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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Kabuldinov, Z. E., i T. A. Ryskulov. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OFSMAGUL SADUAKASOV". History of the Homeland 99, nr 3 (29.09.2022): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_3_62.
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Smagul Saduakasov is an outstanding statesman of Kazakhstan in the period of 1920-1930s, who made a significant theoretical contribution to the development of the Kazakh socio-political thought of the twentieth century. S. Saduakasov in his works, in fact, was one of the first to formulate the national interests of the Kazakh people and the whole of Kazakhstan, outlined those key priorities of socio-economic and cultural development, in accordance with which the Kazakh people and the state of Kazakhstan should develop. Itwas S. Saduakasov who officially spoke out in the public press against maintaining the economic status of Kazakhstan as a “raw material appendage” of the industrialized regions of the European part of the USSR, proposing to develop local Kazakh industry based on a rich resource base. In addition, S. Sadvokasov paid special attention to the training of professional technical and humanitarian specialists from among the Kazakh youth, which, together with the development of domestic industry, was supposed tolead the people and the country to the path of building a modern state.
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Yang, Song, i Michael Nino. "Political Views, Race and Ethnicity, and Social Isolation: Evidence from the General Social Survey". Societies 13, nr 11 (4.11.2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc13110236.
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Using data from the General Social Survey, we investigate whether political views increase the risk of social isolation for Black and White Americans. Our findings reveal an increase in conservative political views differently shaping social isolation patterns for Black and White Americans. For instance, changes in political views from liberal to conservative are associated with reduced risk of social isolation for White Americans, whereas a rise in conservative political views is related to increases in social isolation for Black Americans. Results also demonstrate that these patterns remain after accounting for important covariates such as gender, age, education, occupation, marital status, social class, work status, and religion. We discuss the implications of our findings in the context of social relationships, race, and political polarization in the U.S.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.
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In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Sulaev, Imanutdin Kh. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF NAZHMUDDIN GOTSINSKY (1859-1925)". Study of Religion, nr 2 (2018): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.21-29.
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The author tries to analyze the socio-political views of one of the authoritative religious and public figures of the North Caucasus and Daghestan in the first quarter of the 20th century - a mufti-imam Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky basing on the published works of different years, memoirs of the participants in the revolution and the Civil War, archival documents. The author analyzes the views of N. Gotsinsky through his key speeches, sermons and proclamations of 1917-1918. Nazhmuddin Gozinsky is a famous politician and spiritual leader, chairman of the Spiritual Council of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan. He was one of the leaders of the counter-revolutionary movement in Dagestan in 1917-1921. On the basis of the studied materials the author draws a conclusion that social and political and social views of Nazhmuddin Gotsinsky reflected all contradictions of the revolutionary period and tragedy of the Civil war.
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Raimond, Verlita Evelyn, i Poppy Ruliana. "Social Interaction and Political Communication of Female Politician". Jurnal Komunikasi Ikatan Sarjana Komunikasi Indonesia 7, nr 1 (5.06.2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25008/jkiski.v7i1.662.
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The public’s views about the position of women that have not contributed a lot to and have not been much engaged in politics, among others, pose a challenge to women to interact in the social environment as well as to communicate their ideas in politics. While men make up a majority of politicians in Indonesia, only a few women are politicians. The social interaction and political communication of female politicians become a topic that is worth studying. This research focuses on a female politician, Indah Kurnia, who sits in the House Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI). The conceptual and theoretical method used in this study is a theory in the communication science, particularly social interaction and political communication. This research uses qualitative method, particularly in conducting interviews with one primary informant and two additional informants. The result and discussion of this research show that the woman raised in this research is an individual that has a variety of social interactions in the diverse social environment. In addition, she also has typical characteristics of strategy for political communication media covering personal campaign, moderate, comprehensive and more-than--expected appearance, exemplary leadership and concrete work, and music.
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Kholikovna, Rakhmatova Kholida. "IMPORTANT FEATURES OF SOCIO-ETHICAL VIEWS OF KHOJA AHROR VALI". Frontline Social Sciences and History Journal 02, nr 01 (1.01.2022): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/social-fsshj-02-01-06.
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The article analyzes the beginning of the reform of the Naqshbandi doctrine of active participation in social and political life, the abolition of the opposition between the state and religion at the initiative of the Sufi, the system of protection of the Sufi. It has been analyzed that the teachings of Sufism are in line with the philosophy of compromise.
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Guelzo, Allen C., Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford i Frank J. Williams. "The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic". Journal of Southern History 73, nr 4 (1.11.2007): 917. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649609.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF LIUDMYLA STARYTSKA-CHERNIAKHIVSKA". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 135 (2017): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.135.4.06.
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Lehman, Cynthia L. "The Social and Political Views of Charles Chestnutt:". Journal of Black Studies 26, nr 3 (styczeń 1996): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600303.
Pełny tekst źródłaRozprawy doktorskie na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Abbott, Kenrick. "Contemporary Shiʻism as political ideology : the views of Sharîʻatmadârî, Tâliqânî, and Khumaynî". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59561.
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Islam was drastically altered in Iran as a result of the 1978/79 Revolution. This thesis looks at the political aspects of contemporary Imami Shi'ism by comparing the ideas of three leading mujtahids of the day: Ayatullah Shari 'atmadari, Ayatullah Khumayni, and Ayatullah Taliqani. This study points out the wide divergences of ideas present within the religious class, ranging in the political spectrum, from conservative to radical. A comparison of these three figures highlights the differences between "Traditionalist" Islam, as put forth by Shari 'atmadari, and "Fundamentalist" Islam, as proposed by Khumayni and Taliqani. Further differences within the fundamentalist "camp" are demonstrated through Taliqani 's progressive all-inclusive "Liberation Theology" and Khumayni 's equally all-encompassing "religion of militant individuals".
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Moore, Mark. "Kenotic politics : the reconfiguration of power in Jesus' political praxis". Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683248.
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Ahmad, Shagufta. "Dr. Isrār Aḥmad's political thought and activities". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68066.
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This thesis examines the political thought of Dr. Israr Ahmad and the organizations founded and led by him, namely, Markazi Anjuman-i Khuddam al-Qur'an, Tanzim-i Islami, and Tahrik-i Khilafat. He is an intellectual and reformer born in the Indian subcontinent who witnessed the struggle for independence and migrated to Pakistan. During his medical studies he was a member of the Jam'iyat-i Talabah, and after becoming a doctor, he joined the Jama'at-i Islami formed by Mawlana Mawdudi but later left it. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the main influences on him. This study focuses particularly on Dr. Israr Ahmad's contribution to political thought, that is, his derivation of the process of Islamic Revolution from the sirah, and his modification of this process to suit the present times. He has not only articulated and communicated his thought widely but also formed three organizations to implement the process in Pakistan. The aims, modes of operation, and achievements of the Anjuman and Tanzim are discussed and compared with the Jama'at-i Islami at times. Since Tahrik-i Khilafat is a recent addition, it is discussed only briefly.
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Collins, Rex Anthony. "Private vices, public benefits : Dr. Mandeville and the body politic". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69c3a8c9-c069-4d21-93d9-5ce5609c50c5.
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This thesis examines the relationship between Mandeville's medical and non-medical thought, to assess the relevance of the former for an understanding of the latter. By locating his medical text, A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, within the context of an early modern discourse on the nature and treatment of melancholic and nervous disorders, three distinctive features of his medical thought and practice are identified, namely: his commitment to the physiological principles of iatromechanism; his adherence to the precepts of Hippocratic medical practice; and his use of the talking cure in the treatment of hypochondriacal disorders. Those aspects of his medical thought and practice are then taken up and explored in an analysis of his philosophical and polemical performances in The Fable of the Bees. First, it is argued that The Fable of the Bees contains a systematic and coherent theory of man and society, the key elements of which were dictated by Mandeville's reductive and physiological understanding of man as a sentient and passionate machine. It is further argued that the mechanistic and homeostatic principles which informed his model of human functioning also informed his similarly reductive account of both the evolution and the contemporary functioning of the body politic. To distinguish Mandeville's from other reductive social theories, his adherence to the methodological precepts of Hippocratic medicine and his understanding of the development of its rules of diet and regimen are invoked to explain his distinctive and evolutionary account of the social institutions which made civilization and its flourishing possible. Finally, Mandeville's contrasting polemical and rhetorical performances in Parts I and II of The Fable of the Bees are explained by reference to his understanding of the medical art of diagnosis and curing in general and his use of the talking cure in particular.
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Cathey, Paul Eben. "Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975.
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This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
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Shelton, Cecil J. "What Rocks the Vote? Citizens' Views of Community Leaders and Political Engagement". UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/1.
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Political engagement has an established body of research. However, one key area that has not been investigated in the field is the relationship between political engagement and type of community lived in. This study explores this relationship between type of community, past political engagement, perceptions of community leaders, attitude about political engagement, and socieodemographic characteristics. A conceptual model was developed based on existing literature. Utilizing a statewide survey conducted in 2009 that yielded 1,154 respondents with a response rate of 30.2% was used to explore these relationships. Using statistical procedures that test correlation were utilized to investigate the relationship between the key study variables. In addition, a regression model was created to be able to predict an individual’s political engagement. The result concluded that type of community does not significantly play a role in determining an individual’s political engagement. However other insights were revealed that showcase the complexity of political engagement and raise other questions about the role an individual’s attitude towards political engagement, and perception of community leaders affects their political engagement.
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Temelini, Michael. "Seeing things differently : Wittgenstein and social and political philosophy". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35950.
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This thesis calls into question a currently orthodox view of Ludwig Wittgenstein's post-Tractarian philosophy. This view is that the social and political implications of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations are conservative and relativist. That is, Wittgenstein's concepts such as 'forms of life', 'language-games' and 'rule-following' defend and promote: a rule-determined and context-determined rationality; or an incomparable community-determined human understanding; or a neutralist, nonrevisionary, private or uncritical social and political philosophy.In order to challenge and correct this conventional understanding the thesis sets up as 'objects of comparison' a variety of very different examples of the use of Wittgenstein in social and political philosophy. These uses are neither relativist nor conservative and they situate understanding and critical reflection in the practices of comparison and dialogue. The examples of this 'comparative-dialogical' Wittgensteinian approach are found in the works of three contemporary philosophers: Thomas L. Kuhn, Quentin Skinner and Charles Taylor.
This study employs the technique of a survey rather than undertaking a uniquely textual analysis because it is less convincing to suggest that Wittgenstein's concepts might be used in these unfamiliar ways than to show that they have been put to these unfamiliar uses. Therefore I turn not to a Wittgensteinian ideal but to examples of the 'comparative-dialogical' uses of Wittgenstein. In so doing I am following Wittgenstein's insight in section 208 of the Philosophical Investigations: "I shall teach him to use the words by means of examples and by practice. And when I do this, I do not communicate less to him than I know myself." Thus it will be in a survey of various uses and applications of Wittgenstein's concepts and techniques that I will show that I and others understand them.
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Draper, Paul. "Chang Chün-Mai : a moral conservative in an immoral age". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25381.
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Chang Chün-mai, known in the West as Carsun Chang, played a prominent role on the political stage of wartime China. As educator, philosopher, and politician, he vainly attempted to alter the course of China's political and cultural development. Although commonly referred to as a liberal-democrat, this study shows Chang to be more of a traditionally-minded conservative. Masked by the heavy use of a liberal-democratic vocabulary, Chang maintained a firm commitment to principles that owed much more to conservative Chinese tradition than to Western liberalism.
The fact that Chang Chün-mai did rely so heavily on liberal-democratic arguments and came to be known by some as the Father of the Constitution tends to cloud his real intent. It is argued here that his efforts to bring a Western-style constitution to China can better be understood by recognizing two major points: first, Chang, as well as many others, used the constitutional issue in an attempt to force Chiang Kai-shek to share political power; and, secondly, the constitutional issue provided Chang with the conceptual and institutional vehicle for rebuilding the socio-political relationships between the various elements of Chinese society which had existed before the Republic. Within the latter goal, Chang also souqht to create a position of influence and prestige for the class of intellectuals of which he was a part.
This study explores one dimension of Chinese conservatism. It shows Chang Chün-mai as a neo-traditionalist whose behaviour was guided and limited by his image of the Chinese cultural tradition--limitations which significantly contributed to his failure. Examining Chang's actions in wartime China sheds more light on the reasons for the failure of the so-called "third force" elements that stood between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. Chang held himself aloof from the great mass of his fellow countrymen, he championed a political position which failed to offer a clear alternative to the authoritarian government of Chiang Kai-shek, and his philosophical and conservative viewpoint prevented him from carrying his political opposition to a point which seriously challenged Chiang Kai-shek. Although this study does conclude that Chang's idealized image of the Confucian gentleman (chün-tzu) acted as a handicap in the political milieu of wartime China, it confines that conclusion to a given time and place, and under particular circumstances. It emphatically does not purport to discount the viability or appropriateness of traditional Chinese values in the modern world, or with some form of democratic system.
Far from exhaustive, this study is, at best, partial. It is meant to explore a dimension of the Chinese effort to reconcile themselves and their culture with a changing environment. Source materials are limited and not without inconsistencies. A major drawback is that much of the Chinese-language material concerning Chang Chün-mai is lauditory in nature and biased in his favor. If time permitted, a more thorough study of the personal accounts of other actors involved would no doubt yield a more balanced picture. Further, the circumstances under which much of the wartime materials were written required a good deal of circumspection on the part of the writers, and therefore, requires a good deal of "reading between the lines" by the modern reader. I have tried to keep my conclusions reasonable without imparting my own ideas to a difficult translation.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Vyas, Ashwin G. "Systematic Statement of Mahatma Gandhi's Theory of Social Stratification". Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331565/.
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This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.
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Tahir, Ahmad. "The social writings of Shaykh ʻUthmān b. Fūdī : a critical and analytical study". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75991.
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This Study shows that the Shehu's social writings are the reflection of his concept and method of implementation of tajdid. The basic goal of the tajdid was to recreate what he considered the ideal Sunni Islamic society. In order to achieve his objective he unfolded a plan of action which aimed at winning the support of the common people and the 'ulama'. For the people, he mounted a mass mobilization to boost religious learning, acquaint them with local beliefs adjudged as bad innovations, and exhort them about the impending End of Time. For the 'ulama', his plan was a reorientation of their attitudes toward moderation in theological and doctrinal matters, and accommodation of legal and religious views other than those of the Maliki School of Law. Further, he expected them to persuade the rulers of Gobir to change their un-Islamic ways and support the new movement. But when the 'ulama' chose not only to adopt a confrontational attitude but to prevail upon the rulers to take hostile measures against his followers, the Shehu took up arms against them and finally established a Caliphate.
Książki na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Ibáñez, María del Olmo. La cuestión vasca, dos miradas: Joseba Azkarraga y Javier Sádaba. Valencia: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020.
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Sigurdson, Richard Franklin. Jacob Burckhardt's social and political thought. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004.
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Holzer, Harold. The Emancipation Proclamation: Three views : social, political, iconographic. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2006.
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Sathe, Shanta. Lokmanya Tilak, his social and political thoughts. Delhi: Ajanta, 1994.
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Shwarz, Zvi. The social and political ideas of Maimonides. Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1988.
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McKenna, George, i Stanley Feingold. Taking sides: Clashing views on political issues. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
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Nageshwar, Prasad, red. JP and social change. New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992.
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Gupta, Nitis Das. The social and political theory of Jayaprakash Narayan. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers, 1997.
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Parmar, M. N., i Jagdish Solanki. Dr. Ambedkar's thoughts on contemporary social sciences and social work. Vadodara: Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Studies Centre, Faculty of Social Work, M.S. University of Baroda, 2011.
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Méndez, José Canalejas y. Canalejas o el liberalismo social. Madrid: Congreso de los Diputados, 2013.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Nadezhdina, Elena, Narynkul Chorobaeva i Ainura Aidaralieva. "Political, Social and University Framing of Lifelong Learning Policies: Countries’ Views and Crossings". W Lifelong Learning Book Series, 45–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98566-0_3.
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Mubangizi, Betty C. "A Rural Perspective on the African Peer Review Mechanism: Views on Socio-Economic Development and Public Service Delivery in Rural South Africa". W Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 59–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16313-5_4.
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Ruonakoski, Erika. "The Affective, Social and Bodily Situation". W Sisters of the Brotherhood: Alienation and Inclusion in Learning Philosophy, 49–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16670-9_4.
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AbstractThis chapter deals with the affective, social and bodily situation of learning and teaching philosophy, starting with a discussion of the views articulated by both students and professional philosophers in the interviews and answers to the questionnaire on attitudes to studying philosophy. The discussions of women students’ “love” or “passion” for philosophy and of the dynamics of alienation from philosophy lead to an examination of the alienation related to students’ social class, raceand sexual orientation. As we saw earlier, feminist pedagogy has typically tried to surpass the idea of reason that operates as separate from the feeling, sensing and moving body. In this chapter, I discuss the aspect of the senses and how they are and could be integrated in processes of learning more comprehensively. At the end of the chapter, I describe two summer schools. The first of these is the Icelandic one, Philosophy of the Body, which examined the possibility of teaching philosophy “through the body”. The second is the Danish summer school titled Feminist Political Philosophy.
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Duygan, Mert, Aya Kachi, Fintan Oeri, Thiago D. Oliveira i Adrian Rinscheid. "A Survey of Stakeholders’ Views and Practices". W Swiss Energy Governance, 369–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80787-0_15.
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AbstractAlong with policy proposers and individual voters, key stakeholders play a crucial role in shaping the socio-political acceptance of energy policy. Understanding a broad landscape of energy stakeholders’ views and practices thus should be a central theme in energy transition research. The Energy Strategy 2050 (ES2050), a sweeping energy transition policy package in Switzerland, was adopted in 2017. Concrete policy goals implied by ES2050 are yet to be implemented. Although there is a large body of social acceptance studies focusing on individual voters, we have a relatively scant empirical understanding of how stakeholders in this domain perceive the policy goals and how perceptions are linked to their organizational characteristics. To elucidate Swiss energy stakeholders’ perceptions on key action targets implied by recent energy policies in Switzerland, we analyzed data from our original survey with 364 organizations. We examined their views on concrete policy goals related to electric mobility, deep geothermal energy, wind energy, hydropower, and planned phase-outs of renewable energy subsidies. When asked to rate how realistic these goals appear to them, the majority of the stakeholders responded negatively. Furthermore, our findings indicate that, despite the considerable diversity and the overall pessimism in their feasibility perceptions, those that consider goals to be realistic are more likely to be active in the media. This is a concerning finding as the public might receive a biased impression via the media about the level of consensus among the stakeholders, who could, at times, be seen by the public as experts on the topic.
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Malinen, Sanna, Aki Koivula, Teo Keipi i Arttu Saarinen. "Shedding Light on People’s Social Media Concerns Through Political Party Preference, Media Trust, and Immigration Attitudes". W Europe in the Age of Post-Truth Politics, 199–221. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13694-8_10.
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AbstractThe emergence of fake news has systematically challenged traditional media institutions as disinformation and misinformation are increasingly utilised in political attacks on social media. As in many countries, also in Finland, the emergence of current counter media sites is closely connected to the rise of the anti-immigration movement, and immigration policies and immigrants have been targets of the massive social media disinformation and misinformation campaigns. By employing a nationally representative survey (N = 3724) from Finland, this study investigates how three social-media-related concerns addressing misinformation and disinformation are explained by political party preferences, media trust, and immigration attitudes. We found that the supporters of the populist party, the Finns, had more critical views on freedom of expression and monitoring of hateful content on social media. Moreover, they were less concerned with the flow of fake news on social media. Based on mediation analysis, we found that trust in traditional media and attitudes on immigration are lowest among the supporters of the Finns, which also explained their different views on fake news, freedom of expression and hateful content monitoring. Even though the independent variables were highly inter-correlated, they also associated individually with social media users’ perceptions. We argue that the accumulation of negative immigration attitudes and low trust in the media is reflecting attitudes towards social media among the supporters of populist parties. The results underline the populist right-wing communication strategy, which questions the reliability of mainstream media, undermines professional journalism, criticises political correctness, and appeals to those who are most frustrated with mainstream media and critical towards immigration.
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van der Steen, Bart. "Action Without Contention? Contextualizing Social Movements in 1980s Sweden". W Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 219–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27370-4_9.
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AbstractThe early 1980s in Western Europe were characterized by a massive wave of, at times militant, protest. In this context, Sweden looked like the odd one out because confrontations remained a marginal phenomenon. Could this be explained by the Swedish political system, which was characterized by moderation, dialogue and negotiation? This paper argues that asking what made Sweden different risks disconnecting Swedish protest experiences from the rest of Europe. Instead, researchers should ask how and why the image of mass contention and militancy, became a norm that informed the expectations of 1980s activists, authorities and the media. The argument is not that researchers should discard the norm of mass contentious action and instead focus on ‘what really happened’. Rather, the norm itself should be approached as a historical category, one that deeply influenced (views of) the 1980s protest wave—both then and now. Asking such questions can help clarify the relation between contention, subversion and social movement power.
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Ang, Pei Soo, i Yoke Leng Kock. "Contesting Views in the Representation of ICERD Ratification in English Language Newspapers". W Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia, 163–84. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_9.
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AbstractThe International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) is a treaty endorsed by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly in 1965. It advocates ending discrimination based on ethnicity and prohibiting the circulation of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred towards ethnic origin. Malaysia is one of the 14 member states that has not ratified ICERD. When the Pakatan Harapan government announced a review of the treaty in October 2018, it sparked a series of protests expressing resentment, predominantly by political and religious leaders, although the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) explained that ratification of ICERD would help to mould a united Malaysia. This chapter aims to unpack how articles in mainstream English language newspapers discursively represent the sentiments of the various parties for and against ICERD. Employing the dialectical relational approach, and premised upon membership categorisation and identity politics, this chapter studies New Straits Times and The Star and unveils the interplay of racial, social, and political voices and the justifications for the positions taken. The findings indicate that ICERD is largely constructed by social actors using the discourses of fear, threat, and discrimination against the Bumiputeras, who seemingly would be undermined by the minorities. These are discursively manifested in hypothetical forms through the use of conditionals and modality as well as overlexicalisation of vocabulary to intensify the tone of extremity. The debates on ICERD employing the discourses of identity politics seem to be for political gains rather than for the interest of equality and human rights for all Malaysians.
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"Conceptual views and political commitments". W Social Construction of Law, 33–52. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839103223.00009.
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Dombrowski, Daniel A. "Political Liberalism, Social Justice, and Christian Faith". W Christian Faith and Social Justice: Five Views. Bloomsbury Academic, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501388330.ch-002.
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Krallis, Dimitris. "The Social Views of Michael Attaleiates". W Social Change in Town and Country in Eleventh-Century Byzantium, 44–61. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841616.003.0003.
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The historian Michael Attaleiates was a judge and well-connected political agent active in eleventh-century Byzantium. The opinions he expressed in his historical work, but also in the synopsis of Roman law he dedicated to Michael VII and the monastic charter he produced to organize a privately owned pious foundation, become here entry points for the study of his take on the social and political reality around him. This chapter offers a short biographical sketch of our protagonist, who emerges as a patriotic Roman, who casts a sympathetic eye on popular political action. It then studies Attaleiates as a social and economic agent, looking at his active participation Byzantium’s economy only to reveal a confident investor and builder of a personal fortune. Here is also examined the ways in which Attaleiates’ take on foreign mercenaries outlines a readiness to accommodate others in a Roman polity. Finally, a study of his social circles considers how intellectual affinities and friendships developed, while serving the state and the emperor allowed for the development of a fluid and ever-adjustable politics of accommodation. All in all, we have here an updated portrait of an important figure in eleventh-century intellectual circles.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Zakrizevska, Maija. "THE COMPONENTS OF AN IDEAL POLITICIAN�S IMAGE: THE VIEWS OF POLITICIANS". W 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocialf2018/1.6/s01.024.
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Yavanoglu, Uraz, Medine Colak, Busra Caglar, Semra Cakir, Ozlem Milletsever i Seref Sagiroglu. "Intelligent Approach for Identifying Political Views over Social Networks". W 2013 12th International Conference on Machine Learning and Applications (ICMLA). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmla.2013.136.
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Zaslavsky, S. E. "Transformation Vectors Of Russian Political Views In Social Networks (Case "Winter Cherry")". W Proceedings of the II International Scientific Conference GCPMED 2019 - "Global Challenges and Prospects of the Modern Economic Development". European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.03.175.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov i Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA". W NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.
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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Kupiak, Uliana, i Romana Myshok. "Cyberbullying as a socio-political internet technology in the information warfare". W Sociology – Social Work and Social Welfare: Regulation of Social Problems. Видавець ФОП Марченко Т.В., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sosrsw2023.057.
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Background: Internet technologies quickly spread and change our perception of the world, which in turn leads to radical changes in various spheres of our life, in particular in social, political, economic, etc. Despite the many prospects that the Internet gives us, it can also be used by certain groups to carry out cyber attacks, spread misinformation, and purposefully ignite aggression among users. Such actions often have serious consequences for the national security and stability of countries, including those at war. Purpose: To establish how cyberbullying was formed as a means of information warfare in Ukraine. Methods: Method of analysis, theoretical method of research was to analyze the documents used to study the work of scientists who studied cyberbullying and its types. Results: Digital aggression, such as cyberbullying, can take many different forms, such as abusive communications, the dissemination of false information, extortion, etc. The following manipulative technologies are included in cyberbullying: flaming, trolling, threats and intimidation, cancellations, etc. Understanding cyberbullying as an Internet technology used in information warfare can be done by studying it from a constructivist perspective. Cyberbullying is seen through the lens of online engagement and from the perspective of how it is felt and interpreted by the individuals involved. Conclusion: The use of cyberbullying and other cybertools in information warfare is now accepted as the standard. Thus, when society views cyberbullying as a set standard in the virtual world, especially during the information war, this phenomenon has gone through a stage of legitimization. Keywords: cyberbullying, information war, internet technology
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Rathnayake, Kamini. "Sri Lanka, its Laws and its Women: Feminist Jurisprudence Views Law as a Subversive Site for Women". W SLIIT International Conference on Advancements in Sciences and Humanities 2023. Faculty of Humanities and Sciences, SLIIT, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54389/uqzf6962.
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Patriarchal laws of a country subject women to various degrees of oppression owing to socially constructed institutions. Sri Lankan women continue to struggle with socio-economic, political, and cultural issues that marginalise them, as different social structures, classes, castes, customs, religions and societal behaviours influence, control and suppress them. In this background, the Sri Lankan judicial thinking is dominated by the sameness approach to equality that ensures ‘gender neutral’ laws. And feminists argue that this ‘neutrality’, is simply a male-standard. In this explanatory investigation, this paper questions this ‘male-standard’ and ‘asks the woman question’ to provide insight to the question; Does Sri Lankan Law serve as a Subversive Site for Women? Through this inquiry, it deduces that, taking a difference approach to achieve substantive equality by understanding positionalities and intersectionalities of women in patriarchal societies shall inhibit the contribution of a country’s laws to create a subversive site for its women.
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Alontseva, Dina. "Theocratic State In Political And Legal Views Of L. A. Tikhomirova". W International Scientific Conference «Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism» dedicated to the 80th anniversary of Turkayev Hassan Vakhitovich. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.10.05.175.
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Nakanishi, Hisae. "Human Security and Political Violence in the Middle East: Views From Security-Development Nexus Perspective". W Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.9.
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Kaltseva, Anna. "About the role of science – Between Helena Blavatsky and Ulrich Beck". W 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.14167k.
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Science is the god that politicians, public figures and the media swear by today. Despite the leading role attributed to it, science in its role and significance for human civilization has been criticized. German sociologist Ulrich Beck points out that science does not serve the people, but protects the backs of politicians. More than a century before that, the founder of the Theosophical Society, Helena Blavatsky, noted that many of her contemporary scientists and researchers were adapting the facts to their hypotheses instead of drawing conclusions based on empirical material. The article presents the views of Blavatsky and Beck on the role and tasks of science, trying to find common ground in both opinions. The aim is to point out the communities and alternatives that theosophy provides in view of the importance of science in the conditions of the world risk society, as Ulrich Beck defines modernity.
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Song, Sumin, Zhaoping Zhang i Xiaoxia Feng. "Analysis of Views on Objective of Colleges Ideological and Political Education based on Conversion from Course Education to Cultural Identity". W 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.228.
Pełny tekst źródłaRaporty organizacyjne na temat "Politicial and social views"
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Donor Support for ‘Informal Social Movements’. Institute of Development Studies, kwiecień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.085.
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“Social movements” are by definition informal or semi-formal, as opposed to the formal structure of a stable association, such as a club, a corporation, or a political party. They are relatively long lasting over a period of weeks, months, or even years rather than flaring up for a few hours or a few days and then disappearing (Smelser et al., 2020). There is a substantial and growing body of work dedicated to social movements, encompassing a wide range of views about how to define them (Smelser et al., 2020). This is complicated by the use of other terms which shade into the idea of “social movements”, such as grass-roots mobilisation/ movements, non-traditional civil society organisations, voluntary organisations, civic space, new civic activism, active citizenship, to name a few. There is also an implied informality to the term “social movements”, so that the research for this rapid review used both “social movement” and “informal social movement”. Thus this rapid review seeks to find out what approaches do donors use to support “informal social movements” in their programming, and what evidence do they base their strategies on. The evidence found during the course of this rapid review was drawn from both the academic literature, and think-tank and donor reports. The academic literature found was extremely large and predominantly drawn from single case studies around the world, with few comparative studies. The literature on donor approaches found from both donors and think tanks was not consistently referenced to research evidence but tended to be based on interviews with experienced staff and recipients.
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Demchenko, Dmytro. DEMASSIFICATION OF SOCIAL PROCESSES IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITAL COMMUNICATION (TO THE PROBLEM OF THE DICHOTOMY OF “ELITE-MASS” AS A POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PARADOX). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzec 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12171.
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The article aims to analyze a complicated process of the society’s main components – elite, mass communication, and masses – in their interaction and interdependence from the historical perspective. Due to industrialization and modernization of the life quality, the social life changes radically, and the essence of every component of the society changes as well. The elite loses its dynastic character. The media stop to play the role of a mediator taking on the obligations of a collective agitator and propagandist, and the mass stops to be cloth for wiping shoes. It starts to form a mass audience and, by that, obtains new forms that must be taken into account by social institutions. Together with that the collective views are substituted by the views which are stronger than the ones of a separate individual. One of the main conclusions of the investigation is as follows. The formation of the “consumer society” and the strengthening of the mass communication role resulted in the appearance of “mediocracy” which factually introduced an absolute elite dependence on it and conferred the right of media to set the social agenda. The mass turned out to be a silent majority, a unity of conformity-oriented people. These people become simultaneously a product of mass communication impact because they dictate what one must read, listen to, and watch from the media menu. They force MMC to satisfy their unassuming needs making the content trivial and commodificated. In other words, the mutual process of the interaction of the media, “impossible independence” and the conscious “communicative consensus” of individuals who are willingly united with the mass audience takes place. The creation of the internet due to “digital anonymity” and the autonomy of the consumer formed the conditions for the self-determined citizens and gave the elite a modest place in the “cyber democracy”. However, the increase in individual self-isolation leads to his gradual loss of “social capital,” and that threatens to replace the direct experience with a virtual environment that will make it very difficult to differentiate reality from fiction. Keywords: elite, mass, media, mass communication, information space, globalization.
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Wickenden, Mary. Practical Guides for Participatory methods: Disability Inclusive Research. Institute of Development Studies, sierpień 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2023.045.
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In the past, people with disabilities have been left out of many aspects of life including research. They have not usually been included in ‘mainstream’ studies about key topics such as health, education, WASH, gender empowerment, social and political participation, while other groups in populations are more routinely asked for their views and their qualitative data is collected. It is often perceived to be too difficult or expensive to include disabled people. This is discriminatory and leads to continued lack of understanding about their lives. We need to collect disability inclusive data to understand disabled people’s situations and needs, alongside others’ views. Additionally, disability-specific research has been rare and poorly funded. Now, partly in response to the game-changing UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disability (UNCRPD, 2007), the rights of disabled people to participate in all aspects of life are recognised, and research priorities are changing to include disability data and disabled people’s perspectives on many topics.
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TOTROVA, Z. H. THE TOPIC OF OBJECTIVITY OF KNOWLEDGE AS A SOCIOCULTURAL PROBLEM. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, kwiecień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-14-1-3-14-21.
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The actualization of this topic is explained by modern information technologies, which center the question of knowledge, as such, before its practical application. The purpose of the article is to analyze the topic of objectivity of knowledge, as a sociocultural problem, involving consideration of the relationship of various forms of skepticism with the sociocultural context. Research methods are philosophical and general logical. Research results. Pyrrhonian skepticism reflects the personal, socio-political and economic crisis of the Hellenistic era. The complete and consistent development of the views of extreme skeptics in practice turns into an apology for force or chaos. The time of M. Montaigne is characterized by the conjugation of historical optimism with paradigm instability, the struggle of ideas and socio-cultural structures for the right to exist. Hence the appeal to the subject, as to the basis that determines the stability of social and personal existence.
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Hvidberg, Kristoffer, Claus Kreiner i Stefanie Stantcheva. Social Position and Fairness Views. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, listopad 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28099.
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Teixeira, Mariana. Vulnerability: A Critical Tool for Conviviality-Inequality Studies. Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, maj 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/teixeira.2022.44.
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The aim of this working paper is to foster the concept of “vulnerability” as a critical tool for social theory in general and conviviality-inequality studies in particular. First, to clarify the concept, an analytical distinction is established between vulnerability as either an experiential structure shared by all persons (constitutive vulnerability) or as historical social injustice that detrimentally impacts some more than others (contingent vulnerability). The paper then explores the contrast between approaches to epistemic injustice theory and standpoint epistemology as two opposing views with regard to the political and epistemic potential of vulnerability. From this contrast, finally, a critique of one-sided conceptions shows us that, for vulnerability to have a productive and critical use, it must be grasped as fraught with ambiguity, implying both a contingent risk of subjection and a constitutive opening to otherness. It is this ambiguity that makes vulnerability a useful conceptual tool for grasping conviviality as inextricably connected to inequality
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Guizzo Altube, Matías, Carlos Scartascini i Mariano Tommasi. The Political Economy of Redistribution and (in)Efficiency in Latin America and the Caribbean. Inter-American Development Bank, październik 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005239.
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Predominant views on the political economy of Latin America and the Caribbean tend to emphasize that elite domination helps to understand the high levels of inequality. The contemporary fiscal version of that assertion goes something like “the rich are powerful and they dont like taxes, hence we have little taxation and little redistribution.” That is a good approximation to the reality of some countries, but not of others. There are cases in the region where there are high levels of taxation and non-negligible redistributive efforts. But in some of those cases such redistribution comes hand in hand with macroeconomic imbalances, high inflation, low growth, as well as low-quality public policies. When redistributive efforts are short-sighted and attempted with inefficient public policies, fiscal imbalances lead to inflation and to frequent macroeconomic crises that reduce growth and thwart poverty reduction efforts. The argument of this paper is that there are various possible political configurations (including elite domination and populism among others) that lead to different economic and social outcomes (including the degree of redistribution and others). We postulate that each configuration of social outcomes emerges out of different political economy equilibria. Different countries in the region will be in different political economy equilibria, and hence will have different combinations of political economy syndromes and of socioeconomic outcomes. In this paper, we characterize the countries regarding the size of the public sector, how much fiscal redistribution there is, and how efficient this public action is. We summarize various strands of literature that attempt to explain some elements of that fiscal vector one at a time; and then attempt to provide a simple framework that might explain why different countries present different configurations of size, distributiveness, and efficiency.
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Kennedy, Marie, Aisha Conner-Gaten, Jamie Hazlitt, Javier Garibay i Marisa Ramirez. Assessing the Diversity of the E-collection of the William H. Hannon Library; a Phased Project. William H. Hannon Library, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15365/whhl.librarian.2018.1022.
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The American Library Association’s 1982 statement on Diversity in Collection Development reminds librarians of our professional responsibility “to select and support the access to materials on all subjects that meet, as closely as possible, the needs, interests, and abilities of all persons in the community the library serves. This includes materials that reflect political, economic, religious, social, minority, and sexual issues.” The William H. Hannon (WHH) Library’s vision statementaffirms that the library views itself as Bridge, Gateway, Agora, and Enterprise. To ensure that our materials collection aligns with our institutional vision and meets the research needs of our diverse campus population, the project team proposed an assessment of our electronic collection through the lens of diversity. The assessment was to determine if the library’s online databases (most often the first point of research consultation for our students and faculty) are adequately “bridging disciplines” (Bridge) and “representing diverse topics and perspectives” (Gateway). What the team learns will inform the library collection strategy, to ensure that it builds collections that deliberately and positively contribute to an inclusive campus climate. [1] http://library.lmu.edu/aboutthelibrary/libraryvisionmission/
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Brown, S. Kathi. Paid Leave and Social Security: Views of Voters Ages 50+. AARP Research, lipiec 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00330.001.
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