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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Political history”

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Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 7 lipca 2024

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1

Ware, Susan. "Political Partnerships, Political History". Reviews in American History 40, nr 2 (2012): 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2012.0027.

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2

De Hart, Jane Sherron. "Women's History, Gender History, and Political History". Public Historian 15, nr 4 (1993): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3378639.

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Davidson, Lawrence. "Lebanese Political History". Journal of Palestine Studies 15, nr 4 (1986): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536624.

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4

Young, Luke. "Cambodian Political History". Monthly Review 65, nr 6 (3.11.2013): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-065-06-2013-10_3.

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Pitney, John J. "Real political history". Review of Politics 68, nr 2 (maj 2006): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506260133.

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For too many political scientists, “political history” means little more than poll results, aggregate vote totals, and DW-NOMINATE scores. Useful as these data may be for narrow purposes, they miss the complexity of political life. Real political history concerns the interplay of ideas, interests, institutions, and individuals.
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6

Graham, Hugh Davis. "[Women's History, Gender History, and Political History]: Response". Public Historian 15, nr 4 (1993): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3378640.

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7

Sukhobokovа, O. "NATIONAL AND SOCIAL СOMPONENTS OF UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION 1917–1921 IN N. HRYHORYIV'S VISION". Intermarum history policy culture, nr 5 (1.01.2018): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11186.

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The paper considers the national and social aspects of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 in the conception of the national-state construction by N. Hryhoryiv. Public figure and politician Nykyfor Hryhoryiv was one of the active participants and theorists of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Minister of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a member of the Central Rada, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. He created the original conception of national-state construction in Ukraine of that period, which is relevant today. According to him, the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917–1921 had a pronounced social color, and simultaneous solution of national and social issues became its main task and distinctive feature. He considered the achievement of Ukraine’s national sovereignty as the goal of the Ukrainian nationalliberation movement in the national-political sphere. At the same time, as a socialist-revolutionary, one of the theorists of ethical socialism, he stressed the necessity of a social revolution and construction of the Ukrainian state on the principles of «labor democracy». Based on these principles and the political situation in 1917, N. Hryhoryiv advocated a democratic federal republic and wide autonomy of Ukraine – its full sovereignty in internal affairs. Subsequently, when the situation changed, instead of autonomy, he demanded full independence of Ukraine from Russia. According to his opinion, the social character of the Ukrainian state was to be realized through a political system in the form of the so-called labor democracy, which corresponded to his principle of social and political freedom of the Ukrainian people. His concept gives each citizen not only the right to vote in elections, but also gives him the tools of constant and direct influence on the solution of all issues – from production to general political. The national and social components of N. Hryhoryiv’s conception are not only closely linked but mutually complement each other in the creation of the Ukrainian state. In his opinion, only in such a way the Ukrainians could fully create a strong independent state and a successful society.
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8

Lottermann, Luiz Alfredo Fernandes. "Regional history and political history: possible interfaces between two approaches". CONTRIBUCIONES A LAS CIENCIAS SOCIALES 17, nr 2 (19.02.2024): e4724. http://dx.doi.org/10.55905/revconv.17n.2-185.

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This work addresses the transformation in the approach to History that occurred in 1929 with the creation of the Revista dos Annales, led by Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre. This paradigmatic shift broke with the tradition of focusing only on major historical events and figures, adopting a broader, interdisciplinary approach that incorporated anthropology, sociology, and geography into historical analysis. Political history, which had been disregarded by the Annales, underwent a revival in the 1970s, reintroducing it as an important field of study. It also highlights the importance of considering the regional dimension in the analysis of political history, recognizing that the politician creates his own spatiality and that regional politics plays a significant role in the formation of identities and specific political practices. The regional approach enriches our understanding of politics by connecting the particular to the universal, allowing for a more complete and interdisciplinary analysis of historical phenomena. In summary, the text emphasizes the importance of considering the interconnection between regional history and political history for a deeper understanding of society over time.
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9

Vartumyan, A. A., i M. Yu Napalkin. "Political falsification of history: problems of Anglo-Saxon "Interpretation"". Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, nr 3 (43) (2023): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.19.

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The article examines the actual problem of falsification of political history and its "interpretations" by Anglo-Saxon authors. The authors demonstrate a comprehensive approach of a set of methods – from dialectics and gemeneutics to comparative studies and semiotics. The presented principles of dialectics allow us to identify the dynamics of the development of falsifications. The principles of comparative studies used in comparisons with historical facts help to expose falsification. The use of personalism data allows us to more accurately understand the personalities who participated in the falsification. The method of hermeneutics allows you to penetrate into the depth of the meaning of the text, through the disclosure of its true content, the problem of falsifications is represented by the scheme: incompetence-error-lie. The approaches of the US ruling elite to the interpretation of modern international events of political history in relations with Russia have been criticized. In relation to the English falsifiers of history, the authors distinguish two categories of memory: collective and collective. The nature of information wars in fakes and demagogic tricks is revealed. The purpose of further development of this topic is to develop and implement a number of events and "anti-fake" programs based on close interaction of the Russian media, which allow to rid the Russian community of the "weeds" of the Anglo-Saxon falsification of political history.
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10

Leff, Mark H. "Revisioning U.S. Political History". American Historical Review 100, nr 3 (czerwiec 1995): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168607.

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11

Rich, Ben A. "Pain: A Political History". Journal of Pain & Palliative Care Pharmacotherapy 29, nr 1 (2.01.2015): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/15360288.2014.1003685.

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12

Pye, Lucian W., i Denny Roy. "Taiwan: A Political History". Foreign Affairs 82, nr 2 (2003): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033559.

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13

Tomlinson, Jim. "History as Political Rhetoric". Political Studies Review 6, nr 3 (wrzesień 2008): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2008.00159.x.

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14

Murphy, Kate. "Feminism and Political History". Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, nr 1 (marzec 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01539.x.

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15

Stockbridge, Erica L., i Kristine Lykens. "Pain: A Political History". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 41, nr 1 (1.02.2016): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-3445774.

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16

White, Kristopher D. "Azerbaijan: A Political History". Asian Affairs 43, nr 2 (lipiec 2012): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.682718.

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17

Zagoria, Donald S., i Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa. "Tibet: A Political History". Foreign Affairs 64, nr 1 (1985): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042559.

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18

Bouali, Hassan I. "Histoire politique / Political History". Studia Islamica 115, nr 2-3 (21.12.2020): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341419.

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19

Dorow, Sara. "Adoption as Political History". Reviews in American History 41, nr 1 (2013): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2013.0029.

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20

Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Political History in Italy". Journal of Policy History 21, nr 03 (lipiec 2009): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030609090137.

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21

Sipress, M. "Political History in Fiction". OAH Magazine of History 13, nr 2 (1.01.1999): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/13.2.49.

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22

NAKAMIZO, Kazuya. "Political History of Crisis:". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 64, nr 2 (2013): 2_62–2_85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.64.2_62.

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23

Noda, S. "History in Political Science". Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 50 (1999): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.50.0_113.

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24

Miller, Jerry L., i Raymie E. McKerrow. "History of Political Communication". Review of Communication 10, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590903370233.

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25

Geukjian, Ohannes. "Georgia. A Political History". Europe-Asia Studies 66, nr 8 (14.09.2014): 1375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.941699.

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26

المعلة, جميل, i علي الخرسان. "History of political thought". Kufa Journal of Arts 1, nr 24 (23.11.2015): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2015/v1.i24.6321.

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Greece has reached the height of its greatness and its reputation has spread throughout the world to this day. Every intellectual and philosophical product throughout history has been studied and drank from the wellspring of Greek civilization, as it is the fountain of ideas and the center of global thought to this day. This does not mean that it was not preceded by another civilization. Mesopotamia and the Chinese, Indian and Persian civilization preceded it by many centuries, and Greece took a lot from them, and this was not a defect, but rather a universal norm and a law that governs humanity, as civilizational and cultural exchange and the interaction and integration of ideas are part of this human system within the title of “Integration of Civilizations”.
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27

Bezabeh, Samson A., i Sonia Le Gouriellec. "Djibouti. A political History". Afrique contemporaine N° 277, nr 1 (26.04.2024): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco1.277.0406.

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28

Rexroth, Frank. "From Political History To the History of Political Culture: Fifteenth-Century England". Journal of Early Modern History 3, nr 2 (1999): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00053.

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29

Rexroth, Frank. "From Political History To the History of Political Culture: Fifteenth-Century England". Journal of Early Modern History 3, nr 3 (1999): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00224.

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30

오영인. "Reemerging American Political History and Congressional History". SA-CHONG(sa) ll, nr 81 (styczeń 2014): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..81.201401.399.

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31

Alliès, Paul. "The republic: a political history". Revista Estudos do Século XX, nr 10 (2010): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_10_20.

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32

Panchuk, Maryna. "THE RELEVANCE OF THE LIBERAL IDEA IN UKRAINE: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE FIRST POLITICAL PARTIES". Intermarum history policy culture, nr 10 (30.06.2022): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112028.

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This study aims to highlight and analyze the liberal principles in the context of Ukrainian political parties’ activities in the early XXth century, clarifying the conditions under which the liberal idea found its expression in the Ukrainian reality of the time. The research methodology comprises general scientific methods (program document analysis, generalizations, systematic approach) as well as special-historical methods, in particular historical-genetic, anthropological, and comparative analyses. The scientific novelty is found in the role and significance of the liberal idea in the formation of Ukrainian political thought, which led to the emergence and development of political concepts that served as the foundation for various parties’ activities on the main stages of statehood. Conclusions. The liberal idea in Ukraine has undergone several stages of development, finding expression in the programs of newly formed Ukrainian parties and serving as a response to the challenges of political life and the requirements of progressive intellectuals in the early XXth century. The implementation of liberalism in the Ukrainian political sphere was also unique in that it was combined with socialist demands and the struggle for Ukrainian national rights. During the Ukrainian National Revolution and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood in 1917–1921, liberal ideas, manifested in a number of democratic demands, were renewed. Even though the liberal doctrine does not receive widespread support in Ukraine, we believe that combining elements that stimulate private initiative and the formation of civil society with moderate and well-defined state regulation can help Ukraine progress. Further research is required in order to study the psychological, cultural and mental aspects of the rejection of liberalism in its "pure" form, as well as the current political field of Ukraine and the presentation of liberal elements in the activities of Ukrainian governments, especially after 2004.
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33

Stepanchuk, Olga. "ACTIVITIES OF OLEH SHTUL-ZHDANOVYCH DURING WORLD WAR II". Intermarum history policy culture, nr 8 (30.12.2020): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11206.

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The aim of the article is to study the political, social and cultural activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II. In the process of the research general and special historical methods and basic principles of historical knowledge were used. The principles of historicism and scientificity allowed to analyze the activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych seen in the perspective of social and political events of the time. The principle of objectivity helped to critically analyze the literature and source base of the study. The principle of systematicity allowed to form a holistic picture of the activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II. Being based on the available source base, the article presents an unprecedented generalized image of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s activity during World War II, comprising the scientific novelty of the research. The author made conclusions that the political activity of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II was quite active and diverse. He became a member of the OUN (M) marching groups and actively participated in the political life of occupied Kyiv, closely cooperating with leading figures of the nationalist movement, especially with Olena Teliha and Oleh Olzhych.Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s social and cultural activity during World War II is represented by his work in the editorial office of the newspaper “Ukrainske Slovo” (“Ukrainian Word”) (Kyiv). Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s cooperation with Taras Bulba-Borovets was of great importance, while its purpose was to unite all independent forces against a common enemy. In fact, their cooperation supported a permanent political connection between the OUN (M) and the forces of Taras Bulba-Borovets. According to Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych, the main goal of any struggle was to gain Ukraine’s independence. In general, the research provides an estimation of the political, social and cultural activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych in the Ukrainian lands during World War II.
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34

Chawla, Devika. "My History of History". Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 6, nr 2 (2017): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2017.6.2.62.

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Rooted in the conceptual and received notion that personal histories are necessarily imbricated in larger historical, social, and political narratives, “My History of History” is a performance forum that engages individual and collective responses to pivotal historical moments. Each of the ten auto/historical performances featured here seeks the liminal space between the personal and the political to ask and answer the following questions: How do we feel, shape, remember, and embody socio-political-historical narratives? In times of adversity, debate, upheaval, loss, etc., how do we give voice to and trace a particular moment in history? How does this history linger in our selves, our bodies, and our stories?
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35

Fiume, Giovanna. "Women's History and Gender History: The Italian Experience". Modern Italy 10, nr 2 (listopad 2005): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.

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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.
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36

Bourke, Paul F., i Donald A. DeBats. "Restoring Politics to Political History". Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15, nr 3 (1985): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204141.

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37

Hattam, Victoria. "History, Agency, and Political Change". Polity 32, nr 3 (marzec 2000): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235354.

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38

Wood, Gregory. "The Cigarette: A Political History". Journal of American History 108, nr 1 (1.06.2021): 188–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab023.

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39

Islami, Islam. "Political history of modern Egypt". ILIRIA International Review 6, nr 1 (30.06.2016): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.2016.1.191.

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40

Islami, Islam. "Political history of modern Egypt". ILIRIA International Review 6, nr 1 (27.07.2016): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.231.

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Under the Ottoman Empire, Egypt was granted some autonomy because as long as taxes were paid, the Ottomans were content to let the Egyptians administer them. Nevertheless, the 17th and 18th centuries were ones of economic decline for Egypt.In 1798, the French army led by Napoleon Bonaparte landed in Egypt and defeated the Egyptians on land at the battle of the Pyramids, but he was utterly defeated at sea by the British navy, which made him abandon his army and leave Egypt. Subsequently, British and Ottoman forces defeated the French army and forced them to surrender.In particular after the last quarter of 19 century, in Egypt began colonizing activities by Western European countries, while the reaction to such events occurred within “the Egyptian national movement.”With its history of five thousand years, Egypt is considered as the first modern state of the Arab world. Ottoman military representative Mehmet Ali Pasha takes a special place through his contribution to this process. He is seen as a statesman who carried important reforms, which can be compared even with the ones of Tanzimat. He managed to build Egypt as an independent state from the Ottoman Empire, standing on its own power.Gamal Abdel Nasser was the one who established the Republic of Egypt and ended the monarchy rule in Egypt following the Egyptian revolution in 1952. Egypt was ruled autocratically by three presidents over the following six decades, by Nasser from 1954 until his death in 1970, by Anwar Sadat from 1971 until his assassination 1981, and by Hosni Mubarak from 1981 until his resignation in the face of the 2011 Egyptian revolution.
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41

Colchester, Marcus, i R. Brian Ferguson. "Yanomami Warfane: A Political History." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2, nr 3 (wrzesień 1996): 549. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034916.

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42

Hubert, Hadassah St. "Radicalism and Haitian Political History". Anthurium A Caribbean Studies Journal 11, nr 1 (16.05.2014): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33596/anth.264.

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43

Castaño, David. "The splendour of political history". Relações Internacionais, SI2018 (2018): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2018.sibr02.

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44

Gailmard, Sean. "Theory, History, and Political Economy". Journal of Historical Political Economy 1, nr 1 (2021): 69–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/115.00000003.

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Freer, Patrick K. "Beethoven's Ninth: A Political History". Music Educators Journal 90, nr 5 (maj 2004): 52–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3400026.

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46

Schultz, David. "The History of Political Theory". International Studies in Philosophy 24, nr 1 (1992): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199224157.

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Farr, James. "The History of Political Science". American Journal of Political Science 32, nr 4 (listopad 1988): 1175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111205.

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48

Palonen, Kari. "Conceptual History as Political Theory". Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 4, nr 1 (1.01.2000): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.4.1.1.

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49

Ionov, Igor. "Myths in Russian political history". Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 11, nr 1 (1999): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-1999-11-1-5-32.

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50

Adcock, Robert, i Mark Bevir. "The History of Political Science". Political Studies Review 3, nr 1 (styczeń 2005): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9299.2005.00016.x.

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