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Cristancho, Mantilla Camilo. "Political disagreement in contentious politics". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283430.
Pełny tekst źródłaDisagreement is a central component of politics, for it extends and persists across all ideological stances and all issues of policy. Challenging opposing views and defending personal perspectives, both in electoral contexts and in contentious politics, greatly determine how we experience politics daily. Consequently, negotiating disagreement is an underlying requisite for a normative aspect of how we tend to conceive democracy: considerate decision-making. This dissertation focuses on an attitudinal dimension of disagreement that involves cognitive processes that, in turn, can help people to better understand others and actively acknowledge differences: perspective taking. This dissertation addresses previous research on political disagreement by considering perspective taking as a relevant subject of study and, in doing so, shifting from general attitudes, such as tolerance and empathy, to particular attitude objects, such as opposing stances and political adversaries. This dissertation chiefly proposes to address potential attitudinal and behavioral consequences of disagreement in particular circumstances and to explore perceptions of blame attribution in highly divisive issues. Its design is grounded in the context of protest politics in order to leverage cases in which both public opinion is clearly divided and disagreement between positions is highly evident. This dissertation is composed of three papers. Paper 1 focuses on issue publics in their actual interactions with organizations by analyzing the informational environment of their specific issues. More specifically, it assesses individuals’ exposure to political disagreement in protest mobilization by questioning the role of organizations in linking opposing stances in such mobilization. As a result, it finds positive relationships between exposure to disagreement and perspective taking in the context of such mobilization, particularly in cases of demonstrations for Catalan independence and abortion in Spain. Paper 2 provides a unique measure of perspective taking built on direct mentions to political adversaries in order to gauge the extent to which mentioning adversaries relates to individuals’ motivations to demonstrate and turnout for a referendum on Catalan independence. The study draws upon data from a cross-sectional survey in Catalonia in order to confirm a demobilizing effect of exposure to political disagreement. In contrast to previous studies of voting behavior, the potential effect in this study depends upon group status. In particular, though defenders of the status quo become less resolved to demonstrate or to turn out, challengers do not when considering opposing viewpoints. This effect is mediated by group identity, which confirms the importance of the issue context in the cross-pressures hypothesis. Paper 3 investigates political disagreement by identifying individual, organizational, and contextual factors that explain differences between blame attributions in position issues. Data from protest surveys of demonstrators who participated in large-scale events in eight European cities between 2009 and 2011 reveal differences among perceptions regarding political adversaries, how demonstrators perceive disagreement, and how these perceptions vary among issues, organizational involvement, and contexts. As a result, the dissertation as a whole advances the research of attitudinal components of exposure, potential behavioral consequences, and perceptions of disagreement. Focusing on attitudes toward disagreement or political adversaries in the context of protest politics and highly divisive issues provides new insight into core questions of the literature addressing political disagreement. The dissertation’s findings can also broaden our understanding of contentious politics and everyday disagreement that might not be captured by electoral dynamics. The findings regarding the role of politically motivated organizations also pose practical implications in light of their roles in providing meaning to political conflict and mediating political adversaries. Establishing the potential influence of these roles on individual attitudes is relevant not only for academic research; it can also guide policy in order to promote civility.
Cohen, Joshua. "Money, Politics, and Political Equality". MIT Press, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5446.
Pełny tekst źródłaCrago, Tom. "The politics of political mistakes /". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc8848.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaSteward, Aaron L. "Political warfare and contentious politics". Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45947.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis examines if increased Department of Defense (DOD) involvement in political warfare (PW) is justified through a qualitative, comparative analysis of U.S. PW actions conducted by the Department of State, Central Intelligence Agency, and DOD in two Cold War cases: Italy from 1943–1948 and Chile from 1961–1973. Concepts of strategy and social movement models of Doug McAdam, Charles Tilly, and Sidney Tarrow are applied to historical PW actions, both overt and covert. The case-study analysis clarifies each agency’s conduct of PW and develops analytical tools to classify PW actions by approach and impact within the political setting. Data was collected from archives, declassified government documents, and expert analyses. Results indicate that, compared to other U.S. agencies, the DOD had a limited direct role in PW in the cases studied, but was an important enabler. In applying models of social movement theory to historical analysis, this thesis identifies and develops the contentious politics mobilization model’s potential use in planning and evaluating PW strategies.
Marchart, Oliver. "Politics and the political : an inquiry into post-foundational political thought". Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272571.
Pełny tekst źródłaSir, Aslan Yavuz. "Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan". Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaLoudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.
Pełny tekst źródłaChilds, Sarah. "Women's political representation in contemporary British politics". Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.
Pełny tekst źródłaBaderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.
Pełny tekst źródłaEsposito, Thomas G. "Political integration of Hezbollah into Lebanese politics". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501151.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed ; Boylouny, Anne Marie. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, political integration, social movement theory, Lebanese Shia, Shiite Muslims, Imam Sayyid Musa Al-Sadr, PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), radicalization, Arab-Israeli War, Al Nakba, Six Day War, IDF (Israeli Defense Forces), Cairo Agreement, Islamic fundamentalism, social movement theory. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, Lebanon, Political Integration, Social Movement Theory. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available in print.
Stručovská, Hana. "Marketing českých politických stran v roce 2010". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71894.
Pełny tekst źródłaFinlayson, Lorna. "The political is political". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609972.
Pełny tekst źródłaField, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrenzel, Fabian. "Politics in motion the mobilities of political tourists". Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521427.
Pełny tekst źródłaHong, Jung-Min. "Political Polarization and Independent Voters in American Politics". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439301969.
Pełny tekst źródłaMorgan, Patricia Anne Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Political correctness, cultural politics, and the new right". Ottawa, 1994.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaLal, Ramji. "Political India, 1935-1942 : anatomy of Indian politics /". Delhi : Ajanta publications, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35748296f.
Pełny tekst źródłaO'Cass, Aron. "Political marketing : the application of marketing to politics". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1994. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36328/1/36328_O%27Cass_1994.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaWilson, Ryan. "The Myth of Political Reason - The Moral and Emotional Foundations of Political Cognition and US Politics". WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6802/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2019_02.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaSeries: SRE - Discussion Papers
Ramsey, Reed. "Affect and Political Satire: How Political TV Satire Implicates Internal Political Efficacy and Political Participation". Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3134.
Pełny tekst źródłaHlávková, Lenka. "Politický marketing". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192483.
Pełny tekst źródłaKarasová, Leona. "Občanské elity na lokální úrovni - případová studie Dolní Lhotka". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-359178.
Pełny tekst źródłaKomba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.
Pełny tekst źródłaMilašiūtė, Asta. "Tarptautinio Valiutos Fondo įtaka Azijos politinei ekonomijai 1997m. krizės metu. Japonijos ir P. Korėjos atvejis". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110614_111318-62355.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries‘ economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be... [to full text]
Cosby, Bruce. "Technological politics and the political history of African-Americans". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9543185.
Pełny tekst źródłaHungerford, John. "The Political Animal: Aristotle on Nature, Reason and Politics". Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108122.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation investigates Aristotle’s famous claim that “the human being is by nature a political animal.” This claim seems to express a basic disagreement between Aristotelian political philosophy and the contractarian political philosophy that informs modern liberalism. Aristotle asserts, contrary to Hobbes, for instance, that the political community is not a convention between naturally individual human beings but a natural entity in its own right prior to and authoritative over the individual. Yet not only are Aristotle’s reasons for supposing that we are naturally political obscure and questionable, but the meaning of Aristotle’s claim that we are naturally political is not altogether clear. For not only does Aristotle suggest that we are naturally political because the city is naturally prior to and authoritative over us, but he suggests we are political animals above all due to our distinctive faculty of reason, or speech, which, because it is the medium of the perception of advantage and justice that informs our actions, is what constitutes the city. Speech, in other words, is what brings the city to sight as the natural whole Aristotle asserts it to be. This suggests, however, that the naturalness of politics must be evaluated on the basis of such speech, which admits of clarification, and not on the basis Aristotle originally offers, which is speculation about the origins of the city. We argue that Aristotle’s dialectical examinations of despotic, political, and kingly forms of rule provide an outline of this task of clarification, which alone can permit us to evaluate the naturalness of politics. A close reading of these examinations, however, indicates that Aristotle ultimately rejects the view that the city is the natural whole it presents itself as being
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Radice, Henry. "The politics of humanity : humanitarianism and international political theory". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1008/.
Pełny tekst źródłaEdgerton, Barton T. "Creating a space for politics : territory and political theory". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2333/.
Pełny tekst źródłaFerreyra, Ricardo Diego. "Political transition and institutionalization of party politics in Venezuela". FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3314.
Pełny tekst źródłaCord, Florian. "Dirty, Messy Business: Stuart Hall, Politics and the Political". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32267.
Pełny tekst źródłaZucco, Cesar. "The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Pełny tekst źródłaWilson, Catherine Heden Alvarez R. Michael. "Political information, institutions and citizen participation in American politics /". Diss., Pasadena, Calif. : California Institute of Technology, 2003. http://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechETD:etd-05292003-160904.
Pełny tekst źródłaD'Cruz, Carolyn. "Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations". Thesis, D'Cruz, Carolyn (1997) Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50370/.
Pełny tekst źródłaCamacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur". University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.
Pełny tekst źródłaLEBANO, ADELE. "Politics with Romance? : Liberalism and Populism in Political Philosophy". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/57883.
Pełny tekst źródłaPOZZONI, GIANLUCA. "THINGS POLITICAL: A STUDY OF THE OBJECT OF POLITICS". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/573491.
Pełny tekst źródłaVidanage, Harinda Ranura. "Exploring the impact of online politics on political agents and political strategies in the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5949.
Pełny tekst źródłaCarneiro, Thiago Lopes. "Engaging politics : political participation in Brazil and Sweden, predicted by stereotypes about parliamentarians, political education and behavioral contagion". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/2015.03.T.18595.
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi comparar a influência de Estereótipos sobre os Parlamentares, Educação Política e Contágio Comportamental sobre a Participação Política entre Brasil e Suécia, para construir um modelo teórico-explicativo e oferecer evidências de validade. A tipologia de Ekman e Amnå (2012) embasou o uso de um conceito abrangente de Participação Política, que varia da não participação, passando pela atenção (stand by) até a participação manifesta. Estereótipos sobre parlamentares foram definidos em duas esferas: Informação Crítica a que os eleitores prestam atenção e Predição de Comportamento, i.e., como os eleitores pensam que os parlamentares se comportam. Educação Política se refere ao quanto cada esfera da vida de uma pessoa contribui para sua aprendizagem política. Itens de Contágio Comportamental aferiam a influência do participante sobre outros e a influência exercida por outros sobre ele/ela. O questionário foi elaborado através do Painel Délfico, conduzido simultaneamente com especialistas brasileiros e suecos, tendo o inglês como língua comum. O questionário resultante foi retro-traduzido para o Português Brasileiro e Sueco. Estas duas versões foram administradas aos participantes, via internet. Participaram 984 brasileiros, 37,4% do sexo feminino e com idade média de 43,95 anos (DP 15,64). Suecos totalizaram 879, sendo 46,5% mulheres e a idade média foi de 49,57 anos (DP 16,64). Análises Fatoriais Exploratórias e Confirmatórias foram realizadas. Médias das respostas de participantes brasileiros e suecos foram comparadas através de teste-t. Empregou-se a Modelagem de Equações Estruturais (MEE), precedida de regressão múltipla exploratória, a fim de determinar como as variáveis independentes (exógenas) poderiam predizer a Participação Política. Discutiram-se as implicações metodológicas. As equivalências de Estrutura Fatorial e Métrica foram alcançadas, entre Brasil e Suécia, para Participação Política, Estereótipos sobre Parlamentares e Contágio Comportamental. Os fatores de Educação Política não se mostraram consistentes, portanto seus itens foram considerados separadamente. Os testes-t indicaram que os brasileiros se envolvem em ação política mais frequentemente do que os suecos. Quanto aos Estereótipos, suecos percebem a Qualidade da Representação de seus parlamentares mais positivamente do que os brasileiros; a Corrupção, por outro lado, foi percebida como maior no Brasil. Suecos prestam mais atenção a informações críticas relacionadas a Partidos e Tendências de Representação dos parlamentares, enquanto os brasileiros se preocupam mais com Informações Pessoais do que os suecos. Os modelos de previsão SEM evidenciaram que, embora a corrupção seja uma preocupação primária para os brasileiros, ela não ajuda a prever Participação Política no Brasil, mas sim na Suécia. Embora suecos prestem mais atenção às diferenças entre Partidos e às Tendências de Representação, estes fatores tiveram maior importância para prever Participação Institucional no Brasil. Conclui-se que aquilo que é senso comum (como a corrupção no Brasil e diferenças entre partidos na Suécia) não ajuda a distinguir as pessoas que participam daquelas que não o fazem. Itens de Educação Política tiveram efeito muito pequeno. Contágio Comportamental desempenhou um papel central, a ponto de embaçar a fronteira entre ação política individual e coletiva. O engagamento político está, enfim, fortemente ligado ao envolvimento em uma rede politicamente ativa.
The general objective of this research was to compare the influence of Stereotypes about Parliamentarians, Political Education and Behavioral Contagion on Political Participation between two countries (Brazil and Sweden) to build and offer evidence of validity for a theoretical-explanatory model. Ekman and Amnå’s (2012) typology was the base for a comprehensive concept of Political Participation, as it ranges from nonparticipation, through attention (stand by) and manifest participation. Stereotypes about Parliamentarians were defined in two spheres: Critical Information to which voters pay attention and Behavior Prediction, i.e., how voters expect parliamentarians to behave. Political Education intended to assess how each sphere of a person’s life contributes to his/her political learning. Behavioral Contagion assessed the influence the participant exerted on others and how much other people influenced him/her. The questionnaire was elaborated via Delphic Panel, ran simultaneously with Brazilian and Swedish experts, using English as a common language. The resulting questionnaire was backtranslated to Brazilian Portuguese and to Swedish. These two versions were administered to participants through electronic formularies, distributed via internet. Participants from Brazil numbered 984, 37.4% women and the mean age was 43.95 (S.D. 15.64) years. Swedes numbered 879, 46.5% women and the mean age was 49.57 (S.D. 16.64) years. Exploratory and Confirmatory Analyses were performed, in order to determine Factor Structures and to evaluate their equivalence between the two countries. Means from the Brazilian and Swedish participants were compared through t-test. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), preceeded by exploratory Stepwise Multiple Regression, mas performed in order to stablish how the independent (exogenous) variables predicted Political Participation. Methodological implications are discussed. Factor Structure and Metric equivalences were met for Brazil and Sweden, for Political Participation, Stereotypes about Parliamentarians and Behavioral Contagion. Political Education factors were not consistent, so its items entered the prediction models as standalones. T-tests indicated that Brazilians engage political action more often than Swedes. Regarding Stereotypes, Swedes perceive the Quality of Representation of their parliamentarians as better than Brazilians evaluate theirs; Corruption, on the other hand, was perceived as higher in Brazil. Swedes pay more attention to Critical Information related to the Parties and Representation Trends of parliamentarians, while Brazilians worry more about Personal Information than Swedes. The SEM prediction models evidenced that, though Corruption was a major issue to Brazilians, it did not help predict Political Participation in Brazil, but it did in Sweden. Though Swedes pay more attention informations about Parties and Representation Trends, these had greater importance to predict Institutional Participation in Brazil. It is concluded that commonsense information (such as Corruption in Brazil and Party differences in Sweden) does not help to tell the difference between those people who participate and those who do not. Political Education items had disappointingly low effect. Behavioral Contagion played a pivotal role on explaining Political Participation. “Being influenced” and “influencing others” was so importantly related to Political Participation that it is considered that the boundaries of individual and collective action are blurred. Engaging politics is, at last, strongly intertwined to being a part of a politically active network.
Erdem, Servet. "Political fictions and fictional politics : a comparative study of the political unconscious in the Turkish and Kurdish novel". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:201b1793-bcdd-44c9-9726-de17ed911b2d.
Pełny tekst źródłaSágl, Jan. "Oceňování značky politické instituce". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73633.
Pełny tekst źródłaCalvert, S. A. "Political culture and political stability in Argentina". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380553.
Pełny tekst źródłaKaehne, Axel. "Russian political liberalism and Western political theory". Thesis, Swansea University, 2002. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42222.
Pełny tekst źródłaHash, Andrae Stephen. "Civic and political involvement among young adults: Exploring political talk, political efficacy and political participation in a community context". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51153.
Pełny tekst źródłaMaster of Arts
Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
Pełny tekst źródłaCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
Okorie, Ogbonnya. "The Ethical Implication of Separating Morality From Politics : Taking Cue From Machiavellian Political Ideas and The Nigerian Political Experience". Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6776.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one to suggest that morality can be divorced from politics and still make a success out of the entire business of governance. The concept of Machiavellianism presents a very big challenge to this possibility in politics. I would attempt to show the dangers inherent in such a calculated effort using the Nigerian political experience as a case study
Rogers, Nathalia Ablovatskaya. "The politics of business in an age of transition : political attitudes and political participation of the Russian capital owners". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36787.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research focuses on the political attitudes and political participation of Russian businessmen who own and manage their own capital. In particular, it examines the extent to which capital owners are willing to support the consolidation of the democratic regime in Russia. The analysis was based on interviews with 60 capital owners conducted in Moscow, the capital of Russia. I examine their attitudes towards democracy, democratic institutions and democratic procedures, along with their ways of political participation in correlation with the size and origin of the capital that the businessmen own, controlling for age, education and political past. The purpose of this analysis was to establish if structural conditions such as the size and origin of the capital might play a role in a capital owners' pro-liberal political orientation.
Three main conclusions emerge from this research: (1) Russian capital owners are not uniformly pro-liberal in their political orientation, some businessmen being hostile to democratic political rule, and others having only limited pro-liberal political attitudes; (2) those capital owners who have pro-liberal political attitudes, limited or not, are the least likely to participate politically; (3) owners of small and medium sized independent type capital constitute the most pro-democratic group among Russian businessmen.
Asutay, Mehmet. "Searching for economic and political nexus : political business cycles and the impact of politics on the macroeconomy in Turkey". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432932.
Pełny tekst źródłaHancock, David. "Morality and political modernity : the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and the cultural politics of neoconservatism". Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28207/.
Pełny tekst źródłaWong, Yee Hang Mathew. "The politics of income inequality : democracy, political institutions and redistribution". Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701369.
Pełny tekst źródłaSchuller, Philipp A. "Money politics and the transformation of the Japanese political system". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e570b955-335f-4d84-92c8-b55d725a2e7c.
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