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Cristancho, Mantilla Camilo. "Political disagreement in contentious politics". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283430.
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El desacuerdo es un componente central de la política en cuanto se extiende y persiste a través de todas las posturas ideológicas y los asuntos de política pública. Desafiar puntos de vista opuestos y defender posturas personales, tanto en contextos electorales como en la política contenciosa, determina en gran medida la forma en que experimentamos la política diariamente. En consecuencia, la aceptación del desacuerdo es un requisito fundamental para un aspecto normativo de cómo se concibe la democracia: la toma de decisiones que considera posiciones contrapuestas.
Esta tesis se centra en una dimensión actitudinal del desacuerdo político que involucra procesos cognitivos que pueden ayudar a entender mejor a los demás y a reconocer activamente las diferencias: la toma de perspectiva. Esta tesis aborda la investigación previa sobre el desacuerdo político considerando la toma de perspectiva como un tema relevante de estudio, y de esta manera contrapone actitudes generales tales como la tolerancia y la empatía, con objetos de actitud específicos, tales como posiciones contrarias y adversarios políticos. Esta tesis propone principalmente estudiar las consecuencias potenciales del desacuerdo en circunstancias particulares y explorar las percepciones de atribución culpa en asuntos que dividen la opinión pública. El diseño de investigación se basa en el contexto de la protesta política con el fin de aprovechar los casos en los que la opinión pública está claramente dividida y donde el desacuerdo entre las posiciones es evidente.
Esta tesis se compone de tres artículos. El primer artículo se centra en issue publics y sus interacciones con las organizaciones mediante el análisis del entorno informacional de asuntos específicos. Más concretamente, se evalúa la exposición de las personas al desacuerdo político en la movilización a la protesta investigando el rol de las organizaciones en la vinculación de posiciones opuestas. Se encuentra una relación positiva entre la exposición al desacuerdo y la toma de perspectiva en el contexto de la movilización en los casos de las manifestaciones por la independencia catalana y el aborto en España.
El segundo artículo proporciona una medición única de la toma de perspectiva basada en una mención directa de los adversarios políticos con el fin de estudiar en qué grado se relacionan la disposición a tomar la perspectiva de los adversarios con las motivaciones para protestar y para participar en un referéndum sobre la independencia catalana. El estudio se basa en datos de una encuesta transversal en Cataluña con el fin de confirmar el potencial efecto desmovilizador de la exposición al desacuerdo político. En contraste con estudios anteriores de comportamiento electoral, el efecto potencial en este estudio depende del estatus del grupo. En particular, aunque los defensores del status quo están menos dispuestos a manifestarse o a participar en el referendo, los retadores no tienen una menor disposición cuando consideran puntos de vista opuestos al suyo. Este efecto es mediado por la identidad de grupo, lo cual confirma la importancia del contexto particular en la hipótesis de presiones cruzadas.
El tercer artículo investiga el desacuerdo político mediante la identificación de los factores individuales, organizacionales y contextuales que explican las diferencias entre las atribuciones de culpa en asuntos de posición. Los datos de encuestas a manifestantes que participaron en eventos de protesta a gran escala en ocho ciudades europeas entre 2009 y 2011 revelan diferencias entre las percepciones con respecto a los adversarios políticos, en la percepción de los manifestantes sobre el desacuerdo, y sobre la manera en que estas percepciones varían de acuerdo con el asunto, con los diferentes niveles de vinculación con las organizaciones, y de acuerdo con cada contexto.
La tesis avanza la investigación sobre los componentes actitudinales de la exposición, las posibles consecuencias sobre el comportamiento y las percepciones del desacuerdo político. Centrarse en las actitudes hacia el desacuerdo y hacia los adversarios políticos en el contexto de la protesta en asuntos altamente divisivos ofrece una nueva perspectiva para las preguntas centrales de la literatura sobre el desacuerdo político. Las conclusiones de la tesis también pueden ampliar nuestra comprensión de la política contenciosa y del desacuerdo cotidiano, la cual no es evidente al estudiar las dinámicas electorales. Las conclusiones sobre el rol de las organizaciones políticas también plantean implicaciones prácticas a la luz de su papel de significación del conflicto político y de mediación entre adversarios políticos. Establecer el potencial de influencia estos roles sobre las actitudes individuales es relevante no sólo para la investigación académica, sino que también puede guiar políticas que busquen promover el civismo.Disagreement is a central component of politics, for it extends and persists across all ideological stances and all issues of policy. Challenging opposing views and defending personal perspectives, both in electoral contexts and in contentious politics, greatly determine how we experience politics daily. Consequently, negotiating disagreement is an underlying requisite for a normative aspect of how we tend to conceive democracy: considerate decision-making. This dissertation focuses on an attitudinal dimension of disagreement that involves cognitive processes that, in turn, can help people to better understand others and actively acknowledge differences: perspective taking. This dissertation addresses previous research on political disagreement by considering perspective taking as a relevant subject of study and, in doing so, shifting from general attitudes, such as tolerance and empathy, to particular attitude objects, such as opposing stances and political adversaries. This dissertation chiefly proposes to address potential attitudinal and behavioral consequences of disagreement in particular circumstances and to explore perceptions of blame attribution in highly divisive issues. Its design is grounded in the context of protest politics in order to leverage cases in which both public opinion is clearly divided and disagreement between positions is highly evident. This dissertation is composed of three papers. Paper 1 focuses on issue publics in their actual interactions with organizations by analyzing the informational environment of their specific issues. More specifically, it assesses individuals’ exposure to political disagreement in protest mobilization by questioning the role of organizations in linking opposing stances in such mobilization. As a result, it finds positive relationships between exposure to disagreement and perspective taking in the context of such mobilization, particularly in cases of demonstrations for Catalan independence and abortion in Spain. Paper 2 provides a unique measure of perspective taking built on direct mentions to political adversaries in order to gauge the extent to which mentioning adversaries relates to individuals’ motivations to demonstrate and turnout for a referendum on Catalan independence. The study draws upon data from a cross-sectional survey in Catalonia in order to confirm a demobilizing effect of exposure to political disagreement. In contrast to previous studies of voting behavior, the potential effect in this study depends upon group status. In particular, though defenders of the status quo become less resolved to demonstrate or to turn out, challengers do not when considering opposing viewpoints. This effect is mediated by group identity, which confirms the importance of the issue context in the cross-pressures hypothesis. Paper 3 investigates political disagreement by identifying individual, organizational, and contextual factors that explain differences between blame attributions in position issues. Data from protest surveys of demonstrators who participated in large-scale events in eight European cities between 2009 and 2011 reveal differences among perceptions regarding political adversaries, how demonstrators perceive disagreement, and how these perceptions vary among issues, organizational involvement, and contexts. As a result, the dissertation as a whole advances the research of attitudinal components of exposure, potential behavioral consequences, and perceptions of disagreement. Focusing on attitudes toward disagreement or political adversaries in the context of protest politics and highly divisive issues provides new insight into core questions of the literature addressing political disagreement. The dissertation’s findings can also broaden our understanding of contentious politics and everyday disagreement that might not be captured by electoral dynamics. The findings regarding the role of politically motivated organizations also pose practical implications in light of their roles in providing meaning to political conflict and mediating political adversaries. Establishing the potential influence of these roles on individual attitudes is relevant not only for academic research; it can also guide policy in order to promote civility.
2
Cohen, Joshua. "Money, Politics, and Political Equality". MIT Press, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5446.
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Crago, Tom. "The politics of political mistakes /". Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc8848.pdf.
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Steward, Aaron L. "Political warfare and contentious politics". Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45947.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines if increased Department of Defense (DOD) involvement in political warfare (PW) is justified through a qualitative, comparative analysis of U.S. PW actions conducted by the Department of State, Central Intelligence Agency, and DOD in two Cold War cases: Italy from 1943–1948 and Chile from 1961–1973. Concepts of strategy and social movement models of Doug McAdam, Charles Tilly, and Sidney Tarrow are applied to historical PW actions, both overt and covert. The case-study analysis clarifies each agency’s conduct of PW and develops analytical tools to classify PW actions by approach and impact within the political setting. Data was collected from archives, declassified government documents, and expert analyses. Results indicate that, compared to other U.S. agencies, the DOD had a limited direct role in PW in the cases studied, but was an important enabler. In applying models of social movement theory to historical analysis, this thesis identifies and develops the contentious politics mobilization model’s potential use in planning and evaluating PW strategies.
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Marchart, Oliver. "Politics and the political : an inquiry into post-foundational political thought". Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272571.
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Sir, Aslan Yavuz. "Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan". Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.
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Loudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.
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Childs, Sarah. "Women's political representation in contemporary British politics". Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.
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The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.
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Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.
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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.
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Esposito, Thomas G. "Political integration of Hezbollah into Lebanese politics". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501151.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed ; Boylouny, Anne Marie. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, political integration, social movement theory, Lebanese Shia, Shiite Muslims, Imam Sayyid Musa Al-Sadr, PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), radicalization, Arab-Israeli War, Al Nakba, Six Day War, IDF (Israeli Defense Forces), Cairo Agreement, Islamic fundamentalism, social movement theory. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, Lebanon, Political Integration, Social Movement Theory. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available in print.
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Stručovská, Hana. "Marketing českých politických stran v roce 2010". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71894.
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The Master Thesis Political Marketing in the Czech Republic 2010. Campaigns for Chamber of Deputies election aims to reveal the political marketing of the most important Czech political parties foregoing the Chamber of Deputies election. The thesis is focused on marketing campaigns of parties and their most marked moments, which had an impact on the election results. The thesis is set in the concrete political situation. Firstly the political marketing is theoretically described, than the thesis targets particular parties and their campaigns. Content analysis, analysis of media instruments and the interview with election manager are used in the thesis. Primary and secondary information are processed in the thesis. The most important moments of campaigns are analyzed linking to marketing tools as well as consequences for election results.
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Finlayson, Lorna. "The political is political". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609972.
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Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.
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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
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Frenzel, Fabian. "Politics in motion the mobilities of political tourists". Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521427.
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Hong, Jung-Min. "Political Polarization and Independent Voters in American Politics". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439301969.
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Morgan, Patricia Anne Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Political correctness, cultural politics, and the new right". Ottawa, 1994.
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Lal, Ramji. "Political India, 1935-1942 : anatomy of Indian politics /". Delhi : Ajanta publications, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35748296f.
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O'Cass, Aron. "Political marketing : the application of marketing to politics". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1994. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36328/1/36328_O%27Cass_1994.pdf.
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The application of marke ting to the political process has been
advanced in a number of writings . A marketing perspective in
e xamining the political process and electoral behaviour offers n ew
insights into electoral behaviour and understanding the c ampaign
p r ocesses of polit i cal parties . Research on the actual marketing
orientation of political parti es is not signif i cant at this stage
and as such this r e search addr esses the market i ng orientation and
structur al and process charact eristics of political marketing with
the research problem being:
To determine what extent marketing has been inc orporated i n to the
ope rations of the QLD Liberal Party and identify the struc tural and
process characteristics of par ty's market ing environment.
The research questions were :
RQ 1. To what extent has the QLD Liberal Party adopted the
marketing concept and is there support within t he party for
the researcher's redefini tion of the Ma rke ting Concept i nto
poli tical terminology to suit political marketing?
RQ 2. To what extent are the QLD Liberal Party market ing
oriented?
RQ 3 . What are the struct ural and process characteristics o f the
QLD Liberal Party's marketing environment?
These research questions provided a focus for the investigations
and the r esearcher' s endeavor to address the research problem.
Chapter 1 of this thesis set the scene and identif i ed the broad
d ire ctions and boundaries for t he study. It i ntroduced the topic
and set out the purpose of the s tudy and its background. Chapte r
a lso justif i ed the study on a number of theoretical and pra ctical
1
grounds and h ighlights the signif icance of the study because of its
focus on polit i cal marketing which is postulated to b e part of
marketing's e xtended doma in .
Chapter 2 provided a review of the relevant literat u re , addressing
the broader parent discipline f ocusing on the market ing concept,
e xchange, market orientation and other key concepts and parent
di s cipline issues . Importantly the r eview identified t he arguments
for proposing that mar keti ng or more pre cisely a marketing
orientation has been incorporated into politics by political parties rests upon the generic concept of marketing and that it (the
generic concept) has been accepted as a central paradigm in
marketing.
Chapte r 2 then focused on the immediate discipline of political
marketing and reviews the similari ties between commercia l marketi ng
and pol itical marketing and other issues and concepts that the
political marketing literature has addressed. From the two areas
gaps in the literature are identified and the research questions
developed.
Chapter 3 aqdressed the methodological issues related to the
research area and discussed the selected methodology. I t descri bed
the data gathering techniques to be employed and types of analysis
to be performed in the two stage primary research desi gn of this
case study. Chapter 3 also established that the study was rigorous,
methodologically sound and repl icable.
Chapter 4 presented t he patt erns of results of the two s t age data
gathering of the primary research for the three research question.
The anal ysis of results i ndicated that the key dimensions and
concepts addressed in the survey were significantly associated and
the scale was quite rel i able and as such the measure of internal
consistency was satisfactory . The results were judged not to be an
artifact of the individual or separate stages .
The pattern of results indicated that the interviewees had mini mal
to none existent understanding of the marketing concept and a
somewhat negative attitude toward ic. However survey results
indicated a positive acceptance and attitude toward the marke ting
concept generally and also its application in politics. The
researcher's redef inition of t he marketing concept i nto political
terms also received a high level of acceptance from respondents .
The results indicated t he marketing concept has not been adopt~d by
the party and their voter focus is minimal and they do not have a
market orientation .
The results indicated that the organisation is highly
' organisa tion centered ' which i ndicates the l a ck of a true marketing
orientation; it has a strong sales orientation, where it believed
electora l success is obtained if it can persuade the voters to
accept its policy and issues stands rather than its competitors. The QLD Liberal Party does not possess a marketing 'mind set',
structure or follow processes that yield a marketing orientation.
The structural and process characterist i cs of the QLD Liberal
party's marketing environment indicated that the product is a
complex blend of various elements and that ser vice is a component .
The results also indicate that loya lty was very important for the
par ty and that mutability created pr oblems because of the party's
minor status and alignment with the National Party.
Furthe r the r esults indicated amateurism and volunteers creat ed
p r oblems of control and motivation for the party and that a negative
percept i on of marketing exists in some sections of t he party. The
results also indicated that campaigns are based on style over
substance and there is a high use of negative advertising and with
the media being both a market and communications channel . The
r esearch orientation of the party is toward polling and tactical
voting was a critical strategy in campaigns.
Chapter 5 discussed the findings and detailed the conclusions drawn
f r om the data pre sented in c hapter 4 t o a nswer the r esearch prob lem ,
and discussed the implications of the study's findings.
The r esearch problem as such went beyond e xami ning singular
concepts that are appropriate in marketing and looked for the
i n tegrated and synergistic appli cati on of marketing concept s and
tools by- the party. It also focused on the political marketing
environment to e xamine the structural and process characteristics
that affect the party's operations .
The conclusion about the research problem was that the party has
not incorporated marketing into it operations. Specifically
marketing whi ch is i ntegrated and s ynergistic . Further the study
identified those structural and process characteristics that wer e
identified in the literature and discovered t hat the produ~L was
more comp lex than the literature indicated. Further the ~arketplace
was identified as being competitive and volatile . Al so the process
element of party tactical voting in a preferential voting system was
ide n tified as being a critical s trategy to ensure t he opposing
candidates were allocated last on the ballot by loyal voters.
Further the mar keting concept with its custome r centered
orientation creates a major concern from the perspective of interviewees, as they indicate the role and significance of the
voter{customer) in deve l oping the political product is negligible.
In conclusion the results of this study indicated that marketing
has not been successfully extended into the QLD Liberal Party 's
political operations, even though the party argues it successfully
uses advertising and political polling. Contrary t o the party's
belief marketing is characterised by an integrated and synergistic
mix of product development and design , dis tribution, pricing or
economic cost and promotion . This set of marketing activities is
the twin edge. sword of marketing, the first edge is the mix of these
elements that are developed to meet the needs and wants of target
customers (voters) and the second edge is to meet the objectives of
the organisation.
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Wilson, Ryan. "The Myth of Political Reason - The Moral and Emotional Foundations of Political Cognition and US Politics". WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6802/1/sre%2Ddisc%2D2019_02.pdf.
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The current ascendancy of right-wing populists across western democracies is a concerning trend,
and so far, the left has not managed to mount an effective counterstrategy to arrest its momentum.
Much of the rhetoric of these right-wing populists has focused on evoking fear and suspicion,
verging on hatred, of outsiders and fellow countrymen and women with opposing political
ideologies, to great effect. The importance of understanding why certain rhetoric is effective cannot
be understated, and the works of George Lakoff, Jonathan Haidt, and Drew Westen that illuminate
the moral and emotional factors behind how individuals interpret and respond to inputs of a political
nature are reviewed and synthesised. Individuals' underlying moral mental structures and the
emotional responses that they can trigger must be understood in order to generate political
messaging that resonates strongly with its target audience and consequently increases the likelihood
of their actuation to vote. The recent phenomenon of individualisation, stemming from the current
era of reflexive modernity is analysed within the context of divergent conservative and liberal moral
matrices, and is found to be disproportionately ailing the liberal side of politics. In delineating the
key elements of liberal and conservative morality, the existence of liberal moral tenets that are
discordant with longstanding liberal communitarian ideals were revealed. In contrast, conservative
morality appears to exhibit an inherent coherence that may contribute to conservatism's resilience
in the face of reflexive modernity and disparate policy priorities of its constituents. The importance
of understanding the moral and emotional foundations of political cognition is emphasised not only
for its potential to bolster the efficacy of left-wing political parties, but also to provide an avenue
by which the increasing hostility across the political spectrum can be subdued.Series: SRE - Discussion Papers
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Ramsey, Reed. "Affect and Political Satire: How Political TV Satire Implicates Internal Political Efficacy and Political Participation". Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3134.
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Research has shown that political satire programs offer both important information about contemporary politics and offer very humorous, entertaining content. This study seeks to understand how these satire programs bolster both internal political efficacy and political
participation. 400 college students at two Northern California universities participated in this research. The study found that affinity for political humor can predict levels of internal political efficacy. Exposure to liberal satire was negatively correlated with affinity for political humor and political participation, and exposure to conservative satire was significantly correlated with internal political efficacy. Internal political efficacy was also positively correlated with political participation. Lastly, there was significant difference between Democrats and Republicans in terms of their exposure to political TV satire.
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Hlávková, Lenka. "Politický marketing". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192483.
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Political marketing and political science are relatively young disciplines. Their contemporary shape follows the context of the dynamic social changes, caused by the technological innovation. This thesis should try to cover a range of areas, related to the connection between politics, political science and political marketing. The consistent analysis is supplemented by example from practice of the Czech political party. The chosen case study refers to the parliamentary election in 2013. The thesis introduces key tools of marketing communications and their applications on the market, establishing proper communication objectives and shows, how to choose appropriate communication strategy.
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Karasová, Leona. "Občanské elity na lokální úrovni - případová studie Dolní Lhotka". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-359178.
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The diploma thesis studies specific features of the local politics in the Czech Republic. The focal point of this case study is the village Dolni Lhota and local elections in 2014, during which a change of the local political elites has occurred. The main aim of this thesis is to understand the factors having led to the victory of a new local representatives and to ascertain whether the citizens are satisfied with chosen political elites so far. The content is divided into three chapters. In the first chapter there is paid close attention to local democracy, local administration and to the introduction of Dolní Lhota. In the second chapter there are interpreted the results of the questionnaire survey, moreover it provides the reader with the analysis of interviews with the executive representatives elected in 2014. Finally, in the third chapter the research questions are evaluated.
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Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.
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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.
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Milašiūtė, Asta. "Tarptautinio Valiutos Fondo įtaka Azijos politinei ekonomijai 1997m. krizės metu. Japonijos ir P. Korėjos atvejis". Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110614_111318-62355.
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Darbe nagrinėjama problema - ar Tarptautinio Valiutos Fondo (toliau TVF) keliamos sąlygos bei reikalaujamos reformos krizės metu gali padėti sparčiai pagerinti šalies politinius-ekonominius rodiklius? Ar TVF reformos, vykdomos krizės metu gali būti taikomos bet kokioms šalims, bet kokioje aplinkoje?
Tyrimo objektas – politiniai bei ekonominiai Japonijos ir P.Korėjos rodikliai.
Darbo tikslas – ištirti, ar TVF savo įgyvendintų reformų dėka Azijos krizės metu, paskatinio spartesnį ekonomikos atsigavimą P.Korėjoje, ženkliai pagerino politinių-ekonominių rodiklių gerėjimą šalyje, paskatino TUI į P.Korėją srautus. Visą šią situaciją palyginti su Japonijos atveju, kur atitinkamos, anksčiau minėtos TVF reformos nebuvo įgyvendintos. Iš tyrimui atlikti darbe keliamo tikslo suformuota hipotezė, kurią siekiama patvirtinti arba paneigti tyrimo metu gautais rezultatais:
Hipotezė - TVF pagerino P.Korėjos politinius-ekonominius rodiklius sparčiau nei tai padarė Japonija savo šalyje, nevykdydama TVF reformų. Kadangi TVF reformos buvo nukreiptos į Vakarų politinės ekonomijos modelio įvedimą P.Korėjoje, pasitvirtinus iškeltai hipotezei bus įrodyta, jog Vakarų modelis gali būti sėkmingai pritaikytas kaip alternatyva Azijos modeliui tiek Azijos, tiek kitose, Vakarų modeliui nebūdingose aplinkose.
Darbo uždaviniai:
• Pasirinkti konkrečius politinės ekonomijos teorinius aspektus, kurie padėtų susiaurinti ir sukonkretinti tyrimą;
• Išskirti konkretų atvejį tyrimui atlikti;
• Išanalizuoti TVF... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries‘ economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be... [to full text]
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Cosby, Bruce. "Technological politics and the political history of African-Americans". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9543185.
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This dissertation is a critical study of technopolitical issues in the history of African American people. Langdon Winner's theory of technopolitics was used to facilitate the analysis of large scale technologies and their compatibility with various political ends. I contextualized the central technopolitical issues within the major epochs of African American political history: the Atlantic slave trade, the African artisans of antebellum America, and the American Industrial Age.
Throughout this study I have sought to correct negative stereotypes and to show how "technological gauges" were employed to belittle people of African descent. This research also has shown that the mainstream notion that Africans had no part in the history of technology is false.
This study identifies and analyses specific technologies that played a major role in the political affairs of Africans and African Americans. Those technologies included nautical devices, fort construction, and automatic guns in Africa, and hoes, plows, tractors, cotton gins, and the mechanical cotton pickers in America. The findings of this study suggested that African Americans have been disengaged and victimized by western technologies. This dissertation proposes how to overcome the oppressive uses of technology.
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Hungerford, John. "The Political Animal: Aristotle on Nature, Reason and Politics". Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108122.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettThis dissertation investigates Aristotle’s famous claim that “the human being is by nature a political animal.” This claim seems to express a basic disagreement between Aristotelian political philosophy and the contractarian political philosophy that informs modern liberalism. Aristotle asserts, contrary to Hobbes, for instance, that the political community is not a convention between naturally individual human beings but a natural entity in its own right prior to and authoritative over the individual. Yet not only are Aristotle’s reasons for supposing that we are naturally political obscure and questionable, but the meaning of Aristotle’s claim that we are naturally political is not altogether clear. For not only does Aristotle suggest that we are naturally political because the city is naturally prior to and authoritative over us, but he suggests we are political animals above all due to our distinctive faculty of reason, or speech, which, because it is the medium of the perception of advantage and justice that informs our actions, is what constitutes the city. Speech, in other words, is what brings the city to sight as the natural whole Aristotle asserts it to be. This suggests, however, that the naturalness of politics must be evaluated on the basis of such speech, which admits of clarification, and not on the basis Aristotle originally offers, which is speculation about the origins of the city. We argue that Aristotle’s dialectical examinations of despotic, political, and kingly forms of rule provide an outline of this task of clarification, which alone can permit us to evaluate the naturalness of politics. A close reading of these examinations, however, indicates that Aristotle ultimately rejects the view that the city is the natural whole it presents itself as being
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Radice, Henry. "The politics of humanity : humanitarianism and international political theory". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1008/.
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This thesis brings the concept of humanitarianism sharply into focus within the discourse of international political theory. Existing literature examines humanitarianism obliquely, via debates on military humanitarian intervention or human rights, resulting in an impoverished account of a vital idea. Meanwhile, a vibrant discussion among professional humanitarians has recently questioned the nature of their endeavour, along lines that clearly fit the remit of international political theory. Bringing together these two discussions in the course of its critical analysis, the thesis argues that humanitarianism should be conceptualised as a political context in which we articulate, negotiate and defend our understandings of common humanity. Central to this politics are the ways in which we react to and conceptualise human suffering, through humanitarian crises that are often "crises of humanity". In sparking concern and mobilising responses to suffering, the affective underpinnings of the humanitarian impulse create a complex and shifting backdrop to extensions of solidarity and humanitarian action. At the heart of this action is the idea of rescue, a crucial "presumptive occasion" of our moral life. But an important part of humanitarian action consists in the efforts to institutionalise the humanitarian impulse. In this sense human rights and projects of global justice represent important crystallisations of humanitarian concern, yet neither can fully capture the more contingent workings of the humanitarian impulse. What emerges is an understanding of humanitarianism as a broad discussion, central to the identity of contemporary liberal international political theory, but with a scope best gleaned not from cosmopolitan accounts, but from a more fluid internationalist tradition of thought. The thesis concludes that the importance of this theoretical approach will be borne out by the complex and far-reaching practical challenges that humanitarianism is set to confront over coming decades, not least the "crisis of humanity" threatened by climate change.
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Edgerton, Barton T. "Creating a space for politics : territory and political theory". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2333/.
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Territory is an important part of contemporary political debates but there is an odd silence about the concept of territory in contemporary political theory. The unraveling of colonization and concerns over global justice should make territory a central aspect of political theory, yet it is not. This silence has the curious feature of recalling the original justifications for territorial acquisition. Because territory is neglected by contemporary thinkers, it is important to return to theorists such as Grotius, Hobbes, Locke, Pufendof and Kant for a critical engagement with the concept of territory. Understanding the arguments of these thinkers illuminate the presuppositions of present day theorists and contributes to the understanding of contemporary theoretical problems. The thesis is organized into eight chapters. The first two chapters consider the neglect of territory in political theory the role of territory in international law. This sets up the three middle chapters which are critical engagements with historical thinkers organized around three conceptions of territory: territory as possession, as property and as jurisdiction. Contemporary cosmopolitanism is inspired, in part, by unraveling of colonization and a concern for global justice. Chapter 6 considers the relationship between contemporary cosmopolitanism and the legacy of the historical conceptions of territory. The next chapter investigates the communitarian critique of cosmopolitanism and the role of identity in territorial claims. At first glance there seems to be good reasons for contemporary theory to presuppose or ignore territory. However, the answer, though skeptical, is more subtle. Following Rawls and others, contemporary theory is right to remain silent about territory and about property in territory. The main skepticism is about arguments for colonial restitution or global redistribution of resources. This is because many take a crude territory as property view - which when abandoned seems to leave the world un-owned and therefore subject to equal distribution or claims. Yet skepticism is not the only alternative. Jurisdiction entails some elements of the territory as property view. This is a more sophisticated claim than the straight territory as property argument. Here ownership is a secondary but important claim states make in the absence of a binding universal norm. As a result there is a prima facie but not indefeasible right to particular territory. Identity plays a role in linking peoples to places. It also raises the bar to colonial restitution and global resource redistribution. This legitimates the current view of territory in political theory and international law where territory is pre-supposed but not theorized.
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Ferreyra, Ricardo Diego. "Political transition and institutionalization of party politics in Venezuela". FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3314.
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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the processes of consolidation and decomposition of the Venezuelan party system and their relation to democratic stability. Both processes are analyzed through a theoretical framework based on four conditions for institutionalization and three conditions for decomposition of a party system.
Preliminary findings reveal that the Venezuelan party system became institutionalized as of 1969 but began to unravel during the 1980s. This particular order, whose legitimacy rested on the distribution of rents, solidified an arrangement that collapsed when confronted with a deteriorating economic environment combined with growing popular disenchantment stemming from its institutional inability to represent and respond to shifting demands. The thesis also concludes that current political developments do not respond to a process of institutionalization of a new party system but to the development of an inchoate system.
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Cord, Florian. "Dirty, Messy Business: Stuart Hall, Politics and the Political". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32267.
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In the past decades, political theory and philosophy have seen the canonization of a new conceptual difference, whose roots have been traced back to a number of thinkers, but whose main theoretical elaboration can be said to have begun with the Centre de recherches philosophiques sur le politique founded by Jean-Luc Nancy and Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe in 1980 and closed in 1984: the difference between la politique and le politique, or between ‘politics’ and ‘the political’. As Chantal Mouffe (2005a: 8f), borrowing Heidegger’s vocabulary, has pointed out, the two terms operate on different levels: whereas ‘politics’ refers to the ‘ontic’ level and designates the empirical ‘facts’ of political organization – practices, institutions, discourses, etc. – ‘the political’ implies a philosophical inquiry at the ‘ontological’ level, asking, as Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy (1981: 12) put it, about the ‘essence of the political’. While, in theorists as diverse as Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière, Slavoj Žižek, Claude Lefort, Roberto Esposito, Ernesto Laclau, and many others – most of them located on the political left – this inquiry has yielded very different results, they all agree on the basic necessity to make this distinction between conventional politics, on the one hand, and a more profound dimension concerning the institution of the social itself, on the other. Similarly, virtually all the thinkers mentioned are in agreement as to the state of the political in the contemporary world: they all see it as in danger of being ignored, repressed or neutralized in the context of what they criticize as increasingly ‘post-political’ and ‘post-democratic’ social arrangements.
This critique of today’s post-politics is a powerful and important one. In the following, I want to argue that the work of Stuart Hall to some extent shares in – in fact, anticipates, since most of the relevant theories were developed after 1989 – this critical discourse. More specifically, I will
1) bring out and discuss Hall’s critique of post-politics;
2) elaborate upon his own understanding of the political, which is implicit in this critique and elsewhere in his writings – I will argue that Hall’s thought can be considered as belonging to what the sociologist Oliver Marchart (2010) has termed ‘the
moment of the political’, insofar as it is a product of and response to our ‘post-foundational condition’, emphasizing as it does conflictuality, contingency and the groundlessness of society;
3) and finally, building on this, I will briefly talk about the conclusions concerning (ontic) politics that the post-foundationalism Hall shares with most of the other theorists I have mentioned leads him to, which are very different from those arrived at by philosophers such as Badiou, Rancière or Žižek and closer – partly via the shared engagement with Gramsci – to those of Mouffe and Laclau or Lefort.
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Zucco, Cesar. "The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Wilson, Catherine Heden Alvarez R. Michael. "Political information, institutions and citizen participation in American politics /". Diss., Pasadena, Calif. : California Institute of Technology, 2003. http://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechETD:etd-05292003-160904.
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D'Cruz, Carolyn. "Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations". Thesis, D'Cruz, Carolyn (1997) Identity politics in deconstruction: Political, philosophical, and ethical investigations. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1997. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50370/.
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This thesis explores the injunctions and disjunctures effected through relations between politics, philosophy, and ethics by working through various issues and problems confronting discourses of identity politics. These confrontations concern such matters as speaking positions and their relations to the legitimation of knowledge claims; relations between history, power, and the appropriation of political identities; relations between philosophy and politics; and the renegotiation of these relations with regard to a certain space of ethics and justice. Among the cases studied are those concerning the 'authenticity' of Australian Aboriginal identities; the politics of appropriation and subversion in 'queer' commentaries; the epistemological and political status of the category of 'woman' in feminist criticism; and the ethical status of a freedom fighter (Chris Hani) who belonged to the South African Communist Party.
According to a certain structure of identity, the realms of politics, philosophy and ethics are separable from one another, while according to a certain logics of identity politics these realms are inseparable from one another. This thesis argues, however, that these realms are neither separable nor inseparable: they are always being brought into crisis in the formation of emancipatory struggles. While many commentators concerned with the disjunctures of such a crisis have sought to reconcile the irreducibility between the three domains by asserting the primacy of the political, this thesis is concerned with ways in which the privileging of 'the political' can have detrimental effects for the promise of the emancipatory ideal. This is not to undermine the importance accorded to the category of the political, but to pursue what might ironically be the political and ethical costs of refusing to question (via a necessary and difficult detour through the philosophical language of ontology) the privileged status of the political in such movements.
Beginning with Foucault's analytics of discourse, the thesis moves to a consideration of Derrida's critique of the metaphysics of presence. This critique (as argued by way of Derrida's negotiations with Foucault, Nietzsche, Levinas and Marx) raises problems for any notion of identity insofar as the metaphysics of presence infuse all relations between politics, philosophy and ethics, requiring such relations to be continually re-applied and re-worked. While this is to unsettle the structure of identity, it is not to refuse the necessity of politics or the urgency of decisions. On the contrary, the critique of politics opens onto a certain space of justice which pledges the emancipatory promise of identity politics to the promise of a democracy-yet-to-come.
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Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur". University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.
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LEBANO, ADELE. "Politics with Romance? : Liberalism and Populism in Political Philosophy". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/57883.
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In this dissertation I discuss the tension between social choice and political philosophy. The aim is to explore the possibility of a ‘tolerable Platonism’, a form of political Platonism that can be consistent with a liberal defence of democracy. My starting point is the social choice theory view, namely the liberal justification of democracy elaborated by Riker in Liberalism against Populism. Riker’s analysis is shaped by Arrow’s theorem and around the dichotomy between liberalism and populism. Riker maintains that these are the two main traditions of interpreting democracy and the two contrasting accounts of democratic voting. But Arrow’s theorem is not just the basis for the social choice research program; it is also a fundamental background out of which the more general concerns of contemporary political philosophy about the just institutions grow.
The following question drives my discussion: can political philosophy and its account of democracy be contained in Riker’s dichotomy between liberalism and populism? To put the matter more provocatively, and to emphasize the main interest that drives this work: should political philosophy give up to populism? The question aims to engage social choice theory on shared terrain (the passage from individual preferences to collective decision; the connection between method and ideal; the confrontation between market and democracy). The mathematic language in which social choice theory formulates its assessments should not prevent political philosophy from recognising the importance of this account of politics and democracy, and from confronting the controversies that the social choice analysis reveals. Rawls’s program itself might be regarded as an outcome of this confront.
This dissertation will not refute Riker’s work or the social choice theory framework that underlies it. The aim is to use Riker’s distinction between liberalism and populism to reflect on the normative commitments of political philosophy; to re-describe the aggregative problem formalised in Arrow’s theorem by using the “idealistic” point of view of political philosophy.
If political philosophy does not accept Riker’s distinction and invitation - Riker’s solution seems to call for a ‘positive’ political philosophy, that is, one solely based on criteria of feasibility and weighted toward the method side of the tension between ideals and methods - the challenge is to point out the problems that redound from a rigid discontinuity between the two views. And a first, good argument for this exploration is that some of the most interesting cases of normative political theory propose solutions that mix liberalism and populism (e. g. Mill and Rawls). I do not wish not to minimize the importance of the liberal, anti-tyrannical option but rather to show that a more objectivistic version of liberalism is possible within the anti-tyrannical framework. Following the path drawn by epistemic democracy, I aim to take some steps toward a version of liberalism that is more compatible with populism.
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POZZONI, GIANLUCA. "THINGS POLITICAL: A STUDY OF THE OBJECT OF POLITICS". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/573491.
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This work is an inquiry into the nature of politics. I will argue that the idea of a "political sphere" emerged primarily in reference to the subject matter of political science, and therefore its nature is that of a scientific object (chapter 1). Building on recent and less recent debates among social science methodologists and philosophers of science, I will defend a realist approach to the explanation of political phenomena (chapter 2). I will then proceed to work out the implications of this realist approach concerning the nature of its object(s) of study (chapter 3). My conclusion is that political phenomena consist solely of the effects of the causal properties of individual entities, and that, strictly speaking, there is no such thing as a "political sphere" at the ontological level. Such a scientific object must instead be seen as the product of the classification of political phenomena into kinds with increasing degree of generality, at the top of which lies the class of all political phenomena – i.e. the political domain. In line with the realist approach I defend, I contend that such classifications are based on stipulations about the similarities between individual phenomena rather than on general features that such phenomena actually share (chapter 4). Finally, I will conclude that despite their relative arbitrariness, such classifications constitute representational models whose validity can be tested on the basis of their explanatory power (chapter 5).
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Vidanage, Harinda Ranura. "Exploring the impact of online politics on political agents and political strategies in the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5949.
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The thesis explores the role and impact of the internet on Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora political activism, focusing on both the experiences of political activists and on an analysis of web content related to diaspora activism. The central argument of the thesis is based around the relationship between political agents and cyberspace. The thesis argues that the political strategies and tactics adopted in the Tamil diasporan political sphere have changed with an increased dependence on the internet changing with it the politics and lives of individual activists. Cyberspace is presented as a site of power struggle with power as both an objective and source in micro-political struggles. The thesis also highlights the double sense of space attributed to cyberspace, both as a space facilitating political activism and as a qualitatively new space for politics. It traces the manifestation of violence in cyberspace based on its extensive reach and the collateral damage it can cause in political conflicts. Also the thesis argues that these intense web engagements for domination and resistance within the diaspora communities cause the emergence of new political priorities in Tamil diaspora politics. These do not parallel political developments in the conflict back in Sri Lanka. The thesis is based on research conducted from 2005 to 2008 during heightened rivalries between supporters of the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) and dissident Tamil diaspora political activists which involved the extensive use of cyberspace for political purposes. The empirical research consisted of an integrated framework of online and offline research. The offline research was based on eight months of fieldwork in London including interviews with Tamil diaspora political activists across the spectrum from pro-LTTE to anti-LTTE dissidents. The online research was based on the technique of Web Sphere Analysis, which enables a framing of web content into a coherent unit of analysis.
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Carneiro, Thiago Lopes. "Engaging politics : political participation in Brazil and Sweden, predicted by stereotypes about parliamentarians, political education and behavioral contagion". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/2015.03.T.18595.
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Tese (doutorado)—Univerdidade de Brasília, Institute of Psychology, Graduate Program in Social, Work and Organizational Psychology, 2015.Submitted by Andrielle Gomes (andriellemacedo@bce.unb.br) on 2015-07-07T18:30:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_ThiagoLopesCarneiro.pdf: 14471429 bytes, checksum: b51b530606bbab2319d5e49ffa82b38d (MD5)
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi comparar a influência de Estereótipos sobre os Parlamentares, Educação Política e Contágio Comportamental sobre a Participação Política entre Brasil e Suécia, para construir um modelo teórico-explicativo e oferecer evidências de validade. A tipologia de Ekman e Amnå (2012) embasou o uso de um conceito abrangente de Participação Política, que varia da não participação, passando pela atenção (stand by) até a participação manifesta. Estereótipos sobre parlamentares foram definidos em duas esferas: Informação Crítica a que os eleitores prestam atenção e Predição de Comportamento, i.e., como os eleitores pensam que os parlamentares se comportam. Educação Política se refere ao quanto cada esfera da vida de uma pessoa contribui para sua aprendizagem política. Itens de Contágio Comportamental aferiam a influência do participante sobre outros e a influência exercida por outros sobre ele/ela. O questionário foi elaborado através do Painel Délfico, conduzido simultaneamente com especialistas brasileiros e suecos, tendo o inglês como língua comum. O questionário resultante foi retro-traduzido para o Português Brasileiro e Sueco. Estas duas versões foram administradas aos participantes, via internet. Participaram 984 brasileiros, 37,4% do sexo feminino e com idade média de 43,95 anos (DP 15,64). Suecos totalizaram 879, sendo 46,5% mulheres e a idade média foi de 49,57 anos (DP 16,64). Análises Fatoriais Exploratórias e Confirmatórias foram realizadas. Médias das respostas de participantes brasileiros e suecos foram comparadas através de teste-t. Empregou-se a Modelagem de Equações Estruturais (MEE), precedida de regressão múltipla exploratória, a fim de determinar como as variáveis independentes (exógenas) poderiam predizer a Participação Política. Discutiram-se as implicações metodológicas. As equivalências de Estrutura Fatorial e Métrica foram alcançadas, entre Brasil e Suécia, para Participação Política, Estereótipos sobre Parlamentares e Contágio Comportamental. Os fatores de Educação Política não se mostraram consistentes, portanto seus itens foram considerados separadamente. Os testes-t indicaram que os brasileiros se envolvem em ação política mais frequentemente do que os suecos. Quanto aos Estereótipos, suecos percebem a Qualidade da Representação de seus parlamentares mais positivamente do que os brasileiros; a Corrupção, por outro lado, foi percebida como maior no Brasil. Suecos prestam mais atenção a informações críticas relacionadas a Partidos e Tendências de Representação dos parlamentares, enquanto os brasileiros se preocupam mais com Informações Pessoais do que os suecos. Os modelos de previsão SEM evidenciaram que, embora a corrupção seja uma preocupação primária para os brasileiros, ela não ajuda a prever Participação Política no Brasil, mas sim na Suécia. Embora suecos prestem mais atenção às diferenças entre Partidos e às Tendências de Representação, estes fatores tiveram maior importância para prever Participação Institucional no Brasil. Conclui-se que aquilo que é senso comum (como a corrupção no Brasil e diferenças entre partidos na Suécia) não ajuda a distinguir as pessoas que participam daquelas que não o fazem. Itens de Educação Política tiveram efeito muito pequeno. Contágio Comportamental desempenhou um papel central, a ponto de embaçar a fronteira entre ação política individual e coletiva. O engagamento político está, enfim, fortemente ligado ao envolvimento em uma rede politicamente ativa.
The general objective of this research was to compare the influence of Stereotypes about Parliamentarians, Political Education and Behavioral Contagion on Political Participation between two countries (Brazil and Sweden) to build and offer evidence of validity for a theoretical-explanatory model. Ekman and Amnå’s (2012) typology was the base for a comprehensive concept of Political Participation, as it ranges from nonparticipation, through attention (stand by) and manifest participation. Stereotypes about Parliamentarians were defined in two spheres: Critical Information to which voters pay attention and Behavior Prediction, i.e., how voters expect parliamentarians to behave. Political Education intended to assess how each sphere of a person’s life contributes to his/her political learning. Behavioral Contagion assessed the influence the participant exerted on others and how much other people influenced him/her. The questionnaire was elaborated via Delphic Panel, ran simultaneously with Brazilian and Swedish experts, using English as a common language. The resulting questionnaire was backtranslated to Brazilian Portuguese and to Swedish. These two versions were administered to participants through electronic formularies, distributed via internet. Participants from Brazil numbered 984, 37.4% women and the mean age was 43.95 (S.D. 15.64) years. Swedes numbered 879, 46.5% women and the mean age was 49.57 (S.D. 16.64) years. Exploratory and Confirmatory Analyses were performed, in order to determine Factor Structures and to evaluate their equivalence between the two countries. Means from the Brazilian and Swedish participants were compared through t-test. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), preceeded by exploratory Stepwise Multiple Regression, mas performed in order to stablish how the independent (exogenous) variables predicted Political Participation. Methodological implications are discussed. Factor Structure and Metric equivalences were met for Brazil and Sweden, for Political Participation, Stereotypes about Parliamentarians and Behavioral Contagion. Political Education factors were not consistent, so its items entered the prediction models as standalones. T-tests indicated that Brazilians engage political action more often than Swedes. Regarding Stereotypes, Swedes perceive the Quality of Representation of their parliamentarians as better than Brazilians evaluate theirs; Corruption, on the other hand, was perceived as higher in Brazil. Swedes pay more attention to Critical Information related to the Parties and Representation Trends of parliamentarians, while Brazilians worry more about Personal Information than Swedes. The SEM prediction models evidenced that, though Corruption was a major issue to Brazilians, it did not help predict Political Participation in Brazil, but it did in Sweden. Though Swedes pay more attention informations about Parties and Representation Trends, these had greater importance to predict Institutional Participation in Brazil. It is concluded that commonsense information (such as Corruption in Brazil and Party differences in Sweden) does not help to tell the difference between those people who participate and those who do not. Political Education items had disappointingly low effect. Behavioral Contagion played a pivotal role on explaining Political Participation. “Being influenced” and “influencing others” was so importantly related to Political Participation that it is considered that the boundaries of individual and collective action are blurred. Engaging politics is, at last, strongly intertwined to being a part of a politically active network.
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Erdem, Servet. "Political fictions and fictional politics : a comparative study of the political unconscious in the Turkish and Kurdish novel". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:201b1793-bcdd-44c9-9726-de17ed911b2d.
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This thesis presents a comparative and interdisciplinary investigation into the relationship between politics and the Turkish and Kurdish novels, which are treated not only as artistic constructions but also as socio-cultural and historical artefacts. The primary objective of this investigation is to understand the principle social, political, and historical reasons and root causes behind the close relationship between politics and literatures in Turkey and the principle socio-political and literary ramifications of such strong relationship. Towards this end, the thesis focuses on four main themes: language, love, religion, and history. Besides being the most common novelistic themes in the Turkish and Kurdish literary institutions, these are inherently heavily politicised and ethno-nationalistically charged themes - thus especially suitable for such inquiry. In line with this politico-historical and literary vein, the thesis also discusses some of the main political questions in Turkey, viz., the reasons behind the failure of Turkish democracy, its maladies and the resultant deadlock on some of the most important issues of the modern history of the country such as the Kurdish imbroglio and the conflict of secularisation and Islam. As the discussions on politics of love, language, religion, and history show, profound ideological competitions and antagonisms do not necessarily mean divergent political and literary structures. As such, the strong links between the Turkish and Kurdish literary institutions, as well as the ordeal of the Kurdish question and democratisation in Turkey, is as much caused by rival nationalisms, hostile ideological positions, and the like as by congruity, parallel political visions, and similar power structures. The main argument of the thesis, thus, is that the Kurdish and Turkish literary, political, and intellectual actors could not contribute towards the solution of the persistent political and literary questions in Turkey because of their failure in adopting a transformative politics and developing fully autonomous literatures. The future of the two literatures, as was in the past, this thesis argues, will remain intrinsically bound to the political structures and developments and the future of democracy in Turkey.
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Ságl, Jan. "Oceňování značky politické instituce". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-73633.
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More stress is put on political brand significance as the evolution of political parties (or institutions) continues. Political parties no longer use their ideology as a main tool to attract potential voters. Voters have adapted at least in part the consumer-like behavior, when choosing political brand. The importance of political brands grows along with the strengthening effort of political parties to gain as many median voters as possible. Diploma thesis deals with the valuation of political brands in the Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, United Kingdom and United States. One of the key goals is to propose a sophisticated valuation model based on evaluation of future cash flows discounted to present day.
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Calvert, S. A. "Political culture and political stability in Argentina". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380553.
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Kaehne, Axel. "Russian political liberalism and Western political theory". Thesis, Swansea University, 2002. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42222.
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The thesis attempts to reinvigorate the universalist credentials of Western liberal political theory by (1) illustrating the centrality of the concept of human agency for universal political liberalism, (2) arguing for the significance of the concept of agency for understanding the Russian societal transformation, and (3) suggesting that political theory may most usefully be conceived as a universal discourse which is in constant need of appropriating and constructively integrating different accounts and conceptualisations of political liberalism. In order to accomplish this it will be argued that Western political theorists have to take seriously the ways in which Russian scholars think about political liberalism and, to this end, the thesis will present an overview of the Russian debate on political liberalism during the first post-communist decade.
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Hash, Andrae Stephen. "Civic and political involvement among young adults: Exploring political talk, political efficacy and political participation in a community context". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51153.
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This study expands research on uses and gratifications by exploring political information-seeking uses of the Internet and social networking sites (SNS) and their relationships with political efficacy and political participation. Approximately 300 young adults completed a survey covering information-seeking, information access, and information sharing uses for local civic and political purposes. The study hypothesizes that young adults' political talk, particularly in their online social networks, is associated with political efficacy. Variables that support the relationship between information-seeking and political efficacy are also explored. Random and convenience samples of young adults were combined in this study to explore the cognitive (perceived efficacy) and civic (actual behavior) behaviors of undergraduate students at Virginia Tech in order to examine the role of political talk in individuals' opinion networks measured by the outcome of political talk. Results show considerable support for hypotheses emphasizing the predicted relationships between Internet and SNS for political information-seeking uses, political efficacy, and political participation gratifications. Future research exploring the broad range of political communication uses and their association with political efficacy and political participation is warranted.Master of Arts
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Okorie, Ogbonnya. "The Ethical Implication of Separating Morality From Politics : Taking Cue From Machiavellian Political Ideas and The Nigerian Political Experience". Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6776.
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The attention of this paper would be to assess critically the consequences of any conscious effort to separate morality from politics giving that morality constitutes an essential and integral part of any political culture. With this understanding it becomes controversial and worrisome for any one to suggest that morality can be divorced from politics and still make a success out of the entire business of governance. The concept of Machiavellianism presents a very big challenge to this possibility in politics. I would attempt to show the dangers inherent in such a calculated effort using the Nigerian political experience as a case study
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Rogers, Nathalia Ablovatskaya. "The politics of business in an age of transition : political attitudes and political participation of the Russian capital owners". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36787.
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Significant and rapid social change has occurred in Russia in the recent decade. With the collapse of communism and the dissolution of the former socialist block, Russian society entered a new stage of development, a stage of transformation towards a capitalist society with a democratic political system. In the course of this transformation, a new social group of Russian private capital owners has emerged.This research focuses on the political attitudes and political participation of Russian businessmen who own and manage their own capital. In particular, it examines the extent to which capital owners are willing to support the consolidation of the democratic regime in Russia. The analysis was based on interviews with 60 capital owners conducted in Moscow, the capital of Russia. I examine their attitudes towards democracy, democratic institutions and democratic procedures, along with their ways of political participation in correlation with the size and origin of the capital that the businessmen own, controlling for age, education and political past. The purpose of this analysis was to establish if structural conditions such as the size and origin of the capital might play a role in a capital owners' pro-liberal political orientation.
Three main conclusions emerge from this research: (1) Russian capital owners are not uniformly pro-liberal in their political orientation, some businessmen being hostile to democratic political rule, and others having only limited pro-liberal political attitudes; (2) those capital owners who have pro-liberal political attitudes, limited or not, are the least likely to participate politically; (3) owners of small and medium sized independent type capital constitute the most pro-democratic group among Russian businessmen.
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Asutay, Mehmet. "Searching for economic and political nexus : political business cycles and the impact of politics on the macroeconomy in Turkey". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.432932.
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Hancock, David. "Morality and political modernity : the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and the cultural politics of neoconservatism". Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28207/.
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This thesis explores the relationship between the political philosophy of Leo Strauss and neoconservative cultural politics. Arguing against claims that Straussian philosophy explicitly informs neoconservatism, I instead suggest that both Strauss and the neoconservatives share a common intellectual lineage that is a response to a pessimistic conception of modernity. Strauss is a neoconservative, but neoconservatives should not necessarily be considered Straussians. Both Strauss and the neoconservatives became notorious in the aftermath of the US led invasion of Iraq in March, 2003. Contra to the narrative that suggests that Strauss inspired the invasion or that neoconservative foreign policy presents a radical break in US history, I argue that the neoconservative project of the Bush era should be understood as a continuation of US expansionism as an inevitable effect of capitalist growth. Beyond foreign policy, my research considers the neoconservative understanding of cultural politics in particular relation to the social changes of the post war era. This thesis details the neoconservative attempt to move beyond the contradiction surrounding a distrust of modernity and the embrace of virulently nihilist capitalism. This is read through the Straussian idea that it is essential to practice care when speaking publicly. This thesis concludes that neoconservatism is an explicitly moral discourse and not a particular set of policies or strategies. Neoconservatism recognises the necessity of moral discourse and the importance of the construction of such discourses for the establishment of the community. It is argued that the neoconservative attempt to re-impose discredited moral orders has led to the exacerbation of America's contradictions and to decline in American power. Beyond this, it is also argued that Strauss does make a contribution to political philosophy in terms of the relationship between city and man; this contribution to political philosophy is used to interpret elements of post-war American history.
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Wong, Yee Hang Mathew. "The politics of income inequality : democracy, political institutions and redistribution". Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701369.
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Does democracy lead to less income inequality? The intuition behind this question is simple and appealing: how well does political equality translate into economic equality? Although there are philosophical and theoretical foundations for the expectation that democracy should lead to less income inequality, empirical evidence, especially those from recent studies, has not been very robust. To contribute to the discussion, instead of repeating the analysis with an updated dataset or slightly different coverage, this project introduces several new perspectives to enhance our understanding towards the relationship between democracy and income inequality. Each question below corresponds to one of the chapters included in this research. First, is democracy still a relevant concept in determining income inequality if no direct associations can be found? Secondly, should the effect of democracy be considered from a long-term perspective? Thirdly, can the theoretical foundations of democratic redistribution be strengthened? And finally, should we regard concepts like government spending as a homogenous category and expect uniform effects from them? The answers to these questions can hopefully shine light on the true relationship between democracy and income inequality.
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Schuller, Philipp A. "Money politics and the transformation of the Japanese political system". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e570b955-335f-4d84-92c8-b55d725a2e7c.
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In 1994, in response to repeated scandals of political corruption, or of money politics as it was also called, the Japanese Diet passed a comprehensive package of political reform laws. By placing the focus on a change in the election system, this package suggested that money politics was primarily a problem of the incentive structures that the political system provided. This dissertation is based on the premise that political reforms and the debate that produces them are a good indicator of how the Japanese themselves evaluated money politics and what they hoped to change about it. The dissertation shows that both money politics and the political reforms designed to address it have not been a recent phenomenon but have existed more or less continuously for at least 70 years. It analyses the history of three case studies of political reforms that were aimed partly or exclusively at changing money politics: first a political education initiative, second the establishment and amendment of the law controlling political finance and fund-raising, and finally the attempted creation of a law on defining and regulating political parties. These three case studies suggest that reformers saw money politics predominantly as a function of political culture, not of the electoral system. Specifically, they placed this political culture in an evolutionary process of modernisation which sometimes did, sometimes did not resemble Westernisation. They were concerned especially about the role of organisations such as labour unions, companies and political parties as mediators in the relationship between the Japanese voters and the state. Finally, the fact that a changing coalitions of politicians, bureaucrats and independent activists supported the modernisation of the political culture suggests that this interpretation of money politics was widely shared.