Rozprawy doktorskie: „Political ideology”

1

Alagha, Joseph Elie. "The shifts in Hizbullah's ideology : religious ideology, political ideology, and political program /". Leiden : Amsterdam : ISIM ; Amsterdam University Press, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0701/2007358448-b.html.

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Farmer, Adam. "POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND CONSUMER PREFERENCES". UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/marketing_etds/2.

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Despite continued polarization along political party lines, it remains unclear how differences in political ideology impact the choices consumers make. The results of seven studies indicate that political ideology profoundly influences the way consumers think and behave. Liberals and conservatives are systematically drawn to distinct choice preferences where liberals prefer hedonic, novel, and desirable options, while conservatives prefer utilitarian, status quo, and feasible options. These findings are robust for multiple measures of political ideology across multiple choice sets. Differences in behavior are explained by the amount of deliberation used for a given decision. Liberals deliberate more than conservatives as they are more open to information while conservatives have a lower tolerance for ambiguous information. Implications for consumers, marketers, and policy makers are provided.

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Bonilla, Claudio Andres. "Political competition and ideology in formal political economy". Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3077408.

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Wax, Kevin P. "Political ideology : perspectives from the Bible". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53004.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.

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Williams, A. A. "Christian Socialism as a political ideology". Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3001797/.

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A study of Christian Socialism is valuable at a time in which Christianity has become, in the minds of many, intrinsically associated with right-wing politics and conservatism. In addition, recent publications on this topic have focused on history and biography rather than the details of what Christian Socialists actually believed. This thesis considers that topic under three main headings: (1) ‘The Basis of Christian Socialism’; (2) ‘The Route to Christian Socialism’; (3) ‘Christian Socialist Society’. Firstly, Christian Socialists based their socialism mainly on the Bible, church teaching and the sacraments, to a far greater extent than any other sources. Secondly, Christian Socialists called for a revolution but were committed to democratic methods, suggesting a synthesis between revolutionary and democratic socialism. In practice this can be sketched out as a three-stage process: first, persuading people of the deficiencies of capitalism and the need for socialism; second, the election of a Labour government / the persuasion of other politicians to adopt socialism; third, the establishment of socialism, brought about by a socialist government and population. Thirdly, Christian Socialists sought to create a society of co-operation and collectivism, equality, democracy and peace. Their vision of this society was for the most part highly utopian, due to the belief that the new society would be the Kingdom of God or Kingdom of Heaven on Earth. There are several criticisms of Christian Socialism which have been made, both from a Christian and from a socialist perspective, over, for example, the viability of the Christian Socialist methodology and the validity of the Christian Socialist use of Scripture and church teaching. It will be concluded that the concept at the core of Christian Socialism is brotherhood, based on the idea of the universal Fatherhood of God, and that other key concepts – co-operation, equality and democracy – are derived from this. In seeking co-operation, equality and democracy Christian Socialism is not necessarily distinct from other forms of socialism, but it is distinct in drawing upon Christian theology as a basis for these concepts as well as the language to describe a future socialist society.

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6

Niang, Amy. "Naam : political history as state ideology". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14226.

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This thesis argues that the ideology of Naam (principle of power) is an essential and overlooked component in explaining both the logic of state formation, as well as the institutional continuities evident within the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagomba states system. With reference to Igor Kopytoff’s Internal African Frontier Thesis, it understands this logic as a single, continuous historical process whereby states were formed and dismantled, broken in autonomous entities and (re)created as clones of a constitutive Naam ‘model’. This model also was negatively responsible for the genesis of acephalous non-state formations, composed of frontier men and women who escaped the stifling grip of the state. Specifically, the thesis argues that the ideology of Naam was the overarching principle that not only informed the expansion of the Mossi-Mamprusi-Dagombasystem, but also enabled the construction of a Mossi identity. Naam was ‘proposed’ in some places, and ‘imposed’ in others, through rituals, family-like associations, and the integration of indigenous groups into the sphere of political rule. Naam ideology was confronted with a fundamental contradiction: the Mossi ruled (over) people but had no control over the territorial basis of their rule. This contradiction was partly resolved through the extension of the discourse of power to the realm of Tenga (the sphere of rituals and earth-custody), by uniting the Mossi divinity (Wende) to the earth divinity (Tenga) and by tapping into the possibilities of a common belief, in order to buttress state legitimacy but also to articulate ‘Mossi’ culture on the basis of a shared idiom that transcended the dichotomy Naam/Tenga. This contradiction cannot be explained with reference to the materiality of conquest alone, as most accounts of state formation, within and beyond Africa, have suggested. Yet the process was informed throughout by violence of a different kind. The deployment of Naam in the realm of rituals served to mediate the gap between power and legitimacy; but at the same time, state power as discourse and representation concealed the ontological violence inherent in the Mossi state. It also concealed the limits of discourse in making valid statements on historical experience. In the Mossi case, pânga (a form of travesty/violent version of Naam), intervenes in the disarticulation of power from kinship by isolating the Naaba (king) from all forms of loyalties. An extended analysis of the consolidation of the Mossi state in the eighteenth century demonstrates how centralisation centred on the twin conditions of the necessary separation between kinship and kingship, and the integration of the stranger-kin as mediating agent at the junction of this divorce. The thesis will contribute to a better understanding of the role of ideology in state formation and society-making in the Voltaic region and West Africa more generally.

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7

Gadsby, P. "Ideology reconsidered : Arguments for ideology from a social materialist position". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382553.

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Iton, Richard. "Political ideology and the black American community". Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22357.

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Haralambakis, George. "The Action Francaise : ideology and political identity". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496217.

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The aim of this thesis is to examine the ideological weapons that the Action Francaise used to challenge the Third Republic and its ideology. While the Action Francaise been seen either as another monarchist challenge to the Republic or as the precursor of fascism (Weber, Nolte, Stemhell), it has not been seen as a part of the wider phenomenon of the debate on citizenship and Republicanism that was taking place in fin de siecle France.

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10

Lower, Chad D. "The political ideology of Connecticut's Standing Order". Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618870.

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Many historians of religion and politics in the early republic period fail to fully examine the importance of the debate between the Connecticut's Standing Order and religious dissenters concerning the necessity of a religious establishment in America. Relying on sermons, newspaper accounts, this project examines the ideology and justification of Connecticut's Standing Order in defending religious establishment, as well as the ideological reasons Republicans and religious dissenters offered in opposing it. Exploring the value of the church establishment from the perspective of both the supporters of the Standing Order and those who sided with the Jeffersonians offers important insight into how issues of religion shaped the political and social battles in the early republic.

This work focuses upon the political ideology of Connecticut's established clergy and Federalist allies in relation to the defense of the church establishment. In particular, the motives for those who defended the established church were based not upon selfish ambition, but rather upon well-constructed ideas about how best to maintain the prosperity of the American republic. In Connecticut, the adherents of the Standing Order valued holding the Congregational Church as the established church for the state because traditional social structures and social systems such as churches seemingly benefitted the continued success of the community.

This project demonstrates that the convictions on both sides of the debate were grounded upon ideas, not ambitions. For the Standing Order, the state church was a fundamental component of stability and prosperity in Connecticut. The established clergy of Standing Order, as well as their dissenter counterparts, believed that the outcome of the ecclesiastical issue was crucial for determining the future prosperity of the republic. Their vision for the nation may have lost out to that of the Jeffersonians and religious dissenters, but it was nonetheless a vision that ultimately had meaningful consequences for the development of the nation and the role of Christianity in shaping the political and social spheres.

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Lower, Chad D. "The Political Ideology of Connecticut's Standing Order". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1364855657.

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Pattershall, Jennifer. "Promotion, Prevention, and Politics: Linking Regulatory Focus to Political Attitudes and Ideology". Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/PattershallJ2008.pdf.

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Boyd, Melissa. "The political career and ideology of Mariano Otero, Mexican politician (1817-1850)". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3637.

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The traditionalist historiography of nineteenth-century Mexico produced a simplistic binary view of the period in which politics were characterised by a clear-cut liberal/conservative divide. According to this interpretation, the liberals were repeatedly depicted as the patriotic forefathers of the great reformist liberals of the mid-century Reforma period, whilst the conservatives were presented as the treacherous defenders of the dark forces of reaction. A revaluation of the fragmented politics of Mexican liberalism during the critical decade of the 1840s, focussing in particular on the actions and ideas of moderate political thinker and actor, Mariano Otero, provides a much needed nuanced understanding of the political issues, factions, and tendencies of the time. It highlights for one, the nature of the divisions that prevented Mexican liberals from presenting a united front, even during the traumatic Mexican-American War (1846-48). It also forces us to revise the view that there were only two political factions or worldviews during this period. This thesis examines, therefore, Mexican moderate liberalism in the 1840s through the figure of Mariano Otero (Mexico, 1817-1850), never quite fully researched in the historiography. A moderate liberal ideologue, politician, lawyer and essayist, he was politically active during the turbulent decade from 1841 until his death in 1850. He served as congressional deputy in 1842 and 1846, senator from 1847-1849, and government minister in 1848. Author of the seminal Ensayo sobre el verdadero estado de la cuestión social y política que se agita en la República Mexicana (1842), and architect of the 1846 Acta de Reformas that reformed the 1824 constitution, he is lauded as the father of the Juicio de Amparo a legal recourse which provided the individual with a means of protection from the abuses of the state. This thesis thus approaches the subject by offering an in-depth biographical study of Otero and an analysis of the political ideology that informed his writings and actions. By contrasting Otero's political ideas with those others that were in vogue and showing how these were, in turn, put into effect, bearing in mind a backcloth of political and military alliances that was constantly changing, the aim of this study is to allow the reader to understand the nature of Otero's political standpoint as well as that of Mexico's mid-century moderados in context. The Otero that emerges from this revision is a man of firm convictions, a committed constitutionalist, unwavering in his belief in federalism as the answer to Mexico's ills but forced to compromise to achieve his aims. This was a man who in attempting to shape the time was himself shaped by it. Certainly no such cut and dried portrait as that previously portrayed emerges.

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Ashraf, M. A. "Al Qaeda's ideology through political myth and rhetoric". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3222.

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This Thesis develops and applies a theoretical framework to understand Al Qaeda's ideology. A concept of ideology comprising a number of political myths, shaped through rhetoric is the central feature of this research. The Thesis tests the theory that extremist ideologies emerge out of social and political crises and postulates that the primary components of ideology are a number of political myths created in the context of historical,theological and political factors. These myths and other components of ideology are given form through rhetoric and the rhetorical styles and techniques employed, in turn, shape ideology. Rhetorical analysis is carried out to identify aspects of Al Qaeda's ideology, particularly in the construction of political myth. Analysis of the relationship between textuality and political style reveals that while Al Qaeda adopts republican attitudes to political debate, its textual style most closely matches the texts of modern revolutionary terrorists and reveals a great deal about its dual reliance on horrific violence and reasoned discourse. The rhetorical influences on Al Qaeda's main ideologue are examined to reveal how they shape its ideology. The research fills a gap in academic analysis of terrorism in general and ideology in particular by providing a novel framework to identify the roots, causes, beliefs and trajectories of a particular seam of political thought. Specifically, it identifies Al Qaeda as an extreme and inevitable manifestation of Islamist political ideology, which in turn was a reaction to a number of modern political and social crises and ideas. The political myths that comprise Al Qaeda's ideology are inherited from mainstream Islamism and are open to critical challenge. However, its motivations and strategies are driven by its primary ideologues' perception of their political and conflict experiences. The belief that Muslim countries are ruled by unrepresentative and ineffective regimes subservient to the West and the belief that through asymmetric tactics such as terrorism it is possible to destroy a superpower are the two driving forces that sustain Al Qaeda's ideology. These perceptions are less susceptible to critical debate and may only change after a transformation of political reality; when convincing changes have occurred in the nature of regimes in the Muslim world and when Al Qaeda's political aims of defeating the West are demonstrably unachievable.

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Ramos, Guilherme de Alencar. "Political ideology, groupness, and attitudes toward Marijuana legalization". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/25655.

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Prior literature has demonstrated that liberals and conservatives often diverge on policy issues partly because they have different psychological characteristics and partly because they are influenced by in- and out-groups (e.g., parties). In the present work, we investigate a relatively under-investigated topic, namely marijuana legalization, and test whether groupness affect opinion toward this policy over and above potential differences in psychological traits and states (e.g., personality, cognitive processing). Additionally, building on literature on morality and divergence from reference groups, we propose that part of the right-wing’s opposition to this policy comes from moral repugnance against out-groups. Results are consistent with our predictions. Study 1 validated an important assumption: individuals strongly associate marijuana legalization as a leftist policy. Importantly, study 2 showed that when marijuana legalization was endorsed by a center-right politician, individuals along the political spectrum expressed similar support for the policy; nevertheless, political ideology became a significant predictor of policy support when a leftist politician was behind the policy. This interaction was mostly due to rightwing individuals becoming less favorable toward the policy when a left-wing politician was behind it. Left-wing individuals, in turn, did not significantly shift their opinion. Finally, we discuss limitations, alternative explanations, and avenues for future research, while also proposing a third study which could more precisely test our theory.

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16

Hanvey, Hilda. "Liberalism in Ireland : the political ideas of Daniel O'Connell". Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243737.

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Paz, Mariano. "Ideology and dystopia : political discourse in contemporary fiction cinema". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529922.

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The present thesis consists of a discussion of contemporary Western science fiction cinema from a cultural studies perspective. In particular, this work is focused on the analysis of political ideology and its discourses as they are conveyed in the visual, aural, and narrative dimensions of a selected corpus of films from three different countries: Argentina, Britain and the United States. The selection of this range of cinema industries is informed by the intention of widening the spectrum of science fiction criticism, which is mostly focused on American cinema, and also on the cross comparative purpose of examining three central forms in which Western films are produced and distributed: the hegemonic American blockbuster, the independent peripheral cinema of Latin America, and the mid-level position exemplified by a European film industry such as Britain's. The analysis of the selected corpus is approached from an interdisciplinary perspective that draws on several theoretical frameworks from cultural studies and social philosophy, such as Lacanian psychoanalysis, postcolonial theory, post-structuralism, and critical theory. The underlying premise of this thesis is that, through the representation of imaginary, dystopian worlds and societies, science fiction films are in fact engaging with the critique of contemporary reality and articulating collective concerns and anxieties about the present. In consequence, films are examined here in a hermeneutic manner, with the objective of identifying and revealing the complex set of critiques of contemporary institutions, practices and discourses that are conveyed in the texts. The discussion is organised in three chapters, each covering three case studies that are representative of the selected cinema industries. Films studied in detail include the Star Wars prequels (1999-2005), La Sonämbula (1998), Adios Querida Luna (2005), La Antena (2007), Code 46 (2004), Children of Men (2006), and 28 Weeks Later (2007). Each chapter is organised according to certain theoretical parameters that allow for a critical reading of the texts, establishing connections between the films' subtexts and the social contexts in which they were produced. This work aims to demonstrate that the analysis of popular culture is essential for the understanding of how political concerns, anxieties and traumas can be expressed and articulated, whether in avowed or disavowed forms, not only in hegemonic texts but across the entire field of Western cultural production. Additionally, this thesis argues for the need to approach the study of cinema from the point of view of critical theory, as an appropriate way to uncover the ideological dimensions, represented in the films, that are critical of dominant discourses and institutions.

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Benassi, Giuliano. "Political Correctness and ideology a cross-cultural linguistic study /". [S.l.] : Universität Konstanz , Philosophische Fakultät, Fachgruppe Sprachwissenschaft, 1997. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8501063.

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Nasr, Mary. "(Ethnic) Nationalism in North Korean Political Ideology and Culture". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/13071.

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This study examines nationalism in North Korea through an exploration of that country’s political ideology and culture throughout time. It argues that a nationalist consciousness has always existed in North Korean history, but that it has been purposely changed and manipulated in form to deal with at-the-time difficulty and circumstance that the regime was faced with. This study asserts that state ideology was more state-focussed and subtle in nature in the earlier decades, and more ethnie, or ethnic-group oriented, and extreme in latter decades. More concretely, a state-based patriotism is seen to have constructed the nation in the 1950s and 1960s, and an ethnic-based nationalism is seen to have maintained the nation from the mid-1970s onwards. This claim is illustrated in the thesis by various primary material of a propagandistic nature sourced from the time and published in North Korea, and supported by a recreation of the political and social milieu in which these data were domestically consumed. A theoretical base underpinning the argument is provided in opening, and an elaboration into the main themes of the structure of North Korean ethnic nationalism is given in closing.

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20

Roth, Samantha-Jo. "The Development of Political Ideology in the Digital Age". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/321933.

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Lakin, Matthew. "Cameron's conservatisms and the problem of ideology". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9c05f047-d134-4009-babb-ce6b986a36c4.

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The central aim of the thesis is to investigate the myriad ideological 'thought-practices' of Cameronism by placing the composition and content of Cameronism in the context of the problem of Thatcherism's legacy. This problem is namely a problem of the gap between intentions and outcomes. The thesis identifies three discreet, but also overlapping, ideological developments that take root in the late 1980s/early 1990s: (1) the steadfast commitment to reducing the size and scope of the central state; (2) the recognition that neo-liberal economics is a necessary but insufficient precondition for the delivery of wider Conservative outcomes; and (3) the rediscovery and commitment to the renewal of civil society as an alternative to state intervention in response to the perceived failures of neo-liberalism. The thesis examines the application of these ideological developments in Cameronism, both in theory and practice. Furthermore, it examines the political-thought practices of Cameronism in the context of the Coalition Government. Finally, the thesis analyses a serious Conservative ideological threat to Cameronite Conservatism, concluding that Cameronism is a distinct, decodable and distinctive Conservatism, which has been quickly eclipsed by other Conservatisms, namely the Conservatism of the New New Right, which is much closer to the Thatcherism that Cameronism was resolutely trying to adjust. British Conservatism has thus come full circle: the market society vision of Thatcherism, which Cameronism was trying to ideologically supplement, has been restored as the best and surest way to achieve the Conservative aim of a limited conception of politics.

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22

Boukara, H. "Ideology and pragmatism in Algerian foreign policy". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373480.

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Vernier, Richard. "Political economy and political ideology : the public debt in eighteenth-century Britain and America". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358691.

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Sundberg, Lisa. "The Political Consumer and Political Ideology : A study of the language of Fairtrade International". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-275090.

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Michele Micheletti (2003) argues political consumerism is a new form of political participation, in which individuals in their choice of consumables exert political influence based on moral value. Political consumerism is a rather new concept, and as such still embedded with many ambiguities. This study aims to focus on one of such ambiguities by exploring if the framework of political ideology can be included in the discourse of political consumerism. This is carried out by analyzing the Twitter feed of one of the most internationally well-known symbols of conscious consumption; Fairtrade International, in order to evaluate if the organization’s marketing message is framed as political consumerism, and if the framework of political ideology can be found in such a discourse. This is done employing a model of political ideology outlined by the scholars Manfred B. Steger and Paul James, in which they argue that political ideologies are created against a backdrop of social imaginaries, which is then utilized in connection to Michael K. Goodman’s theory of fair-trade imaginaries, in which a Western consumer imagines a shared social existence with a Southern producer. The purpose is to contribute to the discussion of how individuals form and live political ideologies through acts of political consumption. The study concludes that Fairtrade International frames its Twitter feed according to the language of political consumerism, and found in the feed is the discourse of two social imaginaries, in which Fairtrade products become carriers of political and moral subtexts, thus forming a political ideology created and lived in patterns of consumption by a collective of Fairtrade consumers within a normative framework of political participation, fairness and social community.

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25

Sotola, Lukas K. "Political Ideology and Voting Behavior as a Function of Threat and Political View Salience". Thesis, Western Illinois University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10975008.

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Discrepant findings in past research have led to two competing hypotheses regarding threat’s effect on political ideology: the worldview defense and the conservative-shift hypotheses. According to the former, supported by terror management theory (TMT), threat will cause liberals to become more liberal and conservatives to become more conservative (political polarization). According to the latter, supported by system justification theory (SJT) and the theory of political conservatism as motivated social cognition, threat will cause liberals to become more conservative, and conservatives either to become more conservative or to remain at their current level of conservatism. To pit these two hypotheses against one another in a single experiment, it was tested whether making participants’ political views salient might influence the way that threat affects political views. It was predicted that when liberals wrote about their liberal views and when conservatives wrote about their conservative views, to make their political views more salient, threat would lead to greater political polarization. This was predicted because past TMT research has shown that threat will lead to a more fervent adherence to salient values, not to all aspects of a worldview. Thus, the salience of people’s political views should make them more likely to adhere to them following threat. On the other hand, it was predicted that in the control condition, all participants would become more conservative. This appears likely because of abundant past evidence that threat leads to greater conservatism and because threat tends to activate brain areas that are also associated with conservatism. It was, furthermore, predicted that threat might make liberal participants, but not conservative participants, less likely to participate in politics, because past research has shown that liberals will withdraw from participation in politics when they are more authoritarian, and threat tends to make people behave more like authoritarians. The former hypothesis was not supported; in fact, the only effect found was that conservatives became more liberal under threat, a finding that has no precedent in the literature. However, there was partial support for the latter hypothesis: both liberals and conservatives showed less of an intent to participate in politics following threat.

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Nikolaev, Roman, i Roman Nikolaev. "Varieties of Islamism: Differences in Political Party Ideology in Democracies". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621747.

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This dissertation aims to understand how Islamist ideology differs across Islamist political parties in majority-Muslim countries. It asks why, despite drawing from the same religious source, the ideology of Islamist parties differs significantly and ranges from a wide spectrum, reaching from rigid conservative ideologies to flexible and even liberal. In order to address this question, the first step I pursue is to create a classification of different types of Islamism based on a spectrum of Islamist thought and behavior. I call the most literalist approach which aims at top-down Islamization Traditionalist Islamism, while the most flexible variety which argues for a bottom-up approach and relies on secular civil law is is labelled Neo-Islamism. Political parties that do not clearly fall under any of these categories and mix characteristics of both are grouped under the Hybrid Islamism category. I argue that if they could, all Islamist parties would moderate their ideology in order to achieve electoral success. However, both the position of the party vis-a-vis other parties in the system, and a high degree of dependence on an internal clique or an external movement create constraints and limitations which prevent parties from moderating their ideological profile. I find support for my argument by comparing five different Islamist parties in Indonesia. I further strengthen my case by introducing several hadow cases from Turkey, Malaysia and Tajikistan (under the authoritarian regime).

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27

Duff, Jeremy Franklin. "The reciprocal effects of ideology and issue attitudes considering a directional link from issues to ideology /". Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.

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28

Elefelt, Alexander. "Den lokala ideologin : - En analys av Falupartiets ideologi". Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Sociologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-27962.

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Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag.
The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

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29

Wales, Jonathan Mason. "Scottish unionist ideology, 1886-1965". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16445.

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This dissertation examines Scottish unionist political thought and intellectual history in the period from 1885-1886 to 1965. It provides an analytical examination of unionist positions examining such areas as political history, ecclesiology, sectarianism, historiography and unionist-nationalist sentiment. It contextualises unionist thought within Scotland's history and offers findings based on both archival and primary sources research along with a thorough background of historiography. It both contextualises and examines the complexities of Scottish unionism during this vital period between the Liberal Party's split over Irish Home Rule until the reorganisation of the Scottish Unionist Party in 1965. It illuminates the spectrum of unionist discourse during this period and demonstrates the complexities of Scotland's constitutional and cultural relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom.

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30

Erickson, Danielle. "Change and Stability in the Political Ideology of College Students". Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108791.

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Thesis advisor: David Hopkins
Over the past 20 years, there has been a trend in American politics for college graduates to identify with the Democratic party and to fall to the left on the ideology scale. College graduates of today are both more liberal than previous college graduates as well as their contemporary non-college graduate counterparts. Previous research disagrees on what mechanisms are driving this growing education gap in American politics. Some point to selection effects while others argue that college socializes students to move to the left. Using data from the Political Engagement Project (2003-2005), I argue that the process that is occurring is a mix of these two ideas, fitting an Input-Environment-Output model. While college students as a whole do come in leaning to the left, college has a mildly liberalizing effect on students, so that college graduates as a whole exit leaning more to the left than they did when they entered. I also point out some factors which predispose students to ideological change or stability during college
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Departmental Honors
Discipline: Sociology

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31

Kunkler, Eileen M. "The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent?" The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275067395.

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32

Linzer, Drew Alan. "The structure of mass ideology and its consequences for democratic governance". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835441&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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33

Kelly, John C. "Political intelligence, America's liberal unconscious in the age of ideology". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0007/NQ42534.pdf.

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Berry, Neil Alexander. "Resource nationalism in Southern Africa : ethnic control and political ideology". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13666.

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In the West nationalisation and privatisation have been explained mostly in relation to the political ideologies of capitalism and socialism. The privatisations that began in the 1980s, and accelerated after the collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe, have generally been considered to be developmentally linear. Postcolonial nationalisation-privatisation cycles in South East Asian and Latin American countries, by contrast, have been explained by scholars such as Chua as related to ethnicism, nationalism and indigenism and above all the presence of a 'emarket dominant ethnic minority f (MDM). This paper reviews the cycles of nationalisation and privatisation in the mining industries in Zambia and South Africa (SA), in order to examine the respective roles that ethnicity and political ideology have played. It explores whether minority ethnic economic control is more important than political ideology in driving calls for nationalisation of mining. For each country case, I set out a detailed historical analysis of the political and policy provisions made since independence from colonial rule. The paper explores ideas of ownership and race; the internalisation of norms of neoliberal economic policies; socialism and nationalism; and power relations and identity politics. The study also interrogates the impact of global structures upon state decisions. In both case studies, I show that minority ethnic dominance has been a more important driver of nationalisation/privatisation cycles than political ideology.

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35

Reineke, Jason Bernard. "Support for censorship, family communication, family values, and political ideology". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1216823927.

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Safi, Omid. "Power and the politics of knowledge negotiating political ideology and religious orthodoxy in Saljūq Iran /". [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/55220575.html.

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37

Abbott, Kenrick. "Contemporary Shiʻism as political ideology : the views of Sharîʻatmadârî, Tâliqânî, and Khumaynî". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59561.

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Islam was drastically altered in Iran as a result of the 1978/79 Revolution. This thesis looks at the political aspects of contemporary Imami Shi'ism by comparing the ideas of three leading mujtahids of the day: Ayatullah Shari 'atmadari, Ayatullah Khumayni, and Ayatullah Taliqani. This study points out the wide divergences of ideas present within the religious class, ranging in the political spectrum, from conservative to radical. A comparison of these three figures highlights the differences between "Traditionalist" Islam, as put forth by Shari 'atmadari, and "Fundamentalist" Islam, as proposed by Khumayni and Taliqani. Further differences within the fundamentalist "camp" are demonstrated through Taliqani 's progressive all-inclusive "Liberation Theology" and Khumayni 's equally all-encompassing "religion of militant individuals".

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38

Fitzpatrick, Claire Majella. "Labour, ideology and the states in Ireland, 1917-32". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251551.

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Araki, Hiroshi. "Ideas, ideology and policy : the Conservative transformation of pensions". Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243360.

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40

Shore, C. N. "Organization, ideology, identity : The social anthropology of Italian communism". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373907.

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41

Martini, Nicholas Fred. "The role of ideology in foreign policy attitude formation". Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3347.

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I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).

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42

Melanye, Price Tarea. "Warring Souls, Reconciling Beliefs: Unearthing the Contours of African American Ideology". The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1046194786.

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43

Beaupré, Charles P. (Charles Paul). "Political ideology and moral education in Japanese and Taiwanese primary schools". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60618.

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Moral education in Japanese and Taiwanese primary schools is an important source of political socialization. An analysis of these two countries' moral education curricula reveals traditions which reinforce national solidarity and central governmental authority. Moreover, political ideology is merged with supporting academic, economic, and cultural values. This study examines the political ideology of the moral education curricula in Japanese and Taiwanese primary schools, the values and behavior promoted by these ideologies, as well as the similarities and differences between the Japanese and Taiwanese systems. It is shown that a distinctive feature of both systems is the emphasis placed on political conformism, high academic achievement, professional diligence and economic success.

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44

Al-Maryani, Jasim Khalifah Sultan. "The manipulation of ideology in the simultaneous interpreting of political discourse". Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.705635.

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The live simultaneous interpreting of political discourse that news outlets offer has become an increasingly important means through which Arab audiences both shape their understanding of, and determine their reaction to, the West. Interpreters have, of course, played a very positive role in this process of understanding the ‘other’, but some have also used their powerful position to manipulate, consciously or unconsciously, utterances towards certain ethnic, political or social agendas. This thesis addresses such manipulation, motivated by the challenge of rectifying Arab audiences’ possible misconceptions about interpreting processes, and in particular as to the impossibility of unmediated access to the source text. The thesis does by applying a modified version of Hatim and Mason’s (1997) discourse analysis-based model of ideology in translation to Barack Obama’s keynote speech ‘A New Beginning’, and to three of its renderings into Arabic, provided by Al-Arabiya, Al-Jazeera and Russia Today. Initial conclusions suggest that the interpreters intervene in order to represent certain ideological positions, among them stances that are anti-lslamophobic, sectarian, and anti-Israeli. These initial conclusions are further tested by applying the same model to another key speech by Barack Obama, ‘A Moment of Opportunity’, again with three renderings, taken this time from Al-Hurrah, Al-Jazeera, and Al-Arabiya. In addition to finding that most of the ideological positions that are evidenced in the interpretations of the first speech are present in the work of the interpreters of the second one, new positions (such as anti-sexism) are also detected. The broad conclusion is that manipulative intervention (resulting from the different constraints under which interpreters live and work) is a defining characteristic of everyday live simultaneous interpreting into Arabic. So as to potentially lessen the impact of such interventions, the thesis concludes by offering a number of possible solutions, such as the design of specific training programmes.

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45

Young, Daniel J. "Where ideology does not divide political behavior in Malawi's multiparty era /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693027121&sid=18&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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46

Dommett, Katharine. "Conceptualising party political ideology : an exploration of party modernisation in Britain". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2812/.

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Ideology in political parties has been studied in a variety of different ways. From accounts which emphasise the decline of ideology to scholars attesting the centrality of ideas, the interaction between parties and ideology is often far from clear. In this thesis I set out to explore this relationship in greater detail, arguing that ideological analysis is relevant to understanding parties, but that existing modes of investigation should be tailored to reflect the specific circumstances of political parties. In advancing this contention I introduce the concept of party political ideology as a means for schematising my own study of this area; offering a model in which parties are seen to both possess and project an ideology. In operationalising this approach I concentrate on ideology as projected, arguing that to understand parties’ contemporary relationship with ideology it is informative to consider how the public view this interaction. This leads me to examine ideology through rhetoric, exploring parties’ communicative utterances to discern the way in which ideology is conveyed, the form of ideological change and the apparent relevance of ideology vis-à-vis other party motivations. In applying this approach attention is directed to the Labour Party between 1982 and 1997 and the Conservatives between 1996 and 2010, exploring these periods to examine ideology, ideological change and the indicators of modernisation. Whilst characterising ideology in both of these cases, and developing my own narrative of ideological change and modernisation, I also use this analysis to exhibit the capacities of my theoretical and methodological approach. This leads me to examine how parties’ ideological messages are likely to be decoded and how notions of ideological irrelevance arise; insights which help to explain perceptions of ideology in relation to contemporary party politics. In this regard this thesis engages in a theoretical, methodological and applied analysis of the relationship between political parties and ideology. This multi-stranded inquiry is used to assert the relevance of ideology in the field of party politics and the need to advance, under the banner of party political ideology, a form of analysis capable of appreciating the nuanced interaction between these concerns.

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47

Roumeliotis, Filip. "Ideological Closure : Drug Prevention in a Post-political Society". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-131156.

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The aim of this thesis is to critically examine drug prevention as a field of problematizations – how drug prevention becomes established as a political technology within this field, how it connects to certain modes of governance, how and under which conditions it constitutes it’s problematic, the questions it asks, it´s implications in terms of political participation and representation, the various bodies of knowledge through which it constitutes the reality upon which it acts, the limits it places on ways of being, questioning, and talking in the world. The main analyses have been conducted in four separate but interrelated articles. Each article addresses a specific dimension of drug prevention in order to get a grasp of how this field is organized. Article 1 examines the shift that has occurred in the Swedish context during the period 1981–2011 in how drugs have been problematized, what knowledge has grounded the specific modes of problematization and which modes of governance this has enabled. In article 2, the currently dominant scientific discipline in the field of drug prevention – prevention science – is critically examined in terms of how it constructs the “drug problem” and the underlying assumptions it carries in regard to reality and political governance. Article 3 addresses the issue of communities’ democratic participation in drug prevention efforts by analyzing the theoretical foundations of the Communities That Care prevention program. The article seeks to uncover how notions of community empowerment and democratic participation are constructed, and how the “community” is established as a political entity in the program. The fourth and final article critically examines the Swedish Social and Emotional Training (SET) program and the political implications of the relationship the program establishes between the subject and emotions. The argument is made that, within the field of drug prevention, questions of political values and priorities in a problematic way are decoupled from the political field and pose a significant problem in terms of the possibilities to engage in democratic deliberation. Within this field of problematizations it becomes impossible to mobilize a politics against social injustice, poverty and inequality. At the same time, the scientific grounding of this mode of governing the drug “problem” acts to naturalize a specific – highly political – way of engaging with drugs.

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Tatton, D. "The tension between political commitment and academic neutrality in the W.E.A". Thesis, Open University, 1987. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57029/.

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Throughout the history of the W.E.A. there have been arguments, and sometimes bitter conflicts, about the relationship between educational aims and political objectives. This thesis examines the tensions and the dilemmas generally experienced in any education involving social and political values, by taking the clash of principles between the W.E.A. (non-party, unsectarian, with its formal emphasis upon objectivity in teaching) and the N.C.L.C. (with its proclaimed Marxist partisanship) as a fundamental challenge for critical re-assessment in the light of contemporary thinking and research. The study begins with a consideration of six crucial, and even determining, individual experiences and contributions: those of Albert Mansbridge, R.H. Tawney, J.M. Mactavish, J.P.M. Millar, G.D.H. Cole and Raymond Williams. This is followed by detailed surveys of three particular areas of work - Residential Adult Education, Literature as a W.E.A. Subject, and Community Education from 1960 to 1980 - each of which illustrates how a basic tension between political commitment and academic neutrality permeates all aspects of thinking and practice in the adult education movement. The final chapter draws together the threads from the survey of particular lives, histories and thematic studies to address theoretical questions about the concepts of liberal education and academic neutrality; - about Marxist and other attitudes towards objectivity and dogmatism; about the nature of the relationship between the Labour movement and the adult education movement. The tensions are shown to be deep, enduring and seemingly irreconcilable but changes of emphasis and intensity are apparent as the general history and the wider forces and movements in society determine the ideological parameters and the 'paradigm shifts' within which, or against which, the W.E.A. operates. On the strength of eighty four years' experience, if the W.E.A. celebrates its one hundredth birthday in 2003, it will (and should) do so embodying similar fundamental tensions.

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Blomdahl, Katja. "Hållbar utveckling och ekologisk modernisering i partipolitiken : En jämförande studie av Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas miljöpolicys". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-7855.

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Hållbar utveckling som begrepp används frekvent i dagens samhälle och är också det övergripande målet för svensk nationell strategi. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning hållbar utveckling och/eller ekologisk modernisering beskriver miljöpolicyn hos de två största politiska partierna i Sverige. Dessa två partier, Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna, tillhör varsitt partipolitiskt block med olika ideologier. Resultaten i uppsatsen visar att det finns väsentliga skillnader mellan de båda partiernas miljöpolicys som är grundade i olika politiska ideologier. Socialdemokraterna har sina rötter i frågor som demokrati, social rättvisa och välfärdsfrågor, och deras miljöpolicy överensstämmer till stor del med hållbar utveckling. Moderaterna utgår från liberalkonservativa idéer med utgångspunkt i individualism och marknadsbaserade ekonomier och deras miljöpolicy harmoniserar överlag med ekologisk modernisering. Att dessa skillnader existerar kan uppfattas som något överraskande eftersom båda partierna stödjer den nationella strategin för hållbar utveckling tillsammans med att senaste ordförandeskapet för kommissionen för hållbar utveckling innehades av Moderaternas partiledare.
Sustainable development as a concept is frequently utilized nowadays in our society and is additionally used as a comprehensive goal of Swedish national strategy. The purpose of this essay is approach this issue and to examine whether sustainable development and/or ecological modernization best describes the environmental policy of the two major political parties in Sweden. Socialdemokraterna and Moderaterna belong to opposite ideological parties, one on the left wing and the other one on the right wing. The result of this essay concludes that there are essential differences between the environmental policies of the two parties that are related to the underlying political ideology. Socialdemokraterna, on the one hand, has its root in democracy, social justice and welfare issues and the environmental policy mostly agrees with sustainable development. Moderaterna, on the other hand, takes its starting point in liberal-conservative thoughts with individualism and market-based economies and their environmental policy is in almost every aspect in accordance with ecological modernization. Yet, the differences in environmental policies are to some extent unexpected since both parties support the national strategy of sustainable development. Besides, the latest chairman of the Commission on Sustainable Development was the party leader of Moderaterna.

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50

Smith, Jeffery Bradley Stewart 1965. "The Brazilian military ideology: Implications for institutionalized democracy". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291675.

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The Brazilian military possesses an institutional ideology separate from that of civil society. This ideology has in the past mistakenly been identified as the National Security Doctrine (NSD). However, the NSD is merely the codification of a flexible and continuous ideology that began to develop in the nineteenth century. The ideology is based on geopolitical theory which the military believes offers an objective and scientific approach to the problems of national security. According to the ideology, the organic state's national security is in a constant state of peril which grants the military the role of state guardian. As guardians of the state the military also views itself as society's tutor in the process of preparing the nation for the responsible exercise of democracy. As long as the flexible and authoritarian military ideology is present, democracy in Brazil cannot be institutionalized and will, at best, be a limited democracy.

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