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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
1
Dzulfaroh, Ahmad Naufal. "STATUS SOSIAL NON-MUSLIM DI TIMUR TENGAH". Jurnal Penelitian Agama 20, nr 1 (4.06.2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/jpa.v20i1.2019.pp1-23.
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This study aims to find detailed data on non-muslim social status in the Middle East, particularly the social status of Coptic Christian groups in Egypt, Christian Maronites in Lebanon, Christian in Sudan as well as Jewish communities in Egypt, Iraq and Iran. The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative through literature review. The authors analyzed matters relating to the existence of groups, social and political status of non-muslim communities in the Middle East. As for the results of this analysis is first, non-muslim existence in the Middle East as a whole occupies a position as a minority group. This is due to the long history of the Islamic journey that has captured the entire Middle East region and the diaspora of the non-muslim population to the West. Second, in general, non-muslim groups in the Middle East are able to co-exist well with the majority. However, in certain situations minority groups are often subjected to several acts of terror, such as killing and assaulting houses of worship. Third, judging from the right received by non-muslim groups in the Middle East as citizens, only Sudanese Christian groups, Jewish Communities in Iraq and Iran are received discriminatory treatment. Fourth, politically, only the Egyptian and Christian Copts of Sudan received discriminatory treatment from the government, both political and parliamentary.
Keywords: Social Status, Non-muslim, Middle East
2
Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor". American Journal of International Law 95, nr 1 (styczeń 2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.
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Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).
3
Gusmão, Xanana. "Eyes on the prize". Index on Censorship 26, nr 2 (marzec 1997): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209702600214.
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The thousands of people who welcomed Nobel prize-winner Bishop Carlos Belo back to Dili on 24 December were also carrying posters of Xanana Gusmão. The charismatic former leader of the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) has been in prison in Jakarta since 1992, serving a 20-year sentence for rebellion and possession of firearms. Gusmão, a poet and former seminary student, spent 11 years leading the armed resistance in the Timorese jungle. In 1989 he became leader of the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), a newly formed alliance of pro-independence groups. ‘Maubere’ is a name adopted by Fretilin to signify ‘the oppressed’. Below are excerpts from conversations with Gusmão in Cipinang prison over the last Christmas holidays
4
Yunas, Novy Setia, i Baiqun Isbahi. "PERBANDINGAN LOYALITAS PEMILIH ABANGAN DAN SANTRI TERHADAP KHOFIFAH DAN SAIFULLAH YUSUF PADA PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018". Jurnal Sosiologi Agama 12, nr 1 (18.12.2018): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsa.2018.121-08.
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This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural group from the influence of cadence and culture shifted to the orientation of the issues brought by the candidate.
5
Dudouet, Véronique. "Dynamics and factors of transition from armed struggle to nonviolent resistance". Journal of Peace Research 50, nr 3 (maj 2013): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469978.
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The dynamics of conflict (de)escalation by social movements or political opposition groups have attracted cross-disciplinary interest among social scientists, but there remain several knowledge gaps to be filled. On the one hand, there is already extensive research on the shifts from unarmed expressions of collective grievances to the adoption of violent strategies by oppressed constituencies or ‘minorities at risk’, as well as on the transition from armed insurgency to negotiations, demobilization, reintegration and conventional politics. However, there is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also ‘unripe’ for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article offers a first attempt to fill this conceptual and empirical gap, by investigating the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decisionmaking process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. This multilevel analysis draws from past research on various self-determination or revolutionary movements which fit the scope of analysis (i.e. Nepal, Egypt, Palestine, West Papua, East Timor, Mexico and Western Sahara). The article also points to the need for more systematic enquiry on these cases through in-depth comparative empirical analysis.
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Darmawan, Arief Bakhtiar. "Islam dan Perilaku Politik di Timur Tengah". Insignia Journal of International Relations 5, nr 1 (15.05.2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.1.895.
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This paper aims to analyze religion�s roles related to the political activities in the contemporary Middle East. Constructivism is a framework that offers the way to understand the phenomenon. Constructivism provides a place for the influence of non-material factors such as the value, identity, and purpose of actor behavior in politics. This study used descriptive-interpretative method to acknowledge the problem formulation. Through the lenght of descriptive-interpretative method, author carried out data management, unification, and examination by exertly looking for patterns and relations regarding the role of Islam in political activities in Middle-East. In this article, the author examines through two levels of analysis, ie state level and regional level. At the state level, Islamic political ideology grows in a modern state and often confronts democracy. The debate over the application of Islamic law, the involvement in elections, and the adaptation of Islamic justice principles and the principle of equality are the discourses that characterize political activity in the Middle East. At the regional level, Islam exerts impact in foreign policy in the region. The regional tensions between Sunni and Shiite groups, the resistance in the context of jihad, and the emergence of ISIS are part of the conflict that contributes to regional instability. These political behaviors shows that Islam is not a religion with a single interpretation.
Keywords: Islam, Middle East, constructivism, modern states, foreign policy
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di kawasan Timur Tengah terkini. Konstruktivisme merupakan kerangka pemikiran yang menyediakan jalan untuk memahami fenomena tersebut. Konstruktivisme memberi tempat bagi pengaruh faktor-faktor non-material seperti nilai, identitas, dan maksud dari perilaku aktor dalam dunia politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif untuk menjawab rumusan masalah. Melalui pendekatan deskriptif-interpretatif, penulis melakukan pengaturan, penyatuan, dan pemeriksaan data dengan berupaya mencari pola dan relasi mengenai peran atau pengaruh Islam dalam aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam artikel ini, penulis meneliti melalui dua level analisis, yaitu level negara dan level regional. Dalam level negara, ideologi politik Islam tumbuh dalam negara modern dan seringkali berhadapan dengan demokrasi. Perdebatan mengenai penerapan syariat Islam, keterlibatan dalam pemilihan umum, serta penyesuaian prinsip keadilan Islam dan prinsip persamaan hak merupakan diskursus yang mewarnai aktivitas politik di Timur Tengah. Dalam level regional, Islam memberi pengaruh dalam politik luar negeri di kawasan. Ketegangan regional antara kelompok Sunni dan Syiah, perlawanan dalam konteks jihad, serta kemunculan ISIS adalah bagian dari konflik yang menyumbang ketidakstabilan kawasan. Perilaku-perilaku politik tersebut menunjukkan bahwa Islam bukan agama dengan makna yang tunggal.
Kata kunci: Islam, Timur Tengah, konstruktivisme, negara modern, politik luar negeri
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Alfiyah, Nur Inna, i Dwi Listia Rika Tini. "EDUKASI POLITIK PEMUDA KARANG TARUNADESA LENTENG TIMUR DALAM MENGHADAPI PILKADA DI KABUATEN SUMENEP". Jurnal Pengabdian dan Peningkatan Mutu Masyarakat (JANAYU) 2, nr 1 (17.02.2021): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/janayu.v2i1.13092.
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This service aims to provide education to youth groups in the youth group "Tunas Muda" in East Lenteng Village related to politics in order to face regional head elections that will be conducted by the Sumenep Regency government this year. Education is carried out through political education which later the knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. The implementation of this service uses the method of socialization and education in youth youth groups in Lenteng Timur Village. Education is carried out in this service through two activities namely related to how the role of youth youth in the electoral activity and organizational activity that later knowledge and information obtained during education will be distributed to the community by youth youth. This service is expected to be able to change the mindset of young people to the community towards their participation in politics.
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Abdurrahman, Abdurrahman, M. Husin Al-Banjari i Muradi Muradi. "TERPILIHNYA FIGUR MINORITAS DALAM MASYARAKAT MAJEMUK BELOTO KABUPATEN FLORES TIMUR: TINJAUAN PERSPEKTIF TEORI PENGARUH MINORITAS DAN TEORI KONTAK". Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 4, nr 2 (30.04.2019): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v4i2.454.
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Election of Beloto village head East Flores District 2015 is a paradox in modern-pragmatic political logic, where Solhan Masang, who was the personification of the Muslim minority group, was chosen as the head of Beloto village in the middle of the majority of Catholic communities. The Beloto community practices village head elections in accordance with the principles and spirit of democracy. The decision to choose Solhan Masang as the Village Head, the Beloto community does not take into account the brand of religion, ethnicity, group or group what the candidate is as a uniform political calculation with the majority of the people as long as the political drama of the election is presented. This reason is why this research needs to be conducted to explore this healthier political phenomenon more deeply in Beloto Village. There are two theories that I use in analyzing this phenomenon, namely, first, the theory of minority influence, this theory approach emphasizes 3 (three) components that minority figures must have, namely attitudes of consistency, confidence (self-confidence) and persuasive. Second, contact theory, this theory emphasizes more interaction between individuals and minority groups and the majority are bound by a condition that must be fulfilled
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Wungu, Dewi. "Modal Sosial dalam Keterpilihan Perempuan Calon Gubernur: Studi Kasus Karolin Margret Natassa di Kalimantan Barat dan Khofifah Indar Parawansa di Jawa Timur pada Pilkada Serentak 2018". Journal of Politics and Policy 4, nr 1 (30.06.2022): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jppol.2022.004.01.02.
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This thesis aims to see how social capital is utilized in the process of selecting female gubernatorial candidates in the 2018 election. The research subjects were Karolin Margret Natassa of West Kalimantan and Khofifah Indar Parawansa of East Java. This phenomenon needs to be studied through a constructive paradigm, to find out how these two women formed and used their social capital to win as governors, a position that has rarely been filled by women since the direct local election era began. A social capital analysis is placed at the micro (individual) level in the structural (network) dimension using the Social Capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu and Robert Putnam. This research also wanting to identifies what kind of political pathways lead women into political contestation, and how it can affect the instrumentalization pattern of their social capital. The research procedure was carried out using qualitative methods where data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews with key informants and then deepened by literature studies. The results showed that Karolin and Khofifah have different types of social network ties in the process of utilizing their social capital. Karolin is a Bonding type (Same identity with strong ties characteristic and more focusing on internal traits), while Khofifah is a Bridging and Linking type, where the earned trust is used to bridge the interests of groups and later to be activated as a ladder to her political interests. The results of the study also identified Karolin as a politician from the elite route and Khofifah as a politician from the grassroots route.
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Asrikah, Asrikah, i Erman Anom. "Interpersonal Communication of the Election Commission as a Strategy in Efforts to Improve the Political Efficiency of the Fisherman Community in Manggar District, Belitung Timur Regency". Ilomata International Journal of Social Science 4, nr 1 (5.02.2023): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.52728/ijss.v4i1.643.
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The KPU's communication target in general elections is to increase voter participation by giving them their voting rights in elections. Preliminary studies show that around 69.8% of 40 fishermen in Manggar District, East Belitung Regency, are still apathetic towards political processes such as elections and feel that their involvement in politics will have no impact. Therefore, the KPU then implemented an interpersonal communication strategy in an effort to increase the political efficacy of the fishing community in Manggar District. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with data collection techniques of interviews, observation, and documentation. Data analysis used the Miles and Huberman interactive model, which consisted of the stages of data collection, data condensation, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of the study found that the East Belitung KPU, together with members of the Manggar District Election Committee (PPK), held face-to-face meetings and discussions with fishermen groups as part of the KPU's outreach activities to the public. KPU has been open and honest in conveying any information related to the election, understanding the problems felt by fishermen, and providing support in the form of providing election education and knowledge to fishermen. In addition, KPU has also tried to build an atmosphere and interaction with fishermen to foster equality, as well as a communication approach that considers fishermen important. External factors such as the social environment or friends in the community and the candidate's vision and mission that can prosper the fishermen are factors that also influence the fishermen's perceptions and evaluations of elections and the political system in Indonesia.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
1
Guterres, Francisco da Costa, i n/a. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061108.163627.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.
2
Guterres, Francisco da Costa. "Elites and Prospects of Democracy in East Timor". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367921.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
East Timor is a former colony of Portugal and one-time province of Indonesia. Portuguese colonization ended in 1975 amid brief civil warring between local political parties that had recently been established. This conflict was followed by an Indonesian military invasion, ushering in a period of domination that only ended in 1999 when the United Nations carried out a referendum by which to determine East Timor's future. But this occupation also ended with much violence, generating bitter sentiments between elites that has hampered democratisation even as independence has been won. One of the conclusions made in this study is that East Timor's transition to democracy fails to correlate fully with any of the modal processes outlined in the literature. Rather, in the case of East Timor, a number of pathways merge. In some ways, it begins with what Huntington conceptualized as bottom-up 'replacement', with local mass publics voting against their oppressors. But one of the factors that quickly distinguished this case is that the voting by which change was organized by an external force, the United Nations (UN), and targeted a foreign power, the Indonesian government. In this way, the processes of independence and democratisation were nearly coterminous. East Timor's progress was also complicated by Indonesia's responding to the referendum's outcome by instigating much violence through the militia groups that it controlled. This summoned yet another external actor, the Australian military. It also greatly extended the role of the UN, geared now to restarting the democratisation process by organising founding elections. But if East Timor's democratic transition is complex, an account of the precariousness of the democracy that has been brought about is straightforward. Put simply, given the weakness of institutions and civil society organization, this thesis restores attention to the autonomy and voluntarism possessed by national elites. The hypothesis guiding this thesis, then, is that elites are disunified, but have avoided any return to outright warring. Further, they are at most 'semi-loyal' in their attitudes toward democracy. Accordingly, democracy persists in East Timor, but is subject to many abuses. Thus, most of the research in this thesis seeks to explain elite-level attitudes and relations. In particular, it shows that cooperation between elites and shared commitments to democracy has been hampered by the diversity of their backgrounds. Some elites gained their standings and outlooks under Indonesian occupation. Others gained their statuses because of the guerrilla resistance they mounted against this occupation. The attitudes of other elites were deeply coloured by their experiences in a multitude of countries, including Indonesia, Portugal, Mozambique and Australia. This thesis then demonstrates that these diverse origins and standings have shaped elite attitudes and relations in ways that are unfavourable for political stability and democracy. Under Portuguese rule, three distinct elite groups emerged in East Timor: top government administrators, business elites and young professionals or intellectuals. In the last years of Portuguese domination, they formed some political parties, enabling them to emerge as political elites. Lacking what Higley et al. label structural integration and value consensus, these elites engaged in violent conflict that peaked in brief civil warring and triggered the Indonesian occupation. This elite-level disunity persisted during occupation, with elites continuing to use violence against each other. National elites were also diversified further, with the administrators and resistors joined by pro-Indonesian groups, the Catholic Church group, and nationalist intellectuals, hence extending the range of social origins and ideological outlooks. East Timor finally gained independence in 2002. However, this thesis shows that elite relations still lack integration and consensus. Their country's political frameworks were negotiated by officials from Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the UN. Moreover, even after the referendum sponsored by the UN was held, UN officials in New York overshadowed the preferences and decision making of national elites. This exclusion denied East Timorese elites the opportunity to learn and to habituate themselves in making political decisions based on peaceful dialogue and bargaining. Thus, while the use of overt violence diminished, elites continued to harbour deep suspicions, encouraging their use of manipulations, subterfuge, and violence by proxy in their dealings with one another. In consequence, tensions between elites in East Timor, while stopping short of outright warring, continue to simmer. It is thus uncertain whether, or for how long, these tensions might be contained by the formal institutions and procedures that have been put in place. Analysis is also clouded by the fact that in the wake of independence, still more kinds of elites have appeared on the scene. New fault lines thus stem from generational membership (older and younger), geographic location (diaspora and homegrown), and new kinds of organisational bases (political parties, state bureaucracy, security forces, business, the Catholic Church, and civil society). These elites have only begun to interact with another directly and regularly since East Timor's independence. They find that they possess different outlooks and levels of influence and power. Nonetheless, despite these inauspicious beginnings, it is important to underscore the fact that since independence, elites have refrained from the open warring that they once undertook. This thesis predicts that sustained elite skirmishing, but not open warring, and semi-democratic politics, rather than 'full' democracy or hard authoritarianism will persist. Much should be made clearer, though, by the ways in which the next parliamentary election, due in 2007, is conducted.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Full Text
3
Grainger, Alex. "Alternative forms of power in East Timor 1999-2009 : a historical perspective". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3496/.
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This thesis presents an alternative to prevailing understandings of politics in East Timor in the period 1999-2009. Employing the language of state-building, dominant views posit that the new nation’s ‘crisis’ in 2006 is attributable to a ‘weak state’, arguing that substantial constraints on ‘human development’, a legacy of either the Indonesian period or failures of UN state building, presented insurmountable challenges to ‘capacity building’ which hampered the development of a public administration and other arms of the state. A closely related body of analysis attributes the causes, passage and resolution of ‘crisis’ to actors from the political elite. In this view, intraelite conflict foreclosed the possibility of the crisis’s early resolution, and attributed crisis to bad ‘policy-making’. A second perspective posits that a crisis was the result not of a weak state, but of the disempowerment of a strong civil society, that through ‘networked governance’, a legacy of the resistance network against Indonesia, can be relied on to rule. This thesis suggests that the remarkable uniformity of these analyses can be explained by their having: a) largely overlooked pre-1999 politics; and b) used a liberal perspective in which both abstractions and technical solutions (rule of law, capacity building) are assumed to be able to ‘correct’ ‘problems’ leading to ‘crisis’. This thesis proposes an explanation for contemporary politics found not solely in crisis or peace, but in the past. The postcolonial state is examined through the lens of colonial power relations, in terms of the extent and limits of modern ‘bio-power’. Successive chapters examine health and hygiene, the inculcation of norms and dispositions, family and habitat, and monetization. These themes are related back to state formation across the 20th century, and moreover, to an evaluation of life and death, processes evident throughout the practices of contemporary politics, including being significant in the institution of the postcolonial state. A key site of this power across time has been ‘missionary power’, embedded and semi-autonomous from the colonial state, rather than the Catholic Church per se. The manifold limits of colonial bio-power are identified not only as being a result of the paucity of material resources of the state, therefore, but also colonial ambivalence over subjects, durable relations between (and divergent representations of) missionaries and indigenous authorities, and contradictions between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’, all of which are shown to play out in contemporary politics. Through this analysis, the thesis reveals an alternative interpretation of East Timor since 1999, and offers possibilities for considering politics in other postcolonial contexts.
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Hughes, Caroline. "Dependent Communities: Aid and Politics in Cambodia and East Timor". Southeast Asia Program Publications, Cornell University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6272.
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Dependent Communities investigates the political situations in contemporary Cambodia and East Timor, where powerful international donors intervened following deadly civil conflicts. This comparative analysis critiques international policies that focus on rebuilding state institutions to accommodate the global market. In addition, it explores the dilemmas of politicians in Cambodia and East Timor who struggle to satisfy both wealthy foreign benefactors and constituents at home-groups whose interests frequently conflict.Hughes argues that the policies of Western aid organizations tend to stifle active political engagement by the citizens of countries that have been torn apart by war. The neoliberal ideology promulgated by United Nations administrations and other international NGOs advocates state sovereignty, but in fact "sovereignty" is too flimsy a foundation for effective modern democratic politics. The result is an oppressive peace that tends to rob survivors and former resistance fighters of their agency and aspirations for genuine postwar independence.In her study of these two cases, Hughes demonstrates that the clientelist strategies of Hun Sen, Cambodia's postwar leader, have created a shadow network of elites and their followers that has been comparatively effective in serving the country's villages, even though so often coercive and corrupt. East Timor's postwar leaders, on the other hand, have alienated voters by attempting to follow the guidelines of the donors closely and ignoring the immediate needs and voices of the people.Dependent Communities offers a searing analysis of contemporary international aid strategies based on the author's years of fieldwork in Cambodia and East Timor.
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Smith, Patricia Jo. "Democratizing East Germany : ideas, emerging political groups, and the dynamics of change /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10784.
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Pereira, Martinho. "Os partidos políticos na democracia representativa em Timor-Leste". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/31346.
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A emergência da democracia em Timor-Leste é um processo ainda recente, apresenta um sistema político multipartidário em que o número de partidos políticos registados já é de 35 partidos e com tendência a crescer em cada período eleitoral. Geograficamente é um pequeno país, com uma área de 14.954,44 km2, e com uma população que é inferior a 1,261 milhões de pessoas, e é também considerado muito heterogéneo em termos sociais, económicos e culturais, atributos que importam realçar em função da clivagem dos partidos políticos. Face a esta especificidade, justifica-se o objetivo de aprofundar o conhecimento sobre a dinâmica dos partidos políticos e participação dos cidadãos com vista a contribuir para uma maior compreensão sobre o processo de consolidação da democracia em Timor-Leste.
Para o efeito, aplica-se uma metodologia mista, predominantemente qualitativa, assente numa intensa pesquisa documental e complementada com informação provocada em resposta aos objetivos traçados. O estudo desenvolveu-se o com recurso a dados recolhidos através de entrevistas, com 14 representantes de líderes dos partidos, documentos oficiais dos partidos (estatutos e manuais políticos) e estatísticas publicadas pela Comissão Nacional de Eleições sobre a participação política e dinâmica evolutiva dos partidos políticos em Timor-Leste. Complementarmente são analisadas entrevistas e debates públicos dos líderes políticos divulgados na Radio Televisão Timor Leste- empresa pública (RTTL-ep) no decorrer do último período eleitoral.
Os principais resultados do estudo evidenciam que o povo timorense demostra a vontade de presença da democracia, assente num espírito de liberdade política e humanismo que fomenta a motivação dos cidadãos em formar partidos políticos. Estes são um meio institucional para a consolidação da democracia, com vista a prevenir a hegemonia política partidária, promovendo igualdade e participação política no desenvolvimento nacional baseado na identidade cultural. De fato, a representação política partidária no Parlamento Nacional, maioritariamente de ideologia socialista e tendência para um socialismo moderado, evidencia a modalidade política de clientelismo do tipo de partido elite- based;POLITICAL PARTIES
IN THE REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN EAST TIMOR.
ABSTRACT:
The emergence of democracy in Timor-Leste is still a recent process, it presents a multi party-political system in which the number of registered political parties is already 35 parties and with a tendency to grow in each electoral period. Geographically, it is a small country, with an area of 14,954.44 km2, and a population that is less than 1.261 million people, and also considered very heterogeneous in social, economic and cultural terms, attributes that are important to highlight due to the cleavage of the political parties. Given this specificity, the objective of deepening knowledge about the dynamics of political parties and citizen participation is justified, with a view to contributing to a greater understanding of the process of consolidating democracy in Timor-Leste.
For this purpose, a mixed methodology is applied, predominantly qualitative, based on intense documental research and complemented with information generated in response to the outlined objectives. The study was published using data collected through declarations, with 14 representatives of party leaders, official documents of the parties (statutes and political manuals) and statistics published by the National Election Commission on political participation and evolutionary dynamics of the parties’ politicians in Timor-Leste. In addition, related issues and public debates of political leaders published on Radio Televisão Timor-Leste – empresa pública (Rttl-ep) during the last electoral period are analyzed.
The main result of the study shows that the Timorese people demonstrate the will for the presence of democracy, based on a spirit of political freedom and humanism that fosters the motivation of citizens to form political parties. These are an institutional means for the consolidation of democracy, with a view to preventing party political hegemony, promoting political participation and participation in national development based on cultural identity. In fact, the party politics in the National Parliament, mostly of socialist ideology and tendency towards a moderate socialism, evidences the political modality of clientelism of the elite party type.
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Farreras, Morlanes Teresa. "East Timorese ethno-nationalism: search for an identity - cultural and political self-determination". Phd thesis, University of Queensland, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/267386.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is an examination of the development of
ethnic, cultural and national identity among the East Timor
people reaching Australia after the East Timor civil war of
August 1975 .
In the introduction I argue that ethnic and national
identity, or ethno-nationalism, is not a natural phenomenon
and that it can emerge at any moment in time owing to
specific historical, socio-economic or political
circumstances. I argue that during the 1974-1975 period the
Portuguese- Timorese mestieo (racially mixed) elite of East
Timer, principally those of Dili, of which the refugees are
representative, began developing specific ethnic and
nationalist ideologies in response to new political
circumstances offering the people the opportunity to assert
an all-embracing East Timorese identity.
The chapters which follow present data and analysis in
support of the initial argument and are directed to show that
a combination of theoretical approaches offer a better
rationale for the understanding of identity creation and
development.
In Chapters 2 and 3 I describe the refugees' historical,
socio-economic and political background and assert that
history is important for an understanding of the selective
representation of myths, symbols, ideologies and instrumental
tactics.
In Chapters 4, 5 and 6 I examine the development of
III
identity against the interplay of social order, power and
conflict. I direct the analysis towards the notion of
negotiation of an identity within global and local political
and social parameters. I examine political issues, contextual
problems, personal and group motives and the re-creation and
presentation of symbols, myths, ideas and beliefs.
Chapter 7 shows how the search for the legitimization of
an identity and political claims by nationalist individuals
and the group are directed by the intelligentsia 1 s
manipulation through the artistic media of specific
nationalist ideologies aimed at resolving the problems of the
present.
In Chapter 8 I discuss the role of the Catholic Church in
the politics of identity building, its position in relation
to the people's demands of historical and cultural
obligations, the dilemmas experienced by the Church in the
face of its own tenets and the institutionalized order, and
the people's teleological use of religion as techniques of
political resistance.
I conclude by reasserting that refugee populations such as
the East Timorese in having to re-stablish their lives in an
alien context would normally strive to function socially
according to their perceptions of priority needs, creating in
the process new subjective understandings. I stress that
this also demonstrates that it is paramount to direct the
analysis of ethno-nationalism through a combination of
diverse theoretical approaches and that in this form one can
better understand the whole set of the people's strategies
for identity survival.
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Silva, Alexandre Marques. "Ha\'u Timoroan: a construção discursiva das identidades leste-timorenses". Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8142/tde-19032019-120634/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Este trabalho tem como escopo analisar, sob o viés dos estudos do discurso e da linguagem, como se edificam discursivamente identidades para o povo leste-timorense. Para tanto, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos elementos dos corpora, observamos os procedimentos linguístico-discursivos relacionados à ativação/construção/mobilização de frames, à construção de objetos de discurso e à patemização. Nossos corpora são compostos por dez discursos pronunciados por Xanana Gusmão em dois momentos distintos da história de Timor-Leste: no período em que atuou como guerrilheiro durante a ocupação indonésia (entre 1982 e 1993) e, posteriormente, quando ocupou o cargo de Presidente da República (entre 2001 e 2006). O desenvolvimento do trabalho está articulado em torno de cinco eixos de estudo: História, Identidade, Cognição, Análise Crítica do Discurso e Argumentação. Quanto ao aporte teórico, recorremos às pesquisas de Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 e 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), SantAnna (1997) e Thomaz (2008 e 2002), para tratar das questões de cunho histórico; no âmbito da identidade, buscamos subsídio, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) e Moscovici (2006); no que concerne aos estudos do discurso, relativamente à construção de objetos de discurso e aos frames, como elementos de natureza cognitiva, serviram-nos como fundamento as obras de Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 e 2002), Aquino (2016 e 1991), Aquino e Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 e 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) e Mondada e Dubois (2003 [1995]); por fim, no que concerne à argumentação e à análise crítica do discurso, recorremos aos trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 e 1983), Fairclough (2009) e Aquino (1997), respectivamente. As análises permitiram-nos identificar que os distintos projetos de construção de identidades leste-timorenses representados pelos discursos de Xanana Gusmão nos períodos analisados fundam-se em pelo menos dois frames proeminentes: o de Guerra e o de Família, durante o Período Indonésio, e o de Guerra e o de Povo Genérico, no momento Pós-Indonésio. Desse modo, observamos que a complexidade de que se reveste o conceito de identidade, para além das questões de ordem social e que se refletem nas discursivas, também se deve aos procedimentos discursivos e sociocognitivos que lhe dão forma. Os discursos de Xanana Gusmão, portanto, não apenas discorrem sobre a realidade e os anseios de transformá-la, mas atuam na construção dela, bem como na de seus personagens, atribuindo-lhes identidades que estejam em conformidade com seus projetos de dizer.This work aims to analyze, as part of the study of discourse and language, how identities are discursively built for East Timorese people. Therefore, from the qualitative treatment of the elements of corpora, the linguistic-discursive procedures are observed related to the activation/construction/mobilization of frames, to the construction of speech objects and to pathemization. Our corpora are composed by ten speeches delivered by Xanana Gusmão in two different moments in the history of East Timor: during his period as a guerrilla during the Indonesian occupation (between 1982 and 1993) and later when he was the President (between 2001 and 2006). The development of this work is articulated around five pillars of research: History, Identity, Cognition, Critical Discourse Analysis and Argumentation. As for the theoretical contribution, we used the research of Anderson (1993/2009), Chomsky (2015, 1999 and 1987), Durand (2009), Felgas (1956), Magalhães (1999), Ribeiro (2004), Sant\'Anna (1997) and Thomaz (2008 and 2002), to deal with historical issues; in the scope of identity, we sought support, fundamentally, in the works of Moita Lopes (2006), Mendes (2005), Hall (2006, 2000) and Moscovici (2006); what concerns discourse studies, regarding the construction of discourse objects and frames, as elements of a cognitive nature, we made use of the works of Fávero (2009), Marcuschi (2007, 2005 and 2002), Aquino (2016 and 1991), Aquino and Palumbo (2018); Koch (2005, 2004, 2002 and 2001), Goffman (2006 [1974]), Fillmore (2009 [1982]) and Mondada and Dubois (2003 [1995]); finally, with regard to the argumentation and critical analysis of the discourse, we resorted to the works of Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]) van Dijk (2015, 2008, 1994 and 1983), Fairclough (2009) and Aquino (1997). The analyzes allowed us to identify that the distinct projects of construction of the East Timorese identities represented by Xanana Gusmão\'s discourses in the analyzed periods are based on at least two prominent frames: War and Family, during the \"Indonesian Period\" , and War and Generic People, in the \"Post-Indonesian\" period. Thus, we observe that the complexity of the concept of identity, beyond social issues and reflected in the discourses, is also due to the discursive and socio-cognitive procedures that shape them. The discourses of Xanana Gusmão, therefore, not only discuss the reality and the yearnings to transform it, but act in the construction of it, as well as of its characters, attributing to them identities that are in conformity with his speech project.
9
Askland, Hedda Haugen. "Young East Timorese in Australia: Becoming Part of a New Culture and the Impact of Refugee Experiences on Identity and Belonging". Thesis, Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/25016.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 1975 Indonesian forces invaded Dili, the capital of East Timor. The invasion and ensuing occupation forced thousands of East Timorese to leave their homes and seek refuge in Australia and other countries. This study considers the situation of a particular group of East Timorese refugees: those who fled to Australia during the 1990s and who were children or young adolescents at the time of their flight. Founded upon an understanding of social identity as being constantly transformed though a dialectic relation between the individual and his or her sociocultural surroundings, this dissertation considers the consequences of refugee experiences on individual identity and belonging, as well as the processes of conceptualising self and negotiating identity within changing social and cultural structures. The relationship between conflict and flight, resettlement, acculturation, identity and attachment is explored, and particular attention is given to issues of socialisation and categorisation, age and agency, hybridity, and ambiguity. Through a qualitative anthropological methodology informed by theories of cultural identity, adolescence and cross-cultural socialisation, the thesis seeks to shed light on the various dynamics that have influenced the young East Timorese people’s identity and sense of belonging, and considers the impact of acculturation and socialisation into a new culture at a critical period of the young people’s lives.Masters Thesis
10
Askland, Hedda Haugen. "Young East Timorese in Australia becoming part of a new culture and the impact of refugee experiences on identity and belonging /". Diss., Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/25016.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In 1975 Indonesian forces invaded Dili, the capital of East Timor. The invasion and ensuing occupation forced thousands of East Timorese to leave their homes and seek refuge in Australia and other countries. This study considers the situation of a particular group of East Timorese refugees: those who fled to Australia during the 1990s and who were children or young adolescents at the time of their flight. Founded upon an understanding of social identity as being constantly transformed though a dialectic relation between the individual and his or her sociocultural surroundings, this dissertation considers the consequences of refugee experiences on individual identity and belonging, as well as the processes of conceptualising self and negotiating identity within changing social and cultural structures. The relationship between conflict and flight, resettlement, acculturation, identity and attachment is explored, and particular attention is given to issues of socialisation and categorisation, age and agency, hybridity, and ambiguity. Through a qualitative anthropological methodology informed by theories of cultural identity, adolescence and cross-cultural socialisation, the thesis seeks to shed light on the various dynamics that have influenced the young East Timorese people’s identity and sense of belonging, and considers the impact of acculturation and socialisation into a new culture at a critical period of the young people’s lives.Masters Thesis
Książki na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
1
Joao Mariano de Sousa Saldanha. The political economy of East Timor development. Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1994.
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2
Jardine, Matthew. East Timor: Genocide in paradise. Tuscon, AZ: Odonian Press, 1995.
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3
International, Amnesty. Indonesia & East Timor: Amnesty International briefing. New York, N.Y: Amnesty International, 1994.
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4
Rei, Naldo. Resistance: A childhood fighting for East Timor. St Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 2007.
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5
East Timor: Blood and tears in ASEAN. Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1997.
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6
Susan, Downie, i Kingsbury Damien, red. The independence ballot in East Timor: Report of the Australian volunteer observer group. [Clayton], Vic: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, 2001.
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Moreen, Dee, red. Peacekeeping in East Timor: The path to independence. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003.
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Cristalis, Irena. Perempuan merdeka: Kisah aktivisme kaum perempuan di Timor Leste. [Jakarta]: Kalyanamitra Foundation, 2007.
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Making them Indonesians: Child transfers out of east timor. Clayton, Vic: Monash University Publishing, 2012.
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A not-so-distant horror: Mass violence in East Timor. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004.
Znajdź pełny tekst źródłaCzęści książek na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
1
Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi i Tomoaki Honda. "East Timor: Adapting to “Integration” and Responding to “Robustness”". W Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 103–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_6.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractIn this chapter, we will examine the Self-Defense Forces’ (SDF’s) participation in the UN missions in East Timor, or Timor-Leste in Portuguese. Here we pay special heed to the Japanese peacekeepers’ activities in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor and the United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor from the early to mid-2000s. These United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) aimed to support independence and statebuilding in East Timor by combining peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Similar to the case of Cambodia, the Japanese delegation put the greatest emphasis on engineering, which was a good fit with the goals of these UNPKOs. In East Timor, the Japan Engineering Groups engaged in civil engineering works, not only to support the UN missions but also as direct bilateral assistance to local residents in close collaboration with Japan’s ODA (the “All Japan” approach). Meanwhile, the strict constraints in the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act were highlighted again, especially in terms of the protection of Japanese nationals, when the SDF rescued Japanese citizens during a 2002 riot. In addition to military deployment, civilian police personnel also contributed to the United Nations Mission in East Timor in preparation for the referendum on independence in 1999. Similar contributions were made to resume statebuilding assistance to the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste after the recurrence of violence in 2006.
2
Arthur, Catherine E. "Monuments and Memorials: Funu, Terus, and Constructing an East Timorese National Identity". W Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste, 71–104. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98782-8_3.
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Arthur, Catherine E. "Painting Peace and Prosperity: Street Art, the Geração Foun, and Identifying with an Evolving ‘East Timorese-ness’". W Political Symbols and National Identity in Timor-Leste, 203–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-98782-8_7.
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McAuliffe, Pádraig. "Adapting to Survive: The Peculiar Fate of Liberal Governance Models in East Timor". W Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States, 105–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_5.
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Berlie, Jean A. "Fretilin and CNRT: A Short Comparative Study of the Two Main Political Parties of East Timor". W East Timor's Independence, Indonesia and ASEAN, 113–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62630-7_5.
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Cliff, Tom, i Kan Wang. "Survival as Citizenship, or Citizenship as Survival? Imagined and Transient Political Groups in Urban China". W The Living Politics of Self-Help Movements in East Asia, 29–55. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6337-4_3.
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Marat, Uraimov. "China’s Emerging Political and Economic Dominance in the OSCE Region". W Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 95–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_5.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThe presence of China in the OSCE region is becoming resilient, particularly after Beijing began providing infrastructural loans to OSCE states. The size of the issued infrastructural loans in less developed economies is disproportionate to national economies, resulting in the borrowing countries becoming incapable of paying back the loans. In this chapter, I argue that China’s practices of infrastructural loans and China’s overall standing on minority issues and democratization contradicts the OSCE core principles and undermines OSCE integrity. To illustrate this, I use, first, the example of the promotion of non-democratic practices through non-transparent procurement, surveillance of civilians, and supply of police hardware for suppression and control of political dissidents (based on evidence from Eastern and Central Europe, and Central Asia) and, for the second example, I illustrate the violation of minority rights in re-education camps in the Xinjiang region (based on political and civic reaction from Central Asia), which Chinese authorities call “Vocational Education and Training Centers.” The first example helps to analyze how Chinese foreign loans contradict the democratic commitments of the borrowing countries. Chinese infrastructural loans promote non-democratic practices in borrowing countries through unfair, non-transparent procurement in infrastructural development projects. The Chinese side also provides surveillance systems and anti-protest police vehicles and ammunition which help to undermine individual rights and freedoms. The second example helps to analyze the reaction of Central Asian Muslim countries toward China’s treatment of kin-groups, namely the lack of critical reaction of CA states despite their OSCE-membership and commitment toward promotion of individual rights and freedoms (including freedom of faith). China has been providing infrastructural loans to most OSCE member states over the past two decades; and these member states have not officially responded to Chinese treatment of their own kin-groups, such as Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Uyghur minorities—according to the OSCE core principles on minority rights. The OSCE core principles are categorized under the “human dimension” to ensure OSCE states’ “respect for individual rights and fundamental freedoms” and their commitment to “abide by the rule of law; promote principles of democracy; strengthen and protect democratic institutions” Yamamoto (2015). Most likely if there were no infrastructural loans from China, the OSCE countries under analysis would respond to Chinese domestic policy toward ethnic minorities critically. Most likely, by providing surveillance and police machinery, China tends to support the existing political regimes in borrowing countries and, by its non-transparent procurement, it does not encourage enforcement of laws.
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Fujishige, Hiromi Nagata, Yuji Uesugi i Tomoaki Honda. "Conclusion: Japan’s Search for a New Direction in Peacekeeping". W Japan’s Peacekeeping at a Crossroads, 165–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_9.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractFirst, this chapter will briefly review the contents of each previous chapter. Chapter 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_2 examined the historical background from the immediate aftermath of World War II to the establishment of the Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) Act in 1992. Chapter 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_3 considered the evolution of Japan’s peacekeeping policy under the PKO Act from 1992 to 2012. Chapter 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_4 investigated the transformation of Japan’s peacekeeping policy under the second Abe administration, especially during the period from 2013 to 2017. Chapters 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_5, 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_6, 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_7, and 10.1007/978-3-030-88509-0_8 considered the cases of Cambodia, East Timor, Haiti, and South Sudan respectively. Second, this chapter will analyze the consequences of Japan’s pursuit of the trends of “robustness” and “integration.” Third, we will consider possible explanations behind the withdrawal of the Japan Engineering Groups from South Sudan in 2017. Fourth, we will demonstrate that troop deployment to the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) has become commonly difficult for the Global North countries, causing a shift in focus away from personnel contributions to more material UNPKO commitments. Fourth, this chapter will illustrate how the Global North is still trying to make personnel contributions to UNPKOs wherever possible. Lastly, we will discuss what Japan can do from now on in its peacekeeping policy, or more broadly its International Peace Cooperation commitment.
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Clerc, Louis. "Coordinating and Facilitating Bilateral Cultural Contacts". W Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 131–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_4.
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AbstractIn 1970, when Marjatta Oksanen joined the Ministry of Education, the Department of international affairs was divided into three administrative units: multilateral affairs, bilateral affairs (with two different organizations for East and West) and Nordic relations. The Finnish state managed various forms of cultural relations with countries or groups of countries, mostly in a facilitative function: support for exhibitions or concerts, longer-term support for cultural centres or language teaching and so forth. Most of these bilateral activities originated from private initiatives, and some domains like sports, scientific cooperation or relations with the Soviet Union were dominated by private, non-governmental or semi-public organizations that acted on their own or to whom the state devolved certain functions. Generally, only relations with the Soviet Union and technical issues with strong foreign political dimensions commanded a degree of involvement from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and interest from the country’s higher political leadership.
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"The Political Ground Rules". W The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET), 112–17. Brill | Nijhoff, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004479142_008.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenia konferencji na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
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Azis, A. "The Use of Traditional Conflict Resolution: A Case Study of Timor Leste". W Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295153.
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Munhanif, Ali. "Democratization and The Politics of Conflict Resolution in Indonesia: Institutional Analysis of East Timor Referendum in 1999". W Proceedings of the 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, ICSPS 2019, 12th November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.12-11-2019.2293554.
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Nasution, Nazaruddin. "Human Rights Violations In Southeast Asia : The case of Khmer Rouge of 1975-1979 (Cambodia) and The case of East Timor of 1999 (Indonesia)". W Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.9.
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Hutasoit, Kennorton, Henni Gusfa i Ahmad Mulyana. "Effect of New Media on Political Participation in the Border Area of the Republic of Indonesia - The Democratic Republic of East Timor". W Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Social Sciences, ICSS 2019, 5-6 November 2019, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.5-11-2019.2292496.
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Hiç, Mükerrem. "Major Current Economic and Political Problems Facing Eurasian Countries". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00230.
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Political and economic developments and problems are either directly or indirectly linked to each other. Hence, I would be dealing here with both. But the problems are so serious, numerous and complicated that I will be content with only submitting a list of these problems without deepening on any. It should also be stressed that Eurasia itself as a geographical entity covers a very large number of countries with different historical, political and economic backgrounds. Hence, we may have to think about different regions or groups of countries. On the European side, even the EU is not homogeneous today. We have the United Kingdom, Scandinavian countries, developed continental European countries, Iberian countries, the Balkans and Eastern European countries. Even in simple developmental terms, we have at least two tiers, a first tier of democratically and economically developed countries, and the second tier those with less experience in democracy and less economically developed. In Asia, on the other hand, we have such big countries as Russia, China, Japan and India, as well as such regional groups as South-East Asian countries, Central Asian Turkic-origin countries, Caucasian, Afghanistan and Pakistan also including Bangladesh, and Middle-Eastern, with Iran as a separate politico-economic entity. Similarly, Turkey, at the cross-roads between Europe, Asia and the Middle-East, is another, but different unique case.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE". W Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Political groups in East Timor"
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Rikhlova, Tatiana. Political administrative map of the Democratic Republic of East Timor-Leste. Redaktorzy Nikolay Komedchikov i Aleksandr Khropov. Entsiklopediya, lipiec 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/dm2015-12-17-2.
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Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.
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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.