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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Political science”

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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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1

Hintzen, George Herman. "Imagining political science : the formative influence of political culture in the establishment of the PRC's political science, 1980-1989 /". Leiden, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41006874t.

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Enroth, Henrik. "Political science and the concept of politics : a twentieth-century genealogy /". Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University [Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Stockholms universitet], 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-269.

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Grad, Oren. "The political rationality of American science". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13602.

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Finlayson, Lorna. "The political is political". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609972.

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5

Field, Sandra Leonie Philosophy UNSW. "Political liberalism and political change". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Philosophy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/24365.

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Michel Foucault???s and John Rawls??? respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault???s arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls??? preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls??? later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls??? and Foucault???s historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.

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6

Whitebread, Geoffrey. "Intersectionality in Political Science| How Race/Ethnicity and Gender Affect Political Preferences". Thesis, The George Washington University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10837075.

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This study investigates how race/ethnicity and gender affect political preferences using the intersectionality framework. I examine the simultaneous effect of race/ethnicity and gender in Washington, DC’s 2014 Mayoral Primary election and in national immigration attitudes. I use Washington Post data to show that black women were more supportive relative to black men of candidate Muriel Bowser over Mayor Vincent Gray. Ms. Bowser was sensitive to black women’s threat from marijuana decriminalization and gentrification, where Mayor Gray was not. I use an original experimental design to explore the size of the effect of threat on black men and black women’s attitudes towards gentrification. I find that immediate racial threat increases opposition more among black men, distant gender threat increases opposition in black women, and combined distant racial and gender threats have a stronger impact on opposition in black men relative to black women. And, I demonstrate that gender modifies racial/ethnic attitudes towards immigration with multiple datasets. These results challenge the notion that identities operate independently, an assumption which underlies standard statistical approaches.

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7

Nash, Fred. "Meta-imperialism : a study in political science". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239964.

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Kashin, Konstantin Daniel. "Essays on Political Methodology and Data Science". Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17464583.

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This collection of six essays makes novel methodological contributions to causal inference, time-series cross-sectional forecasting, and supervised text analysis. The first three essays start from the premise that while randomized experiments are the gold standard for causal claims, randomization is not feasible or ethical for many questions in the social sciences. Researchers have thus devised methods that approximate experiments using nonexperimental control units to estimate counterfactuals. However, control units may be costly to obtain, incomparable to the treated units, or completely unavailable when all units are treated. We challenge the commonplace intuition that control units are necessary for causal inference. We propose conditions under which one can use post-treatment variables to estimate causal effects. At its core, we show when one can obtain identification of causal effects by comparing treated units to other treated units, without recourse to control units. The next two essays demonstrate that the U.S. Social Security Administration's (SSA) forecasting errors were approximately unbiased until about 2000, but then began to grow quickly, with increasingly overconfident uncertainty intervals. Moreover, the errors all turn out to be in the same potentially dangerous direction, each making the Social Security Trust Funds look healthier than they actually are. We also discover the cause of these findings with evidence from a large number of interviews we conducted with participants at every level of the forecasting and policy processes. Finally, the last essay develops a new dataset for studying the influence of business on public policy decisions across the American states. Compiling and digitizing nearly 1,000 leaked legislative proposals made by a leading business lobbying group in the states, along with digitized versions of all state legislation introduced or enacted between 1995 and 2013, we use a two-stage supervised classifier to categorize state bills as either sharing the same underlying concepts or specific language as business-drafted model bills. We find these business-backed bills were more likely to be introduced and enacted by legislatures lacking policy resources, such as those without full-time members and with few staffers.
Government

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9

Komba, Willy Lazaro Mbunju. "Changing politics and political culture in Tanzania : the impact on political education and civics curricula 1967-1994". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10018447/.

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This thesis examines the limits of the curriculum in Tanzania's socio-political reforms as the country moves from a single- party socialist to a multi-party liberal and market oriented system. It focuses on the dominant influence of political culture on the curriculum process. The study was suggested by syllabus changes at all levels from primary through to university, and drew from one of the observations made by the Presidential Commission's Report of 1991 that Tanzanian political culture was authoritarian/quiescent, and that the curriculum could contribute to the realization of a society which would allow political choice. In view of the fundamental pedagogical implications, the study contrasted the West European liberal concept of choice with the collectivist Tanzanian political culture, its manifestation in the educational philosophy, and examined how it was internalized by educators. Specifically, it investigated teachers' perception of the curriculum changes, and of their role in a changed political environment. Through a conceptual model derived from the literature, the data (obtained from documentary sources, interviews, and from a questionnaire administered to 100 school teachers and 35 teacher trainees) were analyzed and interpreted. The findings suggested that teachers had internalized the authoritarian values concerning the outcomes of teaching and learning of Civics (e.g. unconditional obedience/loyalty to authority). It was argued that changing national political ideologies required not only surface changes in national politics but also in deeper values of the society as a whole, and that the facile association of Political Education with authoritarianism or Civics with democracy was unsustainable. As this study was limited by the size of the sample and type of respondents, broad based research on the residual political cultures in Tanzania and on African concepts of political choice or pluralism might yield more convincing evidence of the political values identified in this study.

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10

Duvall, Timothy Joseph. "Political science : quests for identity, constructions of knowledge /". Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03302010-020627/.

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Kubicek, Brett V. (Brett Vincent) 1972. "Political creativity". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28499.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 279-297).
This thesis is about political change and the possibilities for politically creative individuals to achieve desired change. To identify such possibilities, I argue that we should employ a catalog of analytical tools from the social, psychological and cognitive sciences, organized in three sets. One covers social dynamics, the social mechanisms behind stability and change, either sudden or incremental; the second captures ordinary differences among group members in how they understand conditions, react to events, and connect to others; and the third set deals with extraordinary differences in mindsets and aptitudes which may enable individuals to exert considerable influence on conditions. A fundamental problem is the difficulty of separating the impact of individual action (agency) from effects of social conditions and trends (structure), given that political events involve interaction of the two. My solution is to focus onprojects for political change, which are long-term endeavors that go against prevailing conditions and conventional ideas, and which focus upon changing one broad element of the political landscape (such as to restructure inter-group relations, to empower a previously weak constituency, to change certain status quo ideas and practices, or to reshape particular institutions of government). Such long-term work by specific actors facilitates analysis of whether they (and people in similar positions) face extraordinary problems, and whether extraordinary differences are necessary to bring creative political change. The first half of this thesis builds the three toolsets and an approach for applying them to considerations of political creativity. The second half supports this theory building by demonstrating that the tools and
(cont.) approach are useful and feasible, through applications to several studies of efforts at political change, which achieved varying levels of success. Overall, the idea is to coordinate findings about the dynamics of social conditions and about individual characteristics, to better understand possibilities for political creativity.
by Brett V. Kubicek.
Ph.D.

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12

Pronger, Brian. "Political power in the science of physical fitness". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq28041.pdf.

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13

Sebell, Dustin. "The Foundations and Methods of Classical Political Science". Thesis, Boston College, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104184.

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Thesis advisor: Robert C. Bartlett
This dissertation is an attempt to understand and assess the presuppositions and methods of classical political science. In the first of its two parts, the dissertation examines the meaning of the traditional view, held by authorities as far removed from one another as Cicero and Hobbes, that Socrates was the founder of political philosophy. It does so by considering the intellectual autobiography that Socrates famously delivers in Plato's Phaedo. Socrates turned to the study of pre-scientific, common-sense moral and political opinions only after he had rejected, as a very young man, both the materialist and the teleological natural science of his philosophic predecessors. It is the task of the dissertation's first part to show how the general revolution in scientific thought presented in the Phaedo, a revolution known as "the Socratic turn," laid the theoretical groundwork for classical political philosophy's characteristic focus on pre-scientific, common-sense moral distinctions. After examining "the Socratic turn," the dissertation then outlines in its second part the approach to the study of politics that Aristotle advanced on the basis of it. In particular, Aristotle's statements on the method of political science in book I of the Ethics are shown to rely on the basic insights obtained through "the turn."
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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14

Schuller, Philipp A. "Money politics and the transformation of the Japanese political system". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e570b955-335f-4d84-92c8-b55d725a2e7c.

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In 1994, in response to repeated scandals of political corruption, or of money politics as it was also called, the Japanese Diet passed a comprehensive package of political reform laws. By placing the focus on a change in the election system, this package suggested that money politics was primarily a problem of the incentive structures that the political system provided. This dissertation is based on the premise that political reforms and the debate that produces them are a good indicator of how the Japanese themselves evaluated money politics and what they hoped to change about it. The dissertation shows that both money politics and the political reforms designed to address it have not been a recent phenomenon but have existed more or less continuously for at least 70 years. It analyses the history of three case studies of political reforms that were aimed partly or exclusively at changing money politics: first a political education initiative, second the establishment and amendment of the law controlling political finance and fund-raising, and finally the attempted creation of a law on defining and regulating political parties. These three case studies suggest that reformers saw money politics predominantly as a function of political culture, not of the electoral system. Specifically, they placed this political culture in an evolutionary process of modernisation which sometimes did, sometimes did not resemble Westernisation. They were concerned especially about the role of organisations such as labour unions, companies and political parties as mediators in the relationship between the Japanese voters and the state. Finally, the fact that a changing coalitions of politicians, bureaucrats and independent activists supported the modernisation of the political culture suggests that this interpretation of money politics was widely shared.

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15

Amoah, Michael. "Ethnonationalism versus political nationalism in Ghanaian electoral politics 1996-2000". Thesis, Middlesex University, 2001. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13376/.

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In a nation-state, ethnonationalism and political nationalism equate with each other in both theory and practice. In a multinational state, the mutual antagonisms between the two forms of nationalism demonstrate. In multinational states such as Ghana where "politics of the belly" prevails, ethnonationalism is the political nationalism, and more the substance rather than style of politics. This is the paradox within the rationality of Ghanaian politics. Owing to the modernising and integrative factors associated with urbanisation, urbanites are notioned to be detribalised and more prone towards political nationalism than ethnonationalism. A survey on the political attitudes of supposedly detribalised Ghanaian urbanites would reveal that urbanites, although geographically detribalised, are not so attitudinally, and for most, association with their ethnonational roots grew stronger with length of urban experience, even if there is no proof of a direct relationship between the two, or between association with roots and ethnonationalism. Ethnonationalism results from "politics of the belly", and subsequently, the postcolonial nation-state project, which seeks to integrate a heterogeneity of ethnonational identities submerged under single statehood, becomes a chore as a result. The thesis argues that identity perceptions among Ghanaians, vis-a-vis fellow multinational citizens, are influenced by the immediate political history as well as distant myths of origin, and that, an accentuation of current enmities between various ethnonational groups enhances the invocation of myths of origin to explain the present. The anthropological proof that majority of Modern Ghana are traceable to Ancient Ghana, except Ewes and CTMs', offers an explanation to: (a) modem heightened animosities between Akans and Ewes, even though there is no evidence of enmity between the two groups in the distant history, and; (b) the perception by some, that Ewes are not "native" Ghanaians. The thesis highlights the overall effects of citizens' identity perceptions on political actions and trends in Ghana. The thesis contributes that, there is a wider, more inclusive Guan ancestry and perception for the majority of Ghanaians than any current, exclusive, "latter-day" Guan identity, and that, the adoption of the name "Ghana" for the postcolonial state has more to do with anthropology than political fantasy. Both the Ghana hypothesis and Guan controversy are thereby explained. The thesis also discusses past agitation by non-Ewe groups in the Volta Region of Ghana for a separate Region, as well as the case for pan-Eweist irredentism in the West African sub-region. The scope of the thesis is broad, encapsulating theorising on the doctrine of nationalism, and assessing the extent of its global applicability. The essential Eurocentricity of the doctrine is exposed, as well as its subsequent inapplicability to several pre-l 8th century nations in Africa, for example the Fanti and Ashanti. The thesis further contributes that Ghanaian spouses tended to conceal their political views from each other, the ratio weighing against the female gender. The research involved methodological innovation, utilising a computerised technique to circumvent the `culture of silence 'Z and potential negative response to postal questionnaire method. The innovative strategy ensured anonymity, confidentiality and express delivery, and has positive application for societies with limited freedom of political expression.

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Carriere, Jason Lee. "The political ecology of sewage sludge the collision of science, politics, and human values/". view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1203585801&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Oregon, 2006.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146 - 153). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Ives, Robin. "The politics of publicity : the new science of political economy in eighteenth-century France". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367462.

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Watson, Patrick Gordon. "The interface of (social) science with government and politics : An ethnography of political action". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514429.

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This dissertation explores the possibility of conducting an ethnography of political action through the detailed examination of politician's use of a specific political phenomenon: performance measurements. Performance Measurements are a combination of actuarial, managerial and social science assessments of which culminate, in the UK case, as a ranking of municipal performance, on each individual publicly (municipally) provided service as well as an overall ranking of local authorities in England. Using performance measurements as a departure point from which to explore the structures of politics more generally, I will illustrate how ethnomethodologically informed ethnography responds to Foucault's proposed examination of the arts and sciences of government in light of recent developments in politics and public policy in the Western world. Over the last thirty-or-so years, governments in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have been, nearly unanimously, incorporating what are considered business management techniques for monitoring and assessing public service provision. This ranges from various levels of government (central/federal, provincial/state/regional, municipal) and reforms have been implemented in a variety of ways. As a general description, it can be said that the advent of cost-benefit accounting combined with business management expectations and assorted social science techniques have furnished the assessment regimes with varying degrees of acceptance and success. At the same time, political scientists, management theorists, and social scientists, aware of this paradigm shift in the practice of governance, have been examining methods for approaching the phenomenon of the governmental actor. In a handful of cases (c.f. Gains, 2009; Yannow, 2006; Rhodes, 2005; Abram and Cowell, 2004) ethnographic approaches to the phenomenon of political action have been proposed, explored developed and implemented. However there is a great deal of deliberation on what might properly be said, ethnographically, about government activity, and the new field of ethnography of government or governance is struggling to come to terms with a mode a purpose. I will propose an ethnomethodologically informed ethnography of government can provide insights to what Foucault (1991) described as governmentality: the rational and practical features of government action. While Foucault proposed a historically informed examination of the discourses of government, I will suggest that an observationally informed inquiry garners knowledge on "rational action", as well as organisational rule usage, decision making practices and accountability structures or practices in a way that other forms of inquiry cannot achieve. In a time of flux in the structures and practices of governance, I will suggest that ethnomethodologically informed ethnography is one approach with rich insights towards the inquiry of these new governmental arrangements.

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19

Schock, Kurt. "The Political Moderation Model of Violent Political Conflict: The Impact of Political Opportunity Structures on The Relationship Between Economic Inequality and Violent Political Conflict /". The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487931512618473.

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Jeffrey, David P. 1962. "Citizenship, exclusion, and political organizations : political response to immigrant policy". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/34339.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2000.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 304-325).
The dissertation examines whether policy can foster the political incorporation and democratic participation of immigrants. The study compares immigrants' political responses to immigrant policy in Sweden and Germany. Sweden is the critical case because Sweden's immigrant policy attempts to shorten the intergenerational integration of immigrants into the host society. The Swedish government extended the benefits of its universalistic welfare state to non citizens, "topped off' benefits through direct measures specifically for immigrants, and extended voting and office holding rights to non-citizens. The study examines three main questions. Does extending the welfare state and the political franchise to immigrants alter the general immigrant experience of intergenerational integration into the host society? Is Sweden's extension and support for immigrant political rights successful in promoting immigrant political participation? Is Sweden's immigrant policy successful in defining the forms of immigrant political participation, configuring immigrant associational patterns, and influencing immigrant political goals? Sweden's extension of its universalistic welfare state does not seem to alter immigrants' intergenerational integration into the host society. There is little difference in the economic and social situations of immigrants in Sweden and Germany, a country which makes a less comprehensive attempt to integrate immigrants into its society. Sweden's extension and support for immigrants' political rights are partially successful in promoting immigrant political participation. Sweden's immigrant policy is successful in defining the forms of immigrant political participation, configuring immigrant associational patterns, and influencing how immigrants achieve their political goals. The study suggests that civic tradition and associational life are factors that need not translate into greater political participation. Still, government policies can strongly influence how immigrants perceive and participate in politics.
by David P. Jeffrey.
Ph.D.

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21

Vipond, Peter A. "Political theory and political science : an examination of some recent writings bearing on this distinction". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.304936.

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Baderin, Alice. "Political theory, public opinion and real politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.

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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.

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Shomali, Alireza. "The project of political epistemology, politics and the criteria of truth /". Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.

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Dyke, W. T. "The development and strategies of corporate political committees in US politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371633.

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Tsai, Ying-Wen. "History and politics in Michael Oakshott's and Hannah Arendt's political thought". Thesis, University of York, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316180.

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Halloran, John W. Jr. "Coordinating science : White House Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP) influence in federal R&D budgets". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101807.

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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2015.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 102-105).
This thesis examines the role of the White House OSTP in the nation's budgeting for science and technology activities. Interviews conducted by the researcher with members of the White House staff as well as federal agency officials are the primary empirical support, with analysis of annual priority memoranda and presidential budget requests reinforcing the findings. The original contribution of this research is to highlight limitations of responsive competence despite presidential attempts to coordinate the R&D bureaucracy. In science policy, presidents obtain responsive competence by hiring entrepreneurial OSTP staff members in the areas that most align with their priorities. The centralized R&D coordination that OSTP does actually perform in budgets is highly constrained by legal authority, bureaucratic resistance, and the epistemic norms of the science policy community itself. The relationship of the President's Science Advisor with the Administration is an important confounder across presidencies
by John W. Halloran, Jr.
S.M.

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27

Guston, David H. "The social contract for science : Congress, the National Institutes of Health, and the boundary between politics and science". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12740.

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Anderson, Stephen Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Outline of the principles of political science; an introduction to Hegel's science of wisdom". Ottawa, 1987.

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Smirnov, Oleg. "Formal evolutionary modeling and the problems of political science /". view abstract or download file of text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3190550.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2005.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-131). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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30

VERDIAL, PEDRO NUNO. "CONTRIBUITIONS TO POLITICAL SCIENCE: COMMENTS AROUND MACHIAVELLI AND HOBBES". PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5572@1.

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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Consideradas no seu conjunto, as teorias políticas de Nicolau Maquiavel e Thomas Hobbes contribuem, de forma profunda e definitiva, para a gênese da Ciência Política. Embora não contemporâneos e envolvidos em sistemas de governo muito diversos, suas contribuições para o entendimento da política a partir da Modernidade são suficientemente importantes para justificar a designação de divisores de águas.O objetivo do texto é tentar mostrar de que modo a articulação das mensagens teóricas destes dois autores inaugura essa nova disciplina que, embora apresentando raízes antigas na Filosofia Política em seu significado clássico, assume um caráter inteiramente novo, estruturante do Estado Moderno.
Although distant both in time and environment, the political theories of Nicccolò Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes are crucial to understanding the structural basis of Political Science. Taken together, these two essentially different authors, are important enough to have helped shaping the Modern State as we know it. The purpose of the text is to try to show that, in spite of their fundamental differences, their contributions are of paramount importance to accomplish these tasks, leading us from old notions contained in Political Philosophy - in its classical meaning - to an entirely new discipline of political thought and therefore of consideration and judgment of our own role in a modern organized society.

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Forje, J. W. "Science and technology policy in Cameroon". Thesis, University of Salford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.356195.

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Adiv, Ehud. "Politics and identity : a critical analysis of Israeli historiography and political thought". Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286283.

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Price, Jay Marsh. "Symbolic Action as Politics: The Canadian Senate as a Political Symbol". W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625753.

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Bogiaris-Thibault, Guillaume. "Machiavelli's political virtue". Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104843.

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This thesis aims at clarifying Machiavelli's notion of political virtue by having recourse to Machiavelli's opinion of the empirical value of historical data. Thus, it takes the Florentine Histories as a work that can be used as a tool in support of any interpretation of Machiavelli's virtue when it comes to its ethical substance. I contend that this virtue most closely resemble a moderately deontological system of ethics where necessity acts as the threshold-setter. In chapter two I compare the qualities and attributes of the best princes and republics in order to make the point that political virtue is the virtue of the ruler, regardless of whether said ruler is a single person or a government system. Finally, in chapter three I examine how my interpretation of Machiavelli's political virtue can be used to offer a new perspective on the "problem of dirty hands" in politics.
Cette thèse vise à clarifier le concept de vertu politique chez Machiavel en se basant principalement sur l'opinion que celui-ci avance quant à la valeur empirique de l'information fournie par l'histoire. Ce travail se base donc sur l'idée que les Histoires Florentines est un ouvrage dont le contenu peut être utilisé comme un outil ayant la capacité de vérifier toute conclusion ayant trait à la vertu politique de Machiavel en tant que concept éthique. L'idée principale de cette thèse est que la vertu politique de Machiavel correspond précisément à un système éthique de 'déontologie modérée,' dans lequel le concept de nécessité sers à identifier le 'moment seuil' où la valeur morale d'une action peut changer dans l'absolu. Ensuite, le chapitre deux examine les qualités communes des princes et des républiques les plus illustres et propose l'idée que la vertu politique doit donc être la vertu du dirigeant, qu'il soit un seul homme ou un gouvernement. Finalement, le chapitre trois explore comment cette interprétation de la vertu politique de Machiavel offre une nouvelle perspective sur le « problèmes des mains sales » en politique.

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Rhodes, Christopher. "Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091.

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This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This dissertation fits within a body of literature known as the political economy of religion. I expand upon this literature by examining religious groups in terms of internal organization, focusing on Christian churches in Africa, with Kenya as my primary case country. The central argument of this dissertation is that churches (national-level denominations) with certain organizational features – centralized leadership, authoritarian decision-making procedures, and lack of internal accountability mechanisms – are more likely to have friendlier interactions with governments and therefore tend to adopt more pro-government political stances compared to churches that lack these features. This relationship operates through two mechanisms. First, centralized churches possess negotiation advantages over decentralized churches. Second, centralized, authoritarian churches can more easily be co-opted by incumbent governments. The dissertation also expand upon existing literature by offering a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the preferences of governments and churches vis-à-vis one another, proposing that churches seek to maximize number of church members, member faithfulness, and resources, while governments seek ideological support, citizen mobilization, and social service provision from churches. These arguments are examined by historical comparative case studies of five of the largest Christian denominations in Kenya over the course of the country’s first three post-independence presidents. Through qualitative historical analysis, combined with information gathered through fieldwork in Kenya, the dissertation demonstrates how the preferences of these churches and governments, mediated through the internal organizations of the churches, influenced church-state relations and ultimately determined the churches’ political stances. The impact of internal organization is greater than factors such as ethnicity or theological conservatism/liberalism. The dissertation tests these arguments through a quantitative analysis of church political orientation using national-level data on Christian churches and countries across Africa from independence through 2010. The results of the statistical analyses show significant effects of organizational features such as centralization, consistent with the arguments made concerning Kenya. The dissertation then gives brief qualitative analysis of church-state relations for several of the African churches included in the quantitative dataset.

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Heberlig, Eric S. "Sprouting at the grassroots: Organized labor's political mobilization and members' political activism /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487944660932656.

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Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin. "Towards political education for transition : the development of political studies in Hong Kong secondary school /". [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1232002X.

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Thompson, Simon. "Political theory in a democratic society : a critique of political liberalism". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239381.

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Bonilla, Claudio Andres. "Political competition and ideology in formal political economy". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077408.

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Hong, Jung-Min. "Political Polarization and Independent Voters in American Politics". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439301969.

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Ueda, Michiko. "Essays on political representation". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/35543.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references.
The central goal of this dissertation is to contribute to our understanding of the link between political representation and policy outcomes. In particular, this collection of essays examines how the institutional arrangements and formal processes that precede and initiate political representation either promote or hinder the representation of various interests in society and thus determine whose interests shape public policies. The first chapter studies the relationship between descriptive representation of traditionally underrepresented minority groups and substantive representation of their interests. Examining the impact of increased African American representation from the early 1970s to the late 1990s, the chapter demonstrates that legislative representation of historically marginalized groups can lead to tangible changes in public policies. The second chapter attempts to understand why legislative representation of minority groups in American society remains low, even to this day. This chapter disentangles the impact of candidates' race on voting decisions from that of candidates' ideology, by focusing on the case of the representation of African Americans.
(cont.) Using extensive individual-level voting data as well as a unique data set on candidates' ideological positions, the chapter shows that minority candidates' race negatively influences voting decisions of white voters only when partisan and ideological cues are absent. The third chapter analyzes the impact of electoral institutions on political representation and policy outcomes. It provides empirical evidence that political units receive larger intergovernmental transfers, when represented by at-large delegations than when represented by delegations elected from single-member districts.
by Michiko Ueda.
Ph.D.

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Boufoy-Bastick, Zacharyas Amaury. "Internet democracy : the political science and computer science of direct democracy at the large scale". Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040182.

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La démocratie représentative souffre de nombreuses lacunes qui remettent en question la légitimité même des gouvernements démocratiques modernes. Tandis que la représentation directe pourrait théoriquement éliminer ces incongruités, elle a jusqu'à présent été considérée comme irréalisable en raison de limitations spatio-temporelles. Cette thèse adresse ces problèmes en introduisant le concept de Démocratie Internet - distinct de l’e-démocratie et de l’e-gouvernement existant. La Démocratie Internet consiste à cerner la représentation démocratique de telle manière qu’elle puisse être opérationnalisée par le biais de l’informatique. Pour ce faire, cette thèse remonte d'abord aux problèmes de la démocratie et de la représentation indirecte dans ses principes premiers, et propose une nouvelle approche (structurelle symbiotique) à l'application de l'Internet pour la démocratie. Ensuite, elle montre que la Démocratie Internet peut fonctionner grâce à l'analyse des données collectées passivement sur l'accès et la production de l’information. Enfin, elle offre de nombreuses contributions à l’informatique, qui jusqu’alors était limitée dans la précision de l'analyse des sentiments. La thèse développe une Proposition d’Opinion Asymétrique (AOP) et l’applique à un nouveau concept de ‘Espace des Sentiments’; elle développe également la première base de données assez nuancée pour l'analyse des sentiments; et elle utilise l'Espace de Sentiment afin de développer la méthode de calcul originale «Split-Fit » qui accroît la précision de l’apprentissage automatique
Representative democracy suffers from numerous shortcomings that are so significant they bring into question the very legitimacy of modern democratic governments. While direct representation might theoretically eliminate these multiple defects, it has until now been considered unworkable due to limitations of space and of time. This thesis addresses these deficiencies by introducing Internet Democracy, which is distinct from existing e-democracy and e-government. Internet Democracy is an operational, computational formulation of democratic representation. To support this contribution, this thesis first derives the problems of democracy and indirect representation from first principles. It then proposes a new approach (the symbiotic structural approach) which applies the Internet to democracy. It then supports the proposition that Internet Democracy can operate through the analysis of passively collected data on information access and on information production (for instance, using sentiment analysis). Finally, it makes numerous topical contributions to computer science based on the observation that sentiment analysis hits a ceiling of accuracy which cannot currently be transcended. These contributions range from suggesting an Asymmetric Opinion Proposition (AOP) and applying this to a Sentiment Space describing the computational structure of sentiment; developing the first extremely fine-grained dataset for sentiment analysis; and applying Sentiment Space to develop the original ‘Split-Fit’ computing method which increases the accuracy of machine learning based Sentiment Analysis

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Monroe, Burt L. "Electoral science : the analysis of voting systems". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358508.

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Lewis, Jonathan Robert. "Japanese policymaking for international big science projects". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268262.

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Simcock, Adam. "MacIntyre and green political thought : deliberative eco-politics for dependent rational animals". Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5151/.

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Ecologism is a political ideology that emerged in the 1970s. It challenged the neoliberal privileging of economic growth over environmental protection and a narrow conception of the self as autonomous, rational and self-interested. Ecologism’s normative challenge has grown quiet as it became perceived as too inward looking and focused on the self, rather than engaged with issues such as climate change that now preoccupy green political thought. However, in the early 21st century, neoliberalism now dominates western democracies. This turn away from the self and normative opposition to neoliberalism has clearly not furthered the environmental cause, and so there is a need to return to re-politicise the ontological arguments of ecologism. A small number of green political theorists have begun to look towards the Thomistic Aristotelianism of Alasdair MacIntyre and this thesis seeks to add to their number. I argue that MacIntyre’s work concerning the self as dependent rational animal, and arguments for the political and social structures that support this self, can be used to affirm and reengage ecological arguments with politics. MacIntyre’s thought moves ecologism away from its “inward-turn”, concerned with the self’s personal experience of the environment, to a collective politics that looks outwardly to challenge the dominant neoliberal order. In bringing ecologism into conversation with MacIntyre’s philosophy, the original contribution I offer ecological political theory is two-fold. Firstly, the virtues of acknowledged dependence can be used to reflect substantive concern for the environment within political deliberation. Secondly, I develop MacIntyre’s conception of localized deliberative democracy. In order to counter claims that such localization is naïve, I bring MacIntyre’s ideal into conversation with Murray Bookchin’s model of municipal libertarianism and consider two real world examples: Rojava in northern Syria and the ‘Idle no More movement’ in Canada. These examples offer hopeful evidence that decentralised deliberative politics, starting from acknowledging our dependence, can oppose the hegemony of neoliberalism both socially and ecologically.

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Bardin, Andrea. "Mechanicism as science and ideology : Hobbe's epistemological revolution in civil science". Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/13800.

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In the seventeenth century a new science of motion emerged that later developed into what we call today classical mechanics. The epistemology of early modern mechanics was split between technical experimentation and mathematical formalisation. ‘Mechanicism’, Cartesianism in primis, was a philosophical project to both preserve the theoretical and technical efficacy of this science and integrate it into a new world picture. In this historical context mechanical philosophy therefore played a double role. On the one hand it was part of a revolutionary event opening new frontiers for materialist thought. On the other hand, as a world picture, it originated a new ideological framework for metaphysical dualism. This thesis uses this historical and philosophical background to radically reconsider the political theory of Thomas Hobbes. During the 1640s Hobbes’s scientia civilis progressively incorporated the dualistic epistemology of Descartes’s mechanicism into materialist philosophy by privileging one of the two structural features of modern science: the tendency towards ‘deduction’ rather than experimentation. This philosophical gesture, simultaneously epistemological and ideological, had considerable political consequences. For this reason Hobbes’s political theory will be read as an ideological response to the non-geometrical and non-mechanical functioning of ‘matter’, including ‘human matter’, evidenced by the threatening experimental practices carried on during the first half of the seventeenth century in both the Galilean science of nature and the English Civil War. My wider hypothesis is that this profoundly idealistic agenda still informs our understanding of nature and of the body politic. It reduces the open method of science to the outdated metaphysical picture of it provided by Descartes, and suffocates politics itself by neutralising the emergence of political conflict and experimentation, labelling them as not only inessential but also dangerous to the body politic. On the contrary, philosophical materialism invites us to understand the self-organising tendency of matter as an undeniable risk implicit in the functioning of all systems, the social system included.

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Rankin, Aidan. "Breaking the duopoly : political parties and political realignment in Uruguay's new democracy". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320171.

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Stringer, Timothy J. "Identity, self-hood and politics : the consitution of political subjectivity in liberal-democratic thought". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306510.

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Hart, Douglass F. "Predicting political revolution". Thesis, The University of North Dakota, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1541640.

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My thesis study examines the economic and sociological factors associated with political revolutions in order to create a predictive model. I do this by using statistical methods with nation level panel data collected from public domain sources. I anticipate being able to create a predictive model that provides a probability forecast of a country undergoing political revolution within a two year time-frame.

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Souza, Menezes Aline Maria. "Essays on empirical political economy". Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20066/.

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This thesis studies three channels through which elections and, ultimately, public policy may be interrelated: new media, electoral systems and vote motivation. The media has the fundamental role of providing political information to voters. New media such as the Internet brought about an enormous shift in the availability of political information during elections. Exploiting the timing and geographic variation in the introduction of Internet in Brazil, in the first chapter, I show that municipalities with higher Internet penetration voted more often in candidates who faced legal restrictions for advertising in traditional media. Electoral systems, in turn, have specific features that, in theory, may allow voters to select better politicians by providing more information about candidates and other voters' preferences. In the second chapter, using the discontinuous allocation of single- and dual-ballot electoral rules across mayoral elections in Brazil, I compare the quality of politicians fielded and elected in these systems. In general, dual-ballot candidates from major parties are more politically experienced. This experience may be translated into unobserved political skills that are required to deal with the more competitive electoral process, that, by itself, punishes female candidates, to the extent to which women's participation in politics has been historically low. No differences in performance are observed, except in the attraction of discretionary resources by dual-ballot mayors eligible for reelection, but only in election years. Finally, in the third chapter, I use a quasi-naturally generated group of voters with differential political information and voting motivations to show that politicians extract more rents in municipalities where they know a number of voters is not directly interested in public goods and do not have readily access to local sources of information.

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