but betray him in his last phase, during South Korean President Young-sam Kim’s and Dae-jung Kim’s periods, and in Russian President Yel’tsin’s period. Only in the Russian President Putin period in the two countries after democratisation, prosecutors unusually continued to serve the president even when he left the presidency. This could be because they had no incentive to betray the outgoing president in order to further their career development under the next presidency, given that Putin would undoubtedly maintain a strong political influence over their careers, even after his retirement, according to this research. On the other hand, South Korean President Moo-hyun Roh frequently came into conflict with prosecutors, and had his close allies investigated or even indicted by them, during his entire period, while repeatedly attempting major reform against the civil-law prosecution service, which President Young-sam Kim and Dae-jung Kim had abandoned, in order to maintain the alliance with the power apparatus. According to this study, prosecutors made their organisational resistance based on their far-reaching power over criminal procedure, against President Moo-hyun Roh, for protecting their great prerogative, and therefore he failed in the reform. By contrast, Russian President Putin was exceptionally successful in large-scale reform against civil-law prosecutors, which not only President Yel’tsin but Putin himself in his first term had also suspended, by establishing the new ‘investigative committee’ in June 2007. According to this research, this outcome was possible because the prosecutors could no longer enjoy the political opportunity structure enabling them to effectively defeat the president’s reform against their collective interests, and consequently President Putin could circumvent their organisational resistance, in the absence of political competition under his electoral authoritarian regime. This study provides three important academic implications. Firstly, under the institutional combination of presidentialism and a civil-law prosecution system, prosecutors are not likely to preserve political neutrality, but to display a partisan behaviour either in favour of or against an incumbent government. That is, the institutional factor of combination of a civil-law prosecution system and presidentialism tends to induce the prosecution service, as a judicial body, to behave differently from the expectations of both the democrats and the liberals. Secondly, the variation of political competition can seldom influence judicial officers, who are responsible to the other branches of government, to behave independently of politicians, but can influence them, especially the top rankers, to betray an incumbent government in the last phase of its tenure on specific institutional and political conditions. Thirdly, and most importantly, the variation of political competition can influence judicial officers to take collective action for protecting their collective interests. In particular, if the judicial officers could exercise far-reaching power over criminal procedure, as civil-law prosecutors, their organisational resistance against an incumbent government which pushes for reform encroaching on their collective interests, such as prerogative powers, would be threatening enough to make the incumbent abandon the reform plan.
25
Zervoulis, Karyofyllis. "A study into the processes of identity evaluation and politicisation on the Internet : the case of stigmatised sexuality in two different national contexts". Thesis, University of Surrey, 2011. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/843140/.
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Three studies were conducted to investigate how men who have sex with men (MSM) use the Internet and particularly gay-themed websites (GTWs), and what are the effects that such use might have on aspects of their lives and communities, from sexual behaviour to gay identification and gay-related social action. The research took place in the capital cities of Greece and the United Kingdom, Athens and London respectively, two places with different levels of openness and acceptance of gay people. The first study included 20 Internet-based and face-to-face semi-structured interviews with 10 MSM living in Athens and 10 MSM living in London. The findings of thematic analysis showed that GTWs provide a parallel gay scene to the existing offline scene that, above all, facilitates the initiation of communication between MSM who then meet offline, mainly for sex. With its ease of access and the relative anonymity it provides, this online scene appeared to be very important to the sexual identity of MSM who feel unsafe or unable to disclose their sexuality offline. Challenges in terms of particularly its individualistic nature and the adoption of commodification and standardisation practices of gay men were flagged for the negative impact they might have on a sense of community and collectiveness. The second study was a survey completed online or offline by 173 MSM living in Athens and 188 MSM living in London. It aimed to investigate perceived and internalised homophobia of MSM of each city and found that those living in Athens reported higher levels of perceived homophobia, disclosed their sexuality less but had a higher global self-esteem compared to MSM living in London. In terms of the relationship between GTWs' use and self-esteem, findings showed that self-esteem was not related to greater dependence on the 'Gay Internet'. For MSM living in Athens, greater perceived homophobia of others related positively to greater use of GTWs, and communicational rather than informational facilities were preferred by those who appeared to feel less comfortable with their sexuality. The final study, a survey completed through the Internet by 151 MSM living in Athens and 225 MSM living in London, examined different patterns of use of the online gay scene, its evaluation and its contribution to explaining the participants' Internet-initiated sexual behaviour, gay identification and willingness to undertake gay-related social action. Findings showed that the online compared to the offline gay scene appears to be more addictive and a space with less healthy intra-group behaviour that does not facilitate as much a sense of community. Then, there was some evidence that communicational use of GTWs, which is mainly linked to satisfying sexual needs, contributed to explaining gay collective identifications in the case of MSM living in Athens. Also, more positive perceptions and experiences of the online scene, especially in terms of social capital, were found to relate to gay identification and willingness to undertake gay-related social action. The assumptions of Klandermans's (1997) Expectancy Value Model for collective action were not supported as they were tested within the Athens survey only. The results are discussed in the light of the implications they may have for the way the Internet is seen to be changing stigmatised people's individual and collective identities and actions, and in particular those of gay people and their communities.
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Oleart, Alvaro. "The Europeanisation of public spheres and the value-based politicisation of TTIP in Spain, France and the UK: From Permissive Consensus to Empowering Dissensus". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/286361/5/Contrat.pdf.
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The negotiations of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) triggered an unprecedented level of protests in the European Union (EU) in several member states. However, it was unclear whether the contestation of TTIP led to the Europeanisation of the national public spheres (Risse, 2010), given the general national fragmentation of the political debate in Europe (Koopmans and Statham, 2010a). This thesis analyses the debate and politicisation of TTIP in the Spanish, French and British media, and aims to answer two research questions. First, how and to what extent were national media discourses about TTIP Europeanised? Second, how does this type of Europeanisation of public spheres contribute to the democratic legitimacy of the EU? In order to answer the two research questions, an interdisciplinary theoretical framework has been put forward. Departing from the literature on the European public sphere (Koopmans & Erbe, 2004; Fossum & Schlesinger, 2007; Eriksen, 2005; Trenz, 2009) and the importance of analysing the Europeanisation of public spheres at the national level (Risse, 2010), the thesis argues that the literature often overlooks the role of conflict in the understanding of the public sphere. The gap in the literature has been addressed through a hybrid conceptualisation of the public sphere, combining a typically Habermasian deliberative approach with Chantal Mouffe’s ‘agonistics’. Empirically, the thesis undertakes a framing analysis of two different data sets through both qualitative and quantitative methods. The first data set is composed of press releases of a diverse group of EU-level political actors, in order to see what is the preferred framing of TTIP by different actors. The second is composed of the written articles dedicated to the TTIP negotiations in nine national news outlets (three from each selected country) in France, Spain and the UK, from the public announcement of the negotiations (February 2013) until the negotiations were officially frozen (November 2016). The actors’ discourse has been developed as a frame-mapping exercise undertaken inductively, identifying how different actors made sense of TTIP and put forward a number of competing frames. The findings of the empirical analysis of actors’ press releases indicate the attempt to strategically politicise or depoliticise the discussions around the TTIP negotiations, framed through different values by the different actors. These frames have been situated in categories, depending on whether they depoliticise TTIP, they challenge it in an agonistic or antagonistic way, or they focus on the negotiations as a process. The framing analysis of the media content on TTIP in the Spanish, French and British public spheres has revealed two separate chronological periods in the TTIP debate based on the presence of frames, measured through a framing ratio. The first period represents the traditional ‘permissive consensus’, while the second illustrates the agonistic politicisation of TTIP. Each national public sphere developed its own dynamics, which shows the importance that the national context has when discussing TTIP and Europe (Diez Medrano, 2003). However, while the Spanish, French and British public spheres have slightly different chronologies in their transitions from the first to the second period, there is a transnational coherence in terms of the frames of reference across the three countries. The findings of the media content analysis, particularly during the second period of the TTIP debate in the three countries, support the argument that there has been a Europeanisation of national public spheres that has happened in combination with a value-based and agonistic (Mouffe, 2013) politicisation. Rather than opposing the EU as a polity, the agonistic politicisation that has taken place in the case of TTIP has legitimised the EU by opening a space for the contestation of the negotiations, while accepting the EU as a political arena. The thesis argues that this agonistic Europeanisation of the national public spheres can lead towards an ‘empowering dissensus’ for European integration. The combination of agonistic politicisation and Europeanisation of public spheres is a process that matches ‘policy with politics’ at the EU level and normalises the EU as a polity by channeling conflict as politics in the Union rather than politics of the Union.Doctorat en Information et communication
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Loschert, Franziska Eva [Verfasser], Markus [Akademischer Betreuer] Jachtenfuchs, Natascha [Akademischer Betreuer] Zaun i Christine [Akademischer Betreuer] Reh. "Business as usual in times of Politicisation? Preferences of member states regarding EU labour migration policies / Franziska Eva Loschert ; Markus Jachtenfuchs, Natascha Zaun, Christine Reh". Berlin : Hertie School, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1238776140/34.
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Morrison, John F. "'The affirmation of Behan?' : an understanding of the politicisation process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement through an organisational analysis of splits from 1969 to 1997". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158.
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One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles', as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.
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Gropas, Maria Denise. "Developing the revolution : the politicisation of development and the construction of politico-moral subjects in an EU funded project in the agricultural co-operatives of Havana". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614704.
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Colley, Linda Katurah, i n/a. "Myth, Monolith or Normative Model? Evolution of the Career Service Model of Employment in the Queensland Public Service 1859-2000". Griffith University. Department of Industrial Relations, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050602.120554.
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Public services play an essential role in society, and every citizen uses them. They have traditionally been the principal means of implementing the political will, through policy development and implementation. Yet it is almost a national sport to criticise public servants. Their image is often poor, fed by television programmes such as Yes Minister. Common perceptions include that they have little real merit, do not work hard, are under little pressure to perform, are too powerful, are almost impossible to dismiss, and could benefit from some private sector experience. Such are the consequences of the career service model of employment that public servants enjoy. This thesis considers the much-maligned career service model of public sector employment relations, and asks how important it was, how it evolved, and why. First, it outlines the traditional understanding of public service employment, with its central tenets of merit, tenure, standardised conditions and political neutrality, all administered by an independent central personnel agency, and then explores the adoption, adaptation and reform of that model in three major western democracies - Britain, the United States and Australia. Then, it considers the implementation and evolution of that model in the Queensland public service from 1859 to 2000. The thesis argues that the traditional career service model was necessary to overcome problems of politicisation, corruption, insecurity and inefficiency that arose from the previous patronage model in the early 1800s. The model contained sound principles that were largely consistent with Westminster conventions, and were considered necessary for effective service in a political environment. Poor implementation of the model led to growing dissatisfaction by the late 20th century. However, rather than diagnose the problem as poor implementation and perhaps inadequate political leadership of the service, the career service model itself was found deficient, and was subjected to extensive reform through the weakening of its central tenets. The evolution of the career service demonstrates some circularity, as the problems of politicisation and insecurity that existed prior to the career service model begin to re-emerge.
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Kirschbaum, Lisa Christina. "The illegal targeting of healthcare in the Yemen armed conflict: A quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the experiences of humanitarian actors and the Yemeni population". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-388911.
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The illegal targeting of healthcare in armed conflict is nothing new but its continuance and impunity at a time when the protection of it has formally never been higher, for instance through the UNSC Resolution 2286, motivated this study. Therefore, the thesis analyses how the illegal targeting of healthcare affect humanitarian actors operating in Yemen as well as the local population. How the population and humanitarian actors perceive and interpret the violent targeting of healthcare was explored as well. This study is based on a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of 11 media outlets and 25 documents provided by humanitarian actors. As a theoretical framework the humanitarian principles, international humanitarian law and the politicisation of humanitarian aid were addressed. Moreover, securitization theory was used in order to explain how humanitarian actors securitize the targeting through language. The results show that consequences of the illegal targeting for humanitarian organisations are limited access to the field as well as the closing of facilities and withdrawal of staff due to security issues. For the Yemeni population consequences are a limited access to healthcare as well as a loss of trust in the safety of medical facilities and therefore they often take the decision to not seek medical care. The analysis shows that humanitarian actors present the illegal targeting as a threat to the survival of beneficiaries and connect this to their own organisational survival and through that securitize the illegal targeting.
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Johansen, Hanna. "The Swedish Parliamentary Debate on European Affairs – What Makes it to the Pages? : A quantitative content analysis of news media reporting from the Riksdag". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403137.
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The long-spun Brexit process has been named a symbol of an alleged disconnection between the European Union’s high-level decision-makers and its citizens. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the role of national parliaments in brining EU affairs closer to the citizens. More specifically, it turns attention to the Riksdag, and to how informative parliamentary debates on EU affairs are communicated to Swedish citizens. Earlier studies have provided valuable insights into how political opinions on EU affairs are presented in electoral manifestoes and behind closed doors in the Riksdag’s committees. By conducting a quantitative content analysis on Swedish news medias’ coverage of the Riksdag’s debate on EU-affairs over the last ten years, this study offers a first insight into how EU debates are conveyed to the wider Swedish audience. Drawing on previous research on national parliaments, the concept of opposition and theories from the field of political communication, three hypotheses are formulated. While the first hypothesis aims to test whether Swedish news media provide citizens a diverse set of positions from the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs, the second hypothesis seeks to illuminate which parliamentary actors that are most prominent in medias’ reporting from the Riksdag. Finally, the third hypothesis turns attention to the mode in which EU affairs are presented in news media. None of the hypotheses are unambiguously supported by evidence. The implications are that the media to some extent filter the parliamentary debate. A filter that at occasions may exclude diverging positions on EU affairs. Further, though governments are presented as the main actor in the majority of all analysed articles, the Riksdag is close behind. The result implies that the Riksdag is indeed competing with the government in being the main agenda setter in Swedish news media. Nevertheless, it also suggests that oftentimes, the Riksdag is referred to as one unit, without news media distinguishing the diverging positions within the institution. Finally, the finding from the third hypothesis suggests that the Riksdag is somewhat restricted when it comes to shaping the discourse surrounding EU affairs. In spite of the Riksdag’s increased focus on policy-aspects of EU affairs, the mediated image of the very same debate may still be presented as a concern of polity or procedure. Ultimately, despite not providing any clear support for the hypotheses, the somewhat filtered mediated image of the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs may carry implications for national parliaments’ ability to bring EU affairs closer to the citizens of the Union.
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Melin, Erik. "Depoliticising Energy : A Review of Energy Security in Swedish Policy-Making". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353430.
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In order to cope with the changing climate, there will be a need for mitigating transformations of a scope, speed and magnitude that are unprecedented in human history, but the consensus- and market-driven approach is inhibiting this transformation. This thesis reviews how various discourses and debates on energy policy within Swedish governments have changed between 1974 and 2017, through the lenses of energy security and depoliticisation, and how a better understanding of these debates and discourses may inform the impending large-scale transformation required to meet the challenge of climate change. Some of the main findings are that (1) nuclear power and the result of the nuclear power referendum have been decisive for energy policy, and that nuclear power will remain of vital importance in the twenty-first century. (2) Energy has become increasingly depoliticised since the 1980s, ensuing the referendum on nuclear power. (3) The discourse on energy security has shifted towards market-based solutions: in the 2000s, climate change is to be mitigated through consumer- oriented solutions such as green certificates. Through privatisation, it essentially has become up to the consumer, deciding whether to participate in mitigation of climate change.
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Teinturier, Sara. "L'enseignement privé dans l'entre-deux-guerres : socio-histoire d'une mobilisation catholique". Thesis, Rennes 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013REN1G026.
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Dans la France de l'entre-deux-guerres, les catholiques ne cessent de revendiquer une prise en charge financière de leurs établissements scolaires, dont la situation matérielle s'avère singulièrement précaire. L'enseignement privé catholique subsiste grâce à ses enseignants, subsumant leurs conditions de travail au nom de leur foi. La doctrine affirmée de l'Église catholique en matière d'éducation et l'acceptation des rôles prescrits dans l'institution sont les clés essentielles du maintien du réseau éducatif catholique. Cette revendication s'accompagne d'un militantisme polymorphe. Aux tenants de la réalisation de l'unité catholique, qu'elle soit en opposition au régime politique ou s'inscrivant dans la légalité républicaine, s'adjoint une troisième posture, encore marginale, d'insertion du catholicisme dans la modernité. Rejet ou acception de l'école publique, définition et rôle de l'enseignement privé, signalent ce qui se joue au sein du champ ecclésial : l'acceptation ou non de la pluralisation de la société française et de l'opinion catholique. Dans les années 1920, domine la configuration d'un cléricalisme éducatif, utopie d'une société chrétienne dont l'école catholique serait le fer de lance. Les années 1930 sont l'objet d'une reconfiguration paradoxale : alors que l'épiscopat reprend l'initiative en créant un Comité national de l'enseignement libre en 1931, la décléricalisation de l'action catholique est confirmée. Ce faisant, le militantisme catholique, qui a permis le maintien des écoles, participe en même temps de la politisation de l'espace ecclésial et, in fine, de sa sécularisationIn France, during the interwar period, Catholics ceaselessly claimed public financial support for their schools, which were in a particularly precarious situation. Private Catholic schools subsisted thanks to their teachers who subsumed their hard working conditions to their faith. The strong doctrine of the Catholic Church in educational matters and the acceptance of prescribed roles within the institution were key to maintain a Catholic education system. This claim went alongside a polymorphous activism. Three attitudes prevailed: first, there where the advocates of the realization of Catholic unity, whether in opposition to the political regime or enrolling in the republican legality; then appeared a new movement which demanded the insertion of Catholicism into the modern world. The rejection or the acceptance of the public school system and the definition of private education and of its role, highlighted the issue for the Church: the acceptance or rejection of the pluralisation of French society and of the Catholic opinion. In the 1920’s prevailed the clericalist educational utopia of a Christian society of which Catholic schools would be the spearhead. The 1930’s saw a paradoxical reconfiguration: in the same time that bishops took the initiative of creating a National Committee for private education in 1931, the declericalization of Catholic action was confirmed. In doing so, Catholic militancy which enabled the maintenance of schools, was also responsible for the politicization of the ecclesial scope and, ultimately, of its secularization
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Hérisson, Arthur. "Les catholiques français face à l'unification italienne (1856-1871) : une mobilisation internationale de masse entre politique et religion". Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H090.
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La thèse étudie les répercussions de l’unification italienne sur le catholicisme français de 1856 à 1871. Alors que les catholiques avaient été jusque-là un des piliers du régime impérial, l’appui donné par Napoléon III au mouvement national italien mit un terme à cette situation. Parce qu’ils remettaient en cause le pouvoir temporel du pape, les événements italiens donnèrent lieu à une vaste mobilisation des fidèles. Tandis que cette mobilisation a longtemps été analysée par les historiens comme un mouvement ayant surtout impliqué le clergé et les notables légitimistes, ce travail montre qu’il s’agit en réalité d’un mouvement de masse. La thèse met en évidence les conséquences d’une telle mobilisation dans le domaine politique et dans le domaine religieux. Elle montre l’assimilation par les catholiques des formes classiques de la lutte politique moderne, utilisées à gauche comme à droite, et l’élaboration de moyens d’action plus originaux, fondés sur la politisation de la parole et de la pratique religieuses. Elle replace la mobilisation dans le cadre de la stratégie diplomatique du Saint-Siège, visant à s’appuyer sur les fidèles, en analysant les engagements dans l’armée pontificale et la mobilisation financière des catholiques. Enfin, l’étude met en évidence l’influence de la question romaine sur plusieurs mutations touchant le catholicisme depuis le début du siècle, qu’il s’agisse du mouvement vers Rome, de l’affirmation du catholicisme intransigeant ou de la place nouvelle des laïcs au sein de l’Église. C’est, en somme, une voie de modernisation alternative, construite en opposition aux principes de la modernité libérale, que cette étude entend mettre en évidenceThis dissertation examines the impacts of Italian unification on French Catholicism from 1856 to 1871. Whilst Catholics had until then been one of the imperial regime pillars, the support given by Napoleon III to the Italian national movement put an end to this situation. Because they were challenging the Pope's temporal power, the Italian events gave rise to a vast mobilisation of the faithful. Whilst this mobilisation has long been analysed by historians as a movement that mainly involved the clergy and the legitimist notables, this work shows it was actually a mass movement. This dissertation highlights the consequences of such involvement in political as well as religious matters. It shows the assimilation by Catholics of the classical means of modern political fight, used by the left as well as the right wing, and the elaboration of more original means, based on the politicisation of religious speech and practice. It replaces the mobilisation in the context of the Holy See’s diplomatic strategy, aimed at relying on the faithful. To do so, the dissertation analyses the enlistments in the pontifical army and the financial support provided by Catholics. Finally, the study shows the influence of the Roman question on several changes affecting Catholicism since the beginning of the century: the movement towards Rome, the affirmation of uncompromising Catholicism as well as the new status of the laity in the Church. It is, in short, a way of alternative modernisation, built in opposition to the principles of liberal modernity, that this study intends to bring to light
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Saiget, Marie. "Programmes internationaux et politisation de l'action collective des femmes dans l'entre-guerres : une sociologie des interventions sur le genre et les femmes au Burundi (1993-2015)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0019.
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Partant du constat de l’attention croissante et appuyée des organisations internationales aux thématiques « femmes, paix et sécurité », cette recherche vise à mieux comprendre les modalités concrètes des interventions sur cette thématique ainsi que leurs effets sur les dynamiques sociales et politiques de mobilisation des femmes en contexte d’entre-guerres. La thèse discute la perspective à la fois critique et experte des effets des programmes internationaux en proposant une sociologie des interventions déployées sur la thématique du « genre » au Burundi (1993-2014). En s’appuyant sur une enquête documentaire et de terrain menée au Burundi entre 2012 et 2014, elle contextualise dans une première partie la construction des interventions du point de vue des normes, des pratiques et des relations entre les acteurs. Elle étudie dans une deuxième partie la socialisation des acteurs individuels participant aux interventions aux savoirs diffusés par les programmes internationaux. Dans une troisième partie, elle analyse les processus de politisation dont certains enjeux, pratiques et sujets de l’action collective des femmes font l’objet. La thèse défend une interprétation dynamique du processus de politisation. De par leurs effets problématiques sur la socialisation des acteurs, les interventions déployées sur le genre participent à la politisation de l’action collective des femmes. Cette politisation place les organisations internationales face à une impasse car ces tendances échappent au cadre d’intervention qu’elles peuvent effectivement porter. Paradoxalement, cette impasse entretient plutôt qu’elle n’altère la politisation en coursInternational organisations (IOs) have displayed a growing interests in matters related to “women, peace and security”. This thesis permits to better understand the concrete realities of IOs’ interventions in this domain and their effects on the social and political dynamics of women’s mobilisations in interwar contexts. The thesis uses a sociological lens to approach gender-related interventions taking place in Burundi (1993-2015). In doing so, it goes beyond the critical and expert perspectives of the effects of international programmes. This work is based on a study of official documents and, more importantly, field research carried out in Burundi between 2012 and 2014. The first section of the thesis addresses the construction of gender-related interventions from a normative, practical and relational point of view. The second section studies the ways in which multiple individual intervening actors become socialised with international standards and practices on gender and women’s issues. Finally, the third section analyses the processes of politicisation of certain issues, practices and subjects of women’s collective action. The thesis defends a dynamic interpretation of processes of politicization and argues that, because of problematic effects on the socialisation of actors, interventions on gender contributes to politicise women’s collective action. This politicisation places IOs in a delicate position, as these tendencies are beyond the scope of their intervention. Paradoxically, this position maintains rather than alters the current politicisation
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Kippenes, Sondre Rovik. "Interpreting political identity in Côte d'Ivoire: A self-categorisation approach". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4240.
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Trégourès, Loïc. "Jeu en triangle : Football, politique et identités dans l'espace post-yougoslave des années 1980 à nos jours". Thesis, Lille 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL20003/document.
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La transformation de supporters de football serbes, bosniaques et croates en soldats dès 1991, la présence de supporters en première ligne contre la police dans la chute du régime de Milošević et dans l’opposition au président croate Franjo Tuđman, la mobilisation violente de supporters contre la tenue de gay pride, la prise d’assaut de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Belgrade, sont autant de faits qui s’inscrivent au croisement du football par les acteurs en jeu, du politique par la portée de leurs actes, et de l’identitaire comme fondement légitimateur à agir. C’est donc à partir de ces faits politiques que la question des interactions entre les mondes du football et le monde politique tire sa légitimité. Il s’agit alors de décrypter ces interactions, aussi bien dans le temps depuis la fin de la Yougoslavie communiste jusqu’à nos jours, que de façon comparée entre les différents pays issus de la Yougoslavie. Ce faisant, loin de la futilité dont on l’affuble, il faut prendre le football au sérieux aussi bien dans son rôle de fenêtre d’observation que dans celui d’agent politique de changement. Ce faisant, c’est à travers le football mais surtout par le football que l’on peut produire une analyse politique transversale de l’espace post-yougoslave, que ce soit sur le phénomène de politisation par le bas, sur la persistance du paradigme ethno-nationaliste, sur le caractère très discutable de l’idée de rupture entre l’avant et l’après 2000, ainsi que sur la persistance de pratiques politiques autoritaires dans l’ensemble de la région indépendamment du processus d’intégration européenneFootball fans from Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia started turning into soldiers from 1991. Football fans were on the frontline against police during Milosevic’s fall as well as in the opposition to Croatian president Tudjman. Football fans were able to mobilize in huge numbers with extreme violence against gay pride parades. Football fans assaulted and set the US embassy in Belgrade on fire in 2008. These facts are at the crossroads between football through the actors at stake, politics through their aims and meanings, and identity regarding the founding ideas upon which they rely. It is therefore throughout those facts that interactions between the football world and the political world are a legitimate question to raise. It shall be dealt with not only by taking into account a broad period from the end of communist Yugoslavia to nowadays, but also in a comparative approach between the different states born from Yugoslavia’s collapse. Thus, far from being a futile occupation and an illegitimate social science object, it is necessary to take football seriously regarding the two roles it plays, first as an observation window, second as a political agent of change. Therefore, not only through football but also by football will it be possible to draw a transversal political analysis, be it on the politicisation process from the bottom, on the persistence of an ethno-nationalist paradigm, on whether 2000 can be deemed a deep break in the period from 1991 to nowadays, and on authoritarian practices in the region regardless of the European integration process
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Lindberg, Jonas. "Religion in Nordic Politics as a Means to Societal Cohesion : An Empirical Study on Party Platforms and Parliamentary Debates 1988–2012". Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-241250.
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In this study, I address the relationship between religion and politics in the Nordic countries, 1988–2012, against a background of increasing religious diversity alongside more or less continuous relationships between church and state. My aim is to analyse possible changes in the way religion is referred to by Nordic parliamentary parties, and in the way these parties use religion as a means to societal cohesion. I use theories on religious change and on the motives for using religion in politics to discuss a possible re-emergence of religion in politics, with the help of concepts such as functional differentiation, glocalisation and politicisation. I apply different forms of content analysis in a mixed-methods approach, using both substantial and functional definitions of religion. The thesis is based on four articles published or accepted for publication in peer-reviewed international journals: First, a study on religion in Nordic party platforms from around 1988, 1998 and 2008. Second, a study on religion in Danish, Norwegian and Swedish parliamentary debates, 1988/89, 1998/99 and 2008/09. Third, a study on the role of the majority churches in the final Nordic parliamentary debates on same-sex unions 1989–2012. Fourth, a study on Danish and Norwegian parliamentary debates on the wearing of veils among judges and policewomen in 2009. The major findings are that the references to religious diversity in party platforms and parliamentary debates have increased, which leads to a more complex understanding of the religious cleavage in politics, and that right-wing populist parties in particular politicise religion to achieve political influence. Furthermore, human rights have been increasingly used to address religious diversity as a political issue. I interpret these findings as continuous use of religion for societal cohesion in Nordic politics, through a model of different forms of politicisation using the concepts civil religion, human rights and nationalism. The thesis contributes to a better understanding of the religious cleavage, politicisation of religion, the impact of globalisation on the political debate about religion and changes as well as continuity regarding the use of religion in Nordic politics.Cover photography: Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt (chairman of The Moderate Party) debates with Member of Parliament Jimmie Åkesson (chairman of The Sweden Democrats) in the Swedish parliament Riksdagen on 19 January 2011. Photographer: Melker Dahlstrand/Riksdagsförvaltningen.
NOREL
Impact of Religion
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Tindon, Cécile. "S'engager pour l'eau potable : de l'indignation à la régulation civique". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAB002/document.
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Cette thèse traite de la formation progressive, à partir des années 1990, d’un tissu associatif dédié à l’eau potable et de la manière dont cette « nébuleuse bleue » contribue à la régulation du secteur. Elle analyse comment des usagers, ayant expérimenté un problème vis à vis du secteur de l’eau, se rassemblent en publics au sens de Dewey (1927) pour mener une enquête sociale à son propos. Ces individus s’indignent, s’engagent et acquièrent des connaissances et des compétences relatives à la gestion du service. Ils exercent, dans des registres à la fois critiques et contributifs, une régulation qui leur est propre et que nous qualifions de civique. Cette régulation civique est constituée de trois composantes complémentaires : la politisation de l’eau qui permet de maintenir une attention publique sur le sujet, l’exercice d’une vigilance sur les responsables du secteur, et la participation dans et hors des arènes prévues à cet effet. Cette régulation civique, qui s’exerce souvent en conflit avec les élus et les opérateurs, va agir sur le secteur de l’eau comme un contre-pouvoir démocratique au sens de Rosanvallon (2006)This thesis focuses on the progressive creation of a “blue nebula”, an associative network dedicated to drinking water, and how it contributes to the regulation of its sector. It analyses how water users facing a problem gather in publics, as understood by Dewey (1927), in order to lead a social investigation. Those local activists express indignation, commit and proceed to the acquisition of knowledge and competencies for the service management. They exercise their own form of regulation, referred to now on as civic regulation. It consists of two faces, one being corrective and the other projective, and is composed of three complementary components: the politicisation which enables them to keep public attention on drinking water, the use of vigilance over the sector stakeholders, and civic participation. This civic regulation in the field of water management often expresses itself through conflict with local decision-makers and water operators, and can be conceived as a democratic counter-power (Rosanvallon, 2006)
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Semal, Luc. "Militer à l’ombre des catastrophes : contribution à une théorie politique environnementale au prisme des mobilisations de la décroissance et de la transition". Thesis, Lille 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL20009/document.
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Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l’écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d’abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu’ils s’internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l’anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement écosystémique) qui mettraient fin à la version moderne du projet démocratique. Loin de n’être qu’une posture intellectuelle, le catastrophisme s’incarne dans ces mouvements en des pratiques délibératives expérimentales qui invitent à questionner la temporalité continuiste dans laquelle se conçoit généralement la théorie démocratique.L’étude de ces deux mobilisations vise à nourrir une réflexion d’ordre plus théorique sur les outils dont dispose la science politique pour penser l’insertion des communautés politiques dans leur environnement. En nous appuyant sur les travaux pionniers de la green political theory, nous montrerons qu’une théorie politique environnementale pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie démocratique en invitant à la réinsérer dans un contexte de déstabilisation écologique globaleDuring the 2000’s decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption
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Kryzhanouski, Yauheni. "Contester par la musique sous régime autoritaire : rock et politisation en Biélorussie". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG040.
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Cette thèse examine la politisation dans un régime autoritaire à travers l’étude de deux mouvements rock contestataires en Biélorussie. Le rock « national » s’est constitué en tant que mouvement artistique dans les années 1980 autour de la production de la musique contemporaine d’inspiration occidentale chantée en langue biélorusse et de la promotion d’une vision hétérodoxe de l’« identité nationale ». Le tournant autoritaire des années 1995-1996 a provoqué la repolitisation contestataire de ce mouvement artistique. Les acteurs du rock « national » continuent de revendiquer le statut « underground » tout en aspirant à la professionnalisation dans le cadre du système de production commercial. C’est aussi au milieu des années 1990 qu’un autre mouvement contestataire se constitue – le rock anarcho-punk DIY imprégné des conventions du modèle Do it yourself internationalisé. Ce mouvement proche des groupements anarchistes prône l’amateurisme, la production artistique restreinte et le radicalisme des prises de position. Sur l’exemple de ces deux mouvements artistiques, la thèse étudie les logiques de politisation et les modes de contestationBased on a study of two protest rock movements in Belarus, this thesis examines the phenomenon of politicisation in an authoritarian regime. The “national” rock emerged in the 1980s as a modern artistic movement inspired by Western music conventions. Singing in Belarusian, this scene aspired to promote a heterodox vision of “national identity”. The authoritarian turn in 1995-1996 provoked protest re-politicisation of this artistic movement. “National” rock musicians continued to claim the “underground” status, while aspiring to professionalisation and commercial production. Against the backdrop of the authoritarian change, another protest movement emerged in the mid-1990s. Following the internationalised Do-It-Yourself model, the DIY anarcho-punk is closely linked to anarchist groups and promotes amateurism, limited artistic production and radical political expression. Based on the example of the two artistic movements, this thesis studies the logics of politicisation and the modes of political protest
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Hysing, Erik. "Governing towards sustainability : environmental governance and policy change in Swedish forestry and transport". Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-9030.
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Faced with environmental problems such as climate change and biodiversity loss, the dominant political response has been sustainable development, balancing environmental protection against economic prosperity and social justice. While political action is increasingly being called for, the role and capacity of the state is questioned – as captured neatly in the story from government to governance that implies a relocation of authority and power between policy levels and in public-private relations, as well as a radical restructuring within public administration. Taking its conceptual point of departure in theories of sustainable development, governance, and policy change, this thesis assesses, explains, and theorises about recent developments of environmental governing within Swedish forestry and transport, two areas with high environmental impact and that involve strong economic values and interests. The findings are presented in four articles that have all been published in leading academic journals. The thesis concludes that public policy has changed within both policy areas as environmental objectives and new modes of governing have been adopted – a development that can be characterised as governing towards sustainability. However, the storyline from government to governance is too simple to capture these changes. The state remains important in several ways (actor, arena, institutional structure, form of authority) and influences society through a variety of modes of governing. Thus, governance and government remain relevant. To explain policy change we need to recognise multiple barriers to and enablers of change as well as having a contextual understanding of the policy area in focus. The thesis concludes by arguing that sustainable development needs to be politicised in terms of visible political action and open political contestation between differing visions of a sustainable society.
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Le, Mat Aurore. "Parler de sexualité à l'école : Controverses et luttes de pouvoir autour des frontières de la vie privée". Thesis, Lille 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL2D009/document.
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Comment parler de sexualité à l’École ? Cette question controversée trouve une première réponse officielle en 1973, dans une circulaire du ministère de l’Éducation nationale intitulée « information et éducation sexuelles » : c'est le début de la politique d'éducation à la sexualité en milieu scolaire en France. Depuis, les réponses apportées à cette même question ont évolué et ont fait l'objet d'affrontements entre différents acteurs. Et si la ligne de front est mouvante, celle-ci se structure toujours autour d'un même enjeu : la définition du public et du privé en matière de sexualité. Cette thèse propose de s'intéresser à cette frontière qui structure la politique d’éducation à la sexualité des années 1970 à nos jours, au prisme de trois histoires qui se déroulent des bureaux du ministère jusque dans la salle de classe. La première intrigue est celle d'un « récit de guerre », où des troupes de volontaires se relaient depuis les années 1970 pour définir ce que l’École a le droit de dire ou non aux enfants. La seconde est une incursion au cœur des stratégies élaborées par les institutions étatiques pour rendre légitime le rôle de l’École dans l'éducation à la sexualité. Enfin, le troisième récit s'apparente à une pièce de théâtre parfois comique, parfois tragique, sans rideau rouge et devant le tableau noir de la salle de classeHow to talk about sexuality at school ? This controversial question was first officially answered in 1973 in a circular from the Ministry of National Education entitled « Information and sexual education ». This was the beginning of the public policy of sex education in the French school environment. Since then, the answers to this same question have evolved and have been the subject of clashes betweendifferent actors. If the battle line has been shifting, there has been a core stake : the definition of public and private in terms of sexuality. This Ph.D proposes to focus on this boundary that structures sex education policy from the 1970s to the present day, through the lens of three stories that unfold from the ministry's offices to the classroom. The first plot is that of a "war story", where troops of volunteers have been taking turns since the 1970s to define what the School is allowed to say or not to say to children. The second is an incursion into the heart of the strategies developed by state institutions to legitimize the role of the school in sex education. In the end, the third story appears to be a theatreplay, sometimes comic, sometimes tragic. Yet it does not take place on a stage but in front of the blackboard
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Fröhlich, Fabienne. "Feministische Mädchenarbeit". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A17019.
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Feministische Mädchenarbeit fungiert als selbstkritisches, pädagogisch-politisches Angebot, das der Jugendarbeit zugeordnet wird und aus historischer Perspektive einen starken Bezug zur Frauenbewegung aufweist. Ursprünglich als geschlechtshomogener Schutzraum gedacht, hat sich feministische Mädchenarbeit seit ihrer Entstehung Ende der 1970er Jahr durch die Rezeption (queer-)feministischer und rassismuskritischer Theorien bzw. Konzepte weiterentwickelt: entstanden sind Trans*-Räume und Empowermenträume sowie das Konzept der heteronormativitätskritischen Mädchen_arbeit.
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Boone, Damien. "La politique racontée aux enfants : des apprentissages pris dans des dispositifs entre consensus et conflit : une étude des sentiers de la (dé) politisation des enfants". Phd thesis, Université du Droit et de la Santé - Lille II, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00944406.
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Que recouvre la politisation des enfants ? Entendue comme synonyme de la socialisation politique, elle désigne traditionnellement l'ensemble des mécanismes et des processus de formation et de transformation des systèmes individuels de représentations, d'opinions et d'attitudes politiques. Elle est aussi l'attribution aux enfants d'un degré d'intégration au sein du monde politique. Cette thèse étudie les différentes dimensions de la socialisation politique des enfants, en analysant à quelles conception du politique les enfants sont amenés à être exposés. Réfléchir en termes d'expositions suppose de se détacher d'une vision développementaliste qui associerait la socialisation politique à l'acquisition linéaire d'un contenu cumulatif. Dans cette optique, la socialisation politique se présente comme une juxtaposition de moments au cours desquels se présentent diverses conceptions du politique, de la recherche du consensus à la capacité à proposer des situations conflictuelles, en passant par des apprentissages centrés sur les procédures électorales et les institutions. Ainsi, les instances étudiées, deux conseils municipaux d'enfants, des écoles primaires et une association de lecture d'albums pour enfants offrent des épisodes de socialisation politique. Il s'avère que les contenus de chaque type de socialisation dépendent étroitement des représentations que l'on se fait des enfants quant à leur capacité à être des acteurs politiques, et des contraintes sociales de contextes d'étude qui associent à des degrés de facilité divers enfance et politique.Que recouvre la politisation des enfants ? Entendue comme synonyme de la socialisationpolitique, elle désigne traditionnellement l'ensemble des mécanismes et des processus de formation et de transformation des systèmes individuels de représentations, d'opinions et d'attitudes politiques. Elle est aussi l'attribution aux enfants d'un degré d'intégration au sein du monde politique. Cette thèse étudie les différentes dimensions de la socialisation politique des enfants, en analysant à quelles conception du politique les enfants sont amenés à être exposés. Réfléchir en termes d'expositions suppose de se détacher d'une vision développementaliste qui associerait la socialisation politique à l'acquisition linéaire d'un contenu cumulatif. Dans cette optique, la socialisation politique se présente comme une juxtaposition de moments au cours desquels se présentent diverses conceptions du politique, de la recherche du consensus à la capacité à proposer des situations conflictuelles, en passant par des apprentissages centrés sur les procédures électorales et les institutions. Ainsi, les instances étudiées, deux conseils municipaux d'enfants, des écoles primaires et une association de lecture d'albums pour enfants offrent des épisodes de socialisation politique. Il s'avère que les contenus de chaque type de socialisation dépendent étroitement des représentations que l'on se fait des enfants quant à leur capacité à être des acteurs politiques, et des contraintes sociales de contextes d'étude qui associent à des degrés de facilité divers enfance et politique.
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Comer, Clémentine. "En quête d'égalité(s). La cause des agricultrices en Bretagne entre statu quo conjugal et ajustement catégoriel". Thesis, Rennes 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017REN1G038.
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Cette recherche interroge les conditions de structuration et de perduration d’un engagement séparé pour les femmes dans les organisations et au sein de mobilisations agricoles bretonnes. Majoritairement composés d’exploitantes installées en couple et situés à la frontière entre associations de défense de l’égalité, cercles de sociabilités professionnelles et groupes de parole, les espaces d’encadrement agricole féminins offrent une occasion idoine de questionner non seulement l’imbrication des identités professionnelles et conjugales dans l’engagement mais également la labilité des usages rhétoriques de l'égalité et du féminisme dans des espaces professionnels non-mixtes. L’analyse de leur position dans l’espace de la représentation agricole questionne le degré d’autonomie des revendications portées au nom des agricultrices, leur influence sur les agendas organisationnels et leur effet sur la construction des carrières militantes. L’enquête s’appuie sur un dispositif cumulant une observation de quatre années des activités formelles et informelles des groupes féminins, une étude de leur documentation professionnelle, un recensement de leurs tribunes dans la presse agricole, auxquels s’ajoutent la réalisation d’entretiens avec les actrices qui y sont engagées et la constitution de données statistiques relatives aux mandats féminins dans les organisations agricoles bretonnes depuis 1990. Sur la base d’une analyse croisant les études de genre, la sociologie du militantisme et celle de la représentation professionnelle agricole, notre thèse consiste à démontrer que les groupes et mobilisations d’agricultrices forgent les contours d’une « cause de femmes » agricole mise sous tutelle des intérêts catégoriels et chevillée à l’idéal normatif de la complémentarité des sexes. En tant que réceptacles de positions professionnelles, organisationnelles et conjugales entrecroisées, les espaces de l’engagement féminin produisent des politisations ambivalentes de ces appartenances multiples, à la fois porteuses de contestation comme de reproduction des hiérarchies sexuées et de l’ordre social et politiqueThis research looks into the conditions for the structuring and continuation of a separate female activism within Breton organisations and farmers mobilisations. Mainly made up of professionals living in couples and situated at the intersection between gender equality advocacy groups, professional networks and support groups, farming self-help groups are a case in point to question not only the intertwining of professional and marital identities within activism but also the lability of rhetorical uses of equality and feminism within women-only professional spaces. The analysis of their position within the farmers’ representation spaces makes it compelling to question the degree of autonomy of the claims made in the name of women farmers, their influence upon the setting of professional agendas and their impact on the development of activist careers.Evidence was collected through an apparatus which consisted in the addition of a four-year-long observation of female groups’ formal and informal activities, an analysis of their professional literature, an inventory of their opinion columns inside the farm press, to which can be added semi-structured interviews with women farmers engaged in this activism and the setting up of statistical data about female mandates within Breton farm organisations since the 1990s. Drawing on an analysis which mixes gender studies, sociology of militancy and studies of farming professional representation, this PhD aims to demonstrate that women farmers groups and mobilisations shape the features of a farming “women cause” although it is subordinated to corporatist interests and seen through the lenses of the normative ideal of complementarity between the sexes. Being a repository of interlinked professional, organisational and matrimonial standpoints, female activism spaces lead to the ambivalent politicisation of plural belongings. These multiple affiliations can be a catalyst for protest as well as a way to reproduce sexual hierarchies and social and political order
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Spyropoulou, Adamantia. "Cinéma, Société et Politique. La politisation de la fiction dans les films Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège de Costa-Gavras". Thesis, Paris 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA030045.
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Cette thèse aborde la question de la politisation de l'art, tout en interrogeant le rapport entre art et politique tel qu’il s'est manifesté à travers trois films à contenu politique, dont la production et la réception en France coïncide avec la période post Mai 68 : Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège de Costa-Gavras. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence les mécanismes sociaux qui se trouvent au fondement de la politisation du cinéma à l’époque en France. L’enquête de terrain a pris en considération la trajectoire sociale des films, de leur création à leur réception. La construction sociale de la diégèse s’articule avec la réception critique des films, donnant lieu à un jeu d’étiquetage qui constitue le cristallisateur de cette politisation. Un changement advient dans les critères de jugements de la critique cinématographique et un espace de débat autour de la définition du politique dans le cinéma est créé. La méthodologie appliquée combine l’observation des films, l’étude des archives de la Cinémathèque Française et de l’INA, l’analyse des scénarii et la réalisation d’entretiens originaux avec le cinéaste. Enfin, une étude de la critique menée par la presse écrite – généraliste et spécialisée –, en France est réalisée, ainsi que dans les pays porteurs des faits réels (Grèce, Tchécoslovaquie, Uruguay), dans une posture comparative, afin de mettre en avant les spécificités de la réception en France. Cette étude a pour but, in fine, de comprendre le passage de la prescription d’une catégorie de réception empirique par la presse — celle du « cinéma politique » — à la « fiction politique » comme conception théorique d’un genre, dont le film Z de Costa-Gavras est considéré l’initiateurThis thesis questions the politicisation of art, while at the same time investigating the relationship between art and politics as manifest in three political films, the production and the reception of which in France coincided with the post-68 period: Z, L’Aveu, Etat de siège directed by Costa-Gavras. My research aims to demonstrate what social mechanisms are at the basis of the politicisation of film at this time in France by examining the social trajectory of these films, from their creation to their reception. The social construction of the diegesis is linked to the critical reception of these films, creating a playing field of definitions which shored up this politicisation. A change occurs in the judgement criteria used in film criticism and a space of debate is created about the definition of the political in cinema. The methodology applied combines the close-reading of films, research in the archives of the Cinémathèque française and INA, the analysis of scenarios and author-interviews with the filmmaker. Finally, I undertake a comparative study of the criticism in the French press—both general and specialist—, as well as in the countries where the events took place (Greece, Czechoslovakia, Uruguay), before focusing on the specificities of reception in France. This study aims to understand the how a category of empirical reception was prescribed by the press – that of “Political Cinema” to “Political Fiction’ as the theoretical conception of a genre, of which Costa-Gavras’s film, Z, is considered the first example
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Charcosset, Gaëlle. "Le politique au village. Histoire sociale de l'institution municipale, 1800-1940. Arrondissement de Villefranche (Rhône)". Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2058/document.
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L’institution municipale est restée à l’écart des recherches menées en histoire sur le 19e siècle sinon sous l’angle d’une prosopographie des maires et sous celui des élections municipales de la monarchie de Juillet. Les apports des autres sciences sociales – sociologie, anthropologie, ethnologie – ont renouvelé les approches, ainsi que l’histoire sociale fine. Cette recherche propose une analyse sociale et politique de cette institution, inscrite sur la longue durée (1800-1940) et sur un terrain resserré (un arrondissement et plus particulièrement cinq communes). Au moyen de bases de données relationnelles permettant une agrégation des données à différentes échelles de temps et d’espaces, elle vise à identifier les édiles (maires, adjoints, conseillers municipaux) pour eux-mêmes, dans une approche prosopographique, puis relativement pour définir leur représentativité (échelle de l’arrondissement) et pour les inscrire dans les relations qu’ils entretiennent avec les autres acteurs de la vie municipale (échelle communale).Cette analyse permet de mettre au jour une institution municipale que les villageois se sont appropriés au cours du 19e siècle, en reconnaissant une autorité au maire qui s’est construite d’abord dans l’opposition à celle du desservant et qui dépasse le cadre donné par la loi. De fait, les outrages à leur encontre sont peu nombreux et permettent d’appréhender non les limites de l’autorité consentie à la fonction mais le défaut d’exercice de son dépositaire. De même, les élections municipales font l’objetd’une préparation, d’une mobilisation et d’un contrôle – parfois jusqu’à la protestation électorale qui constitue alors un troisième tour – qui donnent la légitimité aux élus.L’identification des édiles a également permis de nuancer le portrait qu’il en est généralement dressé : s’il existe bien des familles éligibles parfois très anciennement implantées dans les communes d’exercice, la part de conseillers municipaux mobiles reste forte pendant tout le 19e siècle avant de se réduire progressivement. La reconstitution des carrières municipales montre aussi que l’accession au conseil municipal n’est pas définitivement acquise du fait d’une compétition électorale réelle.Quoiqu’un cadre légal précis préside la prise de décision au sein de l’institution municipale, la comparaison des modes de gouvernement d’une commune à l’autre fait émerger deux extrêmes, de l’exercice solitaire du maire à une décision prise collégialement par le conseil municipal dont le maire se fait le porteur. Entre ces deux extrêmes, les situations sont nombreuses et, si dans certaines communes, l’un s’impose davantage que l’autre, il existe aussi des mouvements de fluctuation en fonction des rapports de force qui se dessinent.Enfin, ce politique défini comme organisation du pouvoir au sein de la société, n’est pas enfermé dans les limites communales : les conflits au sein des conseils municipaux mettent au jour des réseaux sociaux qui sont également culturels et porteurs de sensibilités politiques ; c’est alors à une échelle intercommunale qu’ils prennent sens, marqués par les scansions nationalesHistorical researches on the nineteenth century have left aside Municipal institutions, except from the point of view of a prosopography of mayors and municipal elections of the July Monarchy. The contributions of other social sciences - sociology, anthropology, ethnology - have renewed the approaches, as well as the one on precise social history. This research puts forward a social and political analysis of this institution, registered on the long term (1800-1940) and on a tightened ground (a district and more particularly five localities).By means of relational databases allowing the aggregation of data at different scales of time and spaces, it aims at identifying the city councilors (mayors, deputies, councilors) for themselves, in a prosopographic approach, then relatively to define their representativeness (district scale) and to register them in the relationships they maintain with the other actors in municipal life (municipal scale).This analysis brings to light a municipal institution that villagers took over during the 19th century, by recognising an authority to the mayor and which was first shaped in opposition to that of the parish priest and which then overtook the given law framework. In fact, the outrages against them are few and allow to understand not the limits of the authority granted to the function but the lack of exercise of its depositary. In the same way, municipal elections deal with preparation, mobilisation and control -sometimes up to the electoral protest which constitutes then a third roundwhich brings legitimacy to the elected ones.The identification of the city councilors has also qualified the portrait that is generally drawn up: if there are many eligible families sometimes anciently established in the municipalities of exercise, the share of the moveable city councilors remains strong throughout the 19th century before gradually decreasing. The reconstitution of the municipal careers also shows that the access to the municipal council is not definitively acquired because of a real electoral competition
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Reid, ME. "Politicisation of the Australian public service: Social and environmental issues". Thesis, 2012. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/14786/2/whole-reid-thesis-2012.pdf.
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The expectation that the Australian Public Service (APS) is an ethical, values-driven institution providing impartial advice to ministers while acting in the public interest is enduring, and under a Westminster framework is fundamental to democracy. However, a more politicised public service resulting from public service reforms has challenged this notion in practice.
While the principles and functions of the APS have been clearly set out in the Public Service Act and the Public Service Values, the informal concept of ‘frank and fearless advice’ is still regarded as a powerful term of reference by public servants and the general public. However, during the Howard government’s term of office between 1996-2007, several incidents that generated claims of politicisation raised concerns about the lack of frank and fearless policy advice expressed in practice by the APS. Public sector reform undertaken since the 1970s has had a crucial impact on the way the public service is structured, and therefore has had a significant impact on the policy-making role of the APS and the ability of the public service to solve or even manage wicked problems such as social and environmental issues.
The primary aim of this thesis is to gain some insight into the concept of the politicisation of the APS in order to identify its effect on social and environmental issues. From an historical institutionalist perspective, and using critical analysis with interviews as secondary research, this thesis focuses on the possibility of the politicisation of public service advice for wicked problems such as social and environmental issues that were often placed as secondary to the focus of the Howard government on economic and security issues.
Two case studies have been analysed in this thesis; poverty as a social issue and water as an environmental issue. It is concluded that an enduring problem with both poverty and water are political priorities, which are difficult to change. Notwithstanding political considerations, the necessity for an apolitical public service is essential in contemporary Australia in order to ensure the public interest, equity and continued democracy when providing policy advice to government.