Rozprawy doktorskie: „Political executive”

1

Zucco, Cesar. "The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

2

Rama, Christopher J. "Executive Prerogative: The Constitutionality and Future Implications of President Barack Obama's 2014 Executive Order regarding Immigration Law in the United States of America". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1060.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

United States President Barack Obama issued an Executive order on November 20, 2014 to implement new law regarding the American immigration system and deportations. The system has long been skewed, and a polarizing issue among both the general public and of those involved in the United States government. Obama, by issuing this decree, created a law on his own due to congressional deadlock in creating and passing immigration reform legislation. However, the constitutionality of his decision to do so has now become highly debated, with many officials and academics across the country asserting their beliefs in his legal ability to issue the order. The ability to create laws is explicitly prescribed to the Legislative branch in the Constitution, but there have been past examples of Executive authority being necessary so as to preserve the Union and allow the government to continue. This thesis will examine the constitutionality of Obama’s Executive decree and the potential precedent that it will set for future Presidents by analyzing it within the context of John Locke, the original proprietor for the rule of law, James Madison, the father of the United States Constitution and separation of powers system, Alexander Hamilton, the forthcoming advocate for an energetic Executive of the Founding Fathers, the Abraham Lincoln presidency, which involved the crisis known as the Civil War, and the George W. Bush presidency, widely known as one of the most polarizing constitutional presidencies in American history. When looking at these past examples it becomes clear that Barack Obama overstepped his place in the government with no existential crisis threatening the nation, therefore setting a dangerous precedent for future Executive’s as well as damaging the force of the separation of powers system.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

3

Todd, Angus. "The legal and political evolution and reform of the international executive". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391410.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

4

Martins, Thais Cavalcante. "Organização e funcionamento da política representativa local : o caso do município de São Carlos". Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7518.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Submitted by Izabel Franco (izabel-franco@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-26T19:07:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-27T19:40:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-27T19:40:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-27T19:40:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissTCM.pdf: 1352935 bytes, checksum: bf7a2a88f9c7cada37dd5d4ddb96a055 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-02
Não recebi financiamento
This research aims to examine the organization and functioning of representative politics in São Carlos between the years 2001-2008, including the way that political representation is exercised at the local level. We seek to identify and analyze the profile of local political elites, the strategies adopted by councilors in the performance of representation as well as the relationship established with the executive. To this end, we look back on the local scene from the resumption of the political divide, the rules of the legislative process, in addition to the agenda approved by the mayor and the City Council. The study seeks to demonstrate that the choice made by political actors would be related, as far as possible, to the unique dynamics of county policy. Although individuals are the basic unit of analysis, they operate according to the parameters set by the institutional environment in which they operate. Are the preferences of the actors as well as its position in the political game that make these opt for a strategy or other possibilities in the field of institutional rules.
Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a organização e o funcionamento da política representativa no município de São Carlos entre os anos de 2001 a 2008, compreendendo o modo que a representação política é exercida em nível local. Buscamos identificar e analisar o perfil das elites políticas locais, as estratégias adotadas pelos vereadores no exercício da representação, bem como a relação estabelecida com o poder Executivo. Para tanto, nos debruçamos sobre o cenário local a partir da retomada da disputa política, das regras do processo legislativo, além da agenda aprovada pelo prefeito e pela Câmara Municipal. O estudo busca demonstrar que a escolha feita pelos atores políticos estaria relacionada, na medida do possível, às singularidades da dinâmica política do município. Embora os indivíduos sejam a unidade básica de análise, estes operam de acordo com os parâmetros estabelecidos pelo ambiente institucional em que atuam. São as preferências dos atores, bem como o seu posicionamento no jogo político que fazem com que estes optem por uma estratégia ou outra no campo das possibilidades das regras institucionais.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

5

Maurer, Lynn M. "Legislative-Executive Relations in a Newly-Consolidated Democracy: The Case of Spain /". The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487868114113422.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

6

Koehler, Matthew A. "Conviction in politics executive posturing in the liberal-democratic state /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

Znajdź pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

7

Krusell, Joshua. "Executive Constraints and Civil Conflict Onset". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-420328.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Do institutional constraints on a regime's executive decrease the likelihood of civil conflict onset? An unconstrained executive is free to loot state resources undermining the state's capacity to effectively deal with nascent rebellions, and may be more likely to engage in violent repression, especially in the form of indiscriminate violence. This can encourage political grievances, lead to a loss of legitimacy for the regime, and provide the opportunity for would be rebel groups to attract new members by offering protection against government violence. Furthermore, the lack of guaranteed checks to executive power may incentivise actors to avoid bargained solutions if they fear future extralegal retributions. Taken together, where there is a lack of effective constraints against the executive there may be an increased risk for the onset of civil conflict. To test this proposition I employ a bayesian latent variable model which estimates executive constraint as a latent factor derived from several manifest variables and relate it to a binary measure of civil conflict onset through a logistic regression. The primary finding is that there is a negative relationship such that the predicted probability for civil conflict is lower where there exists higher levels of executive constraints. However, this is conditional on the level of GDP per capita; for low-income country-years the relationship between executive constraints and civil conflict onset is indeterminate possibly because it is easier to recruit and mobilize fighters in such settings regardless of the overall level of executive constraints. The model, however, is a poor fit to the data meaning that the presented results should be considered tentative at best. Nonetheless, this study helps to further the work on examining specific political institutions as potential risk factors for the onset of civil conflict.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

8

Claveria, i. Alias Sílvia. "Women in executive office in advanced industrial democracies : presence, portfolios and post-ministerial occupation". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392603.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis is focused on women in executive office. Whereas the literature on women's political representation in national parliaments is now well established, analyses of women in cabinets are rather limited. The dissertation goals are threefold. Firtsly, it examines women's access to executive office, seeking to answer the question about which factors explain the access of women to executive office, with a time series and cross section perspective. Secondly, it pays attention to routes to political office and the gendered patterns underlying portfolio allocation, especially the distribution of prestigious portfolios. Thirdly, it explores the determinants affecting ex-ministers' post-ministerial occupation, as well as how the positions that women and men ministers hold in cabinets may shape their subsequent careers. This dissertation seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of women's participation in executive office in 23 advanced industrial democracies. Simultaneously, it aims at expanding both the general literature on executives and gender and politics.
Aquesta tesi se centra en la dona al poder executiu. Mentre que la literatura ha estudiat extensament la representació política de les dones en els parlaments nacionals, les anàlisis sobre la representació de les mateixes en els governs són limitades. En aquesta tesi s'estableix un triple objectiu. En primer lloc, s'examina l'accés de les dones al govern. tractant de descobrir quins factors expliquen l'accés de les dones a càrrecs executius, tan al llarg del temps com comparativament. En segón lloc, se centra en quines són les rutes d'accés als ministeris; com també en els patrons de gènere subjacents a l'assignació de carteres, especialment en la distribució de les carteres prestigioses. En tercer lloc, s'estudia quins són els factors que incideixen a l'hora d'explicar l'ocupacio post-ministerial dels ex-ministres, també s'analitza si la posició ministerial que els i les ministres ostenten al govern condiciona les seves carreres posteriors. Aquesta tesi pretén oferir una visió global de la participació de les dones als governs en 23 democràcies industrials avançades. Al mateix temps, té com a objectiu la contribució tant a la literatura general sobre els executius com a la literatura de gènere i política.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

9

Koczak, Steven D. "Winning battles and losing wars| Governor George E. Pataki and the executive veto". Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3566337.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The work first outlines a theoretical framework referred to as the Theory of the Strong Executive, drawn from what comparatively little literature there is about the state governors, as well as certain primary sources. The Theory of the Strong Executive outlines two sets of expectations for state governors, one theoretical (descriptive labels of expected political behavior) and one institutional (certain institutional or constitutional features one might expect to see).

The veto power, basically a legislative power granted to the executive, is critical for gubernatorial behavior, and gubernatorial power, under both sets of expectations, and is rather under-studied relative to its near-universally acknowledged importance. Governor George E. Pataki of New York State was selected for in-depth study, for various reasons, in an attempt to plug the gaps in the literature.

Certain conclusions specifically relating to Governor Pataki were arrived at. Several things of a more general applicability and interest also were learned. Governor Pataki used the veto early and often, usually to express a policy disagreement with the State Legislature (rather than, say, because a bill was too costly or technically defective). Governor Pataki's use of the veto reflected both partisan conflicts and institutional conflicts with the State Legislature. Governor Pataki's divided government issues extended beyond divided government in the strictly partisan sense to reflect a complex relationship with the Republican-led State Senate that resembled divided government. Though veto overrides occurred under Governor Pataki, a trend of overrides never emerged, and the veto retained its considerable power.

New York's governors appear to veto more often than governors of most other states, and Governor Pataki appeared to be a comparatively aggressive vetoer even relative to other New York governors. The strong inference, therefore, is that there was something unique about Governor Pataki, and there is something unique about the New York governorship. Fully understanding the differences between governors, between states and within a single state, requires close-up study.

Further aggregate studies of the gubernatorial veto, therefore, should keep in mind that more particular factors may be more important than they appear to be.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

10

Mwaikusa, Jwani Timothy. "Towards responsible democratic government : executive powers and constitutional practice in Tanzania 1962-1992". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307751.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

11

Surty, Fatima. "The political / administrative interface: the relationship between the executive mayor and municipal manager". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4188_1334910053.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Local government is arguably the most significant sphere of government to lay citizens, as it is the point of contact of citizens with their government. Local government enables a direct link between the general public and the basic services that they are entitled to by means of their constitutional and legislatively entrenched rights. It is the only sphere of government that allows and encourages face-to-face engagement between citizens and their governors, providing the necessary platform for interaction, contact and communication. It is imperative therefore that this tier of government operate optimally and competently, as it represents a reflection of the operation of government wholly. Research unfortunately illustrates that public perceptions of local government are negative, with levels of trust in local government being substantially lower than those in provincial and national governments. The responsibility for failure to perform would lie squarely on the shoulders of those individuals leading any institution. The leading incumbents driving a municipality are the political and administrative heads, i.e. executive mayor and municipal manager.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

12

Hanan, Djayadi. "Making Presidentialism Work: Legislative and Executive Interaction in Indonesian Democracy". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354287110.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

13

Kelley, Christopher S. "THE UNITARY EXECUTIVE AND THE PRESIDENTIAL SIGNING STATEMENT". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1057716977.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

14

Richardson, Natalie Davis. "Predictors of nonprofit executive succession planning| A secondary data analysis". Thesis, Capella University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3617377.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

In this quantitative secondary data analyses chi-square tests of independence and binary logistic regression were conducted to test the hypotheses that the independent variables are associated or predict executive succession planning. The following characteristics of the executive director was analyzed: age, gender, race/ethnicity, service insider selection (i.e., history of employment or board membership within the organization), executive director membership on the board of directors, a transparent relationship with the board of directors, use of professional development resources, level of education, and years of service in the nonprofit sector. Results indicated that there is an association between executive succession planning and four of the predictor variables age, race/ethnicity, years of service in the nonprofit sector, and membership on the board of directors, and that only three of the variables age, years of service in the nonprofit sector, and membership of the board were successful in predicting whether or not the executive director will have a succession plan. Results will be used to provide the leadership and stakeholders of nonprofit organizations with data regarding the association and prediction of executive succession planning. This data will be useful as nonprofit organizations strategically plan for the executive succession planning process and identifying successors for executive leadership positions.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

15

Teruya, Jenny Naomi 1962. "Response to legislation limiting the deductibility of executive compensation". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282788.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Three questions regarding the effectiveness of Section 162(m) are addressed by this dissertation: (1) did Section 162(m) target the firms who were paying their executives excessive compensation that was not related to performance? (2) did Section 162(m) achieve its desired result of reducing compensation levels and increasing pay-performance sensitivities? and (3) did stockholders benefit from Section 162(m)? The empirical results indicate that firms subject to Section 162(m) had higher levels of compensation, even after controlling for firm size, performance, industry, growth opportunities and CEO ownership. However, the cash compensation in these firms was more sensitive to firm performance. Therefore, it is questionable whether Section 162(m) affected the intended target. Firms with compensation in excess of 1 million were required to disclose their response to Section 162(m) in their 1994 proxy statements. They had three alternatives: (1) "qualify" compensation in excess of the 1 million by making it contingent on a performance measure, (2) defer excess compensation to a period when it would be deductible, and (3) forego the deduction. Firms were grouped by their response and their compensation levels, pay-performance sensitivities and pay mix were analyzed. Compensation levels increased for all three groups, primarily from the use of more stock options. This also increased the proportion of stock-based compensation (pay mix). Pay-performance sensitivities decreased for qualifying firms which runs counter to the intent of Section 162(m). On the other hand, firms who chose to forego the deduction demonstrate an increase in pay-performance sensitivities. Finally, the evidence indicates a positive market reaction to the announcement that a firm would qualify their compensation or forego the deduction. A negative reaction is documented for deferring firms. This seems to indicate that, overall, stockholders did benefit from Section 162(m).

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

16

Chung, Wan-hon. "The role of advisory bodies in the policy process of the Hong Kong Government". Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2006. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B36442653.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

17

Mathews, Adrienne. "GENDER STEREOTYPES AND THE GOVERNOR'S MANSION". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3151.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This study analyzes the effects of gender stereotypes on women gubernatorial candidates in the post "Year of the Woman" era to determine whether or not the electoral gains made by women running for legislative office in 1992 also extended to women contesting executive elections in subsequent years. This study proceeds in two parts. The first part of this study provides an empirical analysis of contextual and candidate specific factors thought to affect the way in which gender stereotypes surface during gubernatorial campaigns and how they affect women candidates accordingly. The contextual factors include state culture, party dominance, and tradition of electing women in each state. Candidate specific factors include prior campaign and or office holding experience. The second part of this study adopts a case study approach and focuses on two gubernatorial elections – New Jersey and Virginia – to provide a more detailed examination of how gender stereotypes emerge when women are candidates for governor. The findings from the empirical analysis show that women are more likely to contest gubernatorial elections that are Democratic in their partisanship and non-traditionalist in their political culture. However, these variables did not explain whether women were successful in winning gubernatorial elections. The second part of the analysis expanded on these findings by examining the dominant role gender stereotypes played in a traditionalistic state (Virginia) and the minimal role they played in a non-traditionalistic state (New Jersey). Generalizations were made based on the findings that indicate the importance of the campaign in light of contextual factors and how this affects women candidates in executive elections. Recommendations for a future research agenda regarding elections in which women are candidates for various levels of office are also discussed.
M.A.
Department of Political Science
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

18

Meyer, Renate, Markus Höllerer i Stephan Leixnering. "A question of value(s): Political connectedness and executive compensation in public sector organizations". Taylor&Francis, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10967494.2015.1094162.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

While the de-politicization of public sector management was a core objective of past reform initiatives, more recent debates urge the state to act as a strong principal when it comes to public sector unity and policy coherence - and consequently make a case for reinvigorating links between the political and managerial sphere. Using data from Austrian public sector organizations, we test and confirm the causal relationship of political connectedness of board members and executive compensation. Differentiating between value-based and interest-based in-groups, we suggest that only value-based political connectedness has the potential to restore patronage as a control instrument and governance tool. Self-interested and reward-driven patronage, on the other hand, indicated by a strong association of political connectedness and executive pay, refers to the type of politicization that previous public sector reforms promised to abolish.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

19

Campbell, Douglas. "What was the political difference made by the introduction of Executive Mayors in England?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/966/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The creation of eleven directly elected mayors in England between 2002 and 2005, as part of the Labour Government's wider local government reform, altered local governance in those localities. The 1998 White Paper Modern Local Government identified three key weaknesses in the previous local government system: a lack of leadership, legitimacy and accountability. The main question the thesis sought to answer was: what was the political difference made by the introduction of executive mayors in England.? The key issue in this study was to assess if executive mayors have improved the efficiency, the transparency or the accountability of local government. The investigation of the executive mayoral option employed an analytical framework to measure change on three dimensions of efficiency, transparency and accountability. To aid the investigation seven hypotheses were constructed from the government’s White Papers to explore various aspects of executive mayors and assist in providing generalisable conclusions about the introduction of directly elected mayors. Leadership and representation theories were used to operationalise the concepts of leadership, legitimacy and accountability. Models were developed which mapped the locus of power in the council's political space. Given the population of executive mayors was eleven local authorities for the period of the field research, a qualitative approach was adopted relying primarily on interviews augmented with documentary sources and observations. Election results were also analysed using conventional quantitative methods. With regard to elections, the study demonstrates that voters differentiate the office of executive mayor from other political posts. Other findings in this study indicate that one of the main political differences made by the introduction of executive mayors is the creation of a new balance between politicians and officials with the former being more dominant when determining policy matters while the senior officials taking the lead in administration and management. In addition, executive mayors have developed a better capability to challenge professional officers. The strength of executive mayors as leaders within their local authorities over the policy making process demonstrates a change from the operation of the previous system in England. The key person driving policy is now is the directly, clearly identifiable and more accountable executive mayor. This research has shown that directly elected mayors have made positive political differences which can be measured against the core goals of effective, transparent and accountable local government. Executive mayors demonstrate a continuity of governance in local government and have made a difference in the way local councils are run.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

20

Schleiter, Petra. "Legislative politics, institutional choice and democratic stability : the dynamics of executive control in Russia, 1991-1993". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302548.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

21

Kim, Jonathan. "Procedural policy instrument choice dynamics between political delegitimation and advisory committee creation: evidence from the United States federal agriculture and transportation policy sectors 1997-2004 /". Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2006. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2633.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

22

Kasuya, Yuko. "The presidential connection : party system instability and executive term limits in the Philippines /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3159873.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

23

Fletcher, Kimberley Liane. "The Collision of Political and Legal Time| Foreign Affairs and the Court's Transformation of Executive Authority". Thesis, State University of New York at Albany, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3620215.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

A dynamic institutional relationship exists between the United States executive branch and the United States Supreme Court. This dissertation examines how the Court affects constitutional and political development by taking a leading role in interpreting presidential decision-making in the area of foreign affairs since 1936. Examining key cases and controversies in foreign policymaking, primarily in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, this dissertation highlights the patterns of intercurrences and the mutual construction process that takes place at the juncture of legal and political time. In so doing, it is more than evident that the Court not only sanctions the claims made by executives of unilateral decision-making, but also that the Court takes a leading role in (re)defining the very scope and breadth of executive foreign policymaking.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

24

Elkes, Pauline. "The Political Warfare Executive : a re-evaluation based upon the intelligence work of the German Section". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6022/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Conventional interpretations regarding the role of the Political Warfare Executive during the Second World War have concentrated almost exclusively on the propaganda output of the organisation. The role of the intelligence sections working for and within the organisation have been largely disregarded or overlooked in the existing history of Executive. This thesis offers a re-evaluation of the PWE which includes this `missing dimension', specifically here the intelligence work of the German Section of the Executive. This approach widens the scope of enquiry to include an exploration of the links between intelligence and propaganda, subversion and sabotage and considers the importance of this relationship for the way in which the PWE emerged. The examination of the Weekly Reports of the German Section identifies a different `type' of intelligence which can be described as `social political' intelligence, which provided the British government with a unique view of the social and political conditions in Germany throughout the duration of the war. The thesis concentrates on the period after the announcement of Unconditional Surrender in January 1943 to the early months on 1946, when the personnel and expertise of the German Section were transferred to the Foreign Office. The analysis of the intelligence reports of the German Section is focussed on three particular issues of interest to government at the time and to historians today. These are German resistance and public opinion, British occupational rule, and the emergence of the perception of the Russian `threat' in Whitehall which signalled the beginning of the Cold War. Taken together these illustrate the way in which the PWE incrementally expanded it's activities over this period of time, and provide the basis for the re- evaluation of the Executive.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

25

Kloha, Philip Andrew. "On the structure and composition of legislative committees testing a theory of majority party reliability /". Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2006.

Znajdź pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

26

Alves, Vinícius Silva. "A atividade legislativa do presidente da República na política democrática brasileira". Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/7082.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-05T19:22:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-06T11:48:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-06T11:48:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vinícius Silva Alves - 2015.pdf: 1158773 bytes, checksum: f90b4e225ea3cc2a60929b97553aa540 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-06
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG
This work aims at, from a comparative perspective, testing the hypothesis that the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, when collated with the 1946 constitutional text, shows an increased influence of the president of the republic over the legislative process. So this question guides the work: to what extent the 1988 Constitution unbalanced in favor of the chief executive, the handling of the legislative process and the corresponding production of existing legislation? We also use the comparative method to identify traces of continuity and rupture in the established relationship between the Executive and Legislative powers from 1946 to 1964 and from 1988 to 2010. To accomplish this, first, the concept of political influence, from the work of Robert Dahl, and its relevance to political systems analysis, will be explored. After that, institutional recourses that allow the Chief Executive to influence the parliament members, present in the Brazilian constitutional history, will be listed, emphasizing the observation of the initiative powers and the prerogative of producing a law like normative act without the participation of the Legislative Power. Furthermore, the work observes the real influence of the president of republic, moment where data concerning the volume of legislative propositions and the duration processing of law projects from each one of the mentioned powers will be presented. At last, this thesis analyses the possible effects of the presence of an agent endowed with an expressive influence deriving from the asymmetric distribution of political resources provoked by an institutional plan.
O presente trabalho busca examinar o impacto da Constituição brasileira de 1988 na dinâmica existente entre a Câmara dos Deputados e o chefe do Executivo, comparando-a com a estabelecida sob a vigência da Constituição de 1946, buscando testar a hipótese de que o atual texto constitucional aumentou a influência do presidente da República sobre a Câmara dos Deputados no processo legislativo. Assim, a seguinte questão é explorada: em que medida a Constituição de 1988 desequilibrou, a favor do chefe do Executivo, a condução do processo legislativo e a correspondente produção da legislação vigente? Para tanto, utiliza-se o método comparado para identificar traços de continuidade e ruptura na relação estabelecida entre os mencionados poderes no período de 1946 a 1964 e 1988 a 2010. São examinados os poderes legislativos atribuídos ao chefe do Executivo pelos últimos quatro textos constitucionais (1937, 1946, 1967 e 1988), com ênfase na descrição dos poderes de iniciativa e de decreto. Em seguida, disserta-se sobre a estrutura interna da Câmara dos Deputados e como esta contribui para a centralização dos processos decisórios. Além disso, realiza-se uma análise baseada em instrumentos de estatística descritiva com o objetivo de viabilizar inferências sobre a influência do presidente da República no processo destinado à produção de leis nestes dois momentos da história democrática brasileira. Por fim, apresenta-se uma reflexão sobre os possíveis efeitos da presença de um agente dotado de uma expressiva influência decorrente da distribuição assimétrica de recursos políticos provocados por um plano institucional.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

27

Li, Gregg G. K. L. "Governance systems for organisations : governance information control system design and development methodology for NGO boards : executive summary". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1253/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This submission reviews and examines the responsibility and role of non-executive directors in reinforcing the self-governance systems for non-government organisations (NGO). Corporate governance is an issue of great concern at Government and commercial levels and a prime topic in the media due to scandals at Enron, WorldCom, the British Museum, Tyco, and at a host of smaller organisations. This research explored the contributory systems and processes towards enterprise governance and provided new insight into how the boards of directors of NGOs can develop and be in a position to amend the parameters for their own information systems for self-governance. Unless these NGOs can govern themselves properly, their boards may eventually lose their mandate. The governance of NGOs is difficult because of the voluntary and part-time nature of directorship, a lack of information support system, and a comparatively lower level of transparency. Schools, hospitals, productivity councils, universities, social welfare institutions would be representatives of such NGOs. The research has used Hong Kong as the test base at a time when NGOs are given more authority and ownership for self-governance. A series of action-based case studies undertaken are summarised and 'used to identify the control components and processes leading to higher levels of self governance. These together with an extensive literature survey on corporate governance and on the development of governance information systems (GOVIS) were used to develop a new' process methodology for designing and developing governance information system for NGOs. Known as GISDER, the methodology links Rochart's Critical Success Factors (Rochart, 1979), cybernetics (Capra, 1997), systems thinking (Beer, 1985; Jackson, 2000), and adult learning (Ackof, 1999) concepts with control components unique to the organisation under review. The relevant control components for a particular NGO are identified from fifteen base components. Elements of the process methodology have been further tested in some NGOs. A thorough evaluation discussion and thoughts on the applicability of the derived methodology for other types of organisations have been provided. It is concluded that self-governance for NGO boards cannot be assumed and that the components for a GO VIS for self-governance can best be developed and evaluated through the GISDER methodology. The methodology is now at the core of a consultancy offering for NGOs in the Greater China region.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

28

Cook, Samuel Robert 1965. "Indian self-determination: A comparative analysis of executive and congressional approaches to contemporary federal Indian policy". Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291632.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Scholars of American Indian policy refer to the period from 1960 to present as the Self-Determination Era. However, President Richard Nixon is commonly credited with making self-determination the fundamental tenet of contemporary Indian policy through his 1970 message to Congress. The concept of self-determination embodies three main goals: tribal self-government; cultural survival; and economic development. Furthermore, Indian participation in tribal activities as well as the federal policy-making process is a key principle of self-determination. Self-determination, however, is not a single policy, but rather, a conglomeration of policy approaches originating in different branches of the federal government. There has been little uniformity in the executive and legislative approaches to contemporary Indian policy. As this thesis illustrates, congressional approaches to self-determination policy since 1970 have been more consistent than those of the executive branch.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

29

Uygur, Ozge. "CEO POLITICAL DONATIONS AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/100132.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Business Administration/Finance
Ph.D.
This dissertation studies the association between CEO ability and various aspects of corporate governance, specifically firm performance, executive compensation contracts and firm opacity. In the first essay of this dissertation (Chapter 2), I examine the effect of CEO ability on firm performance. My analysis uses a unique instrument of CEO ability that is based on a CEO's commitment decisions in US presidential elections. Intuitively, CEO ability is measured based on how well they forecast US presidential elections, one year prior to the race, relative to the candidates expected chances of winning. I find that this instrument of CEO ability is positively related to firm performance. Interestingly, I find that high ability CEOs have a greater impact on Tobin's q in small firms than in large firms. Yet, high ability CEOs have the greatest dollar impact on shareholder value in large firms. In addition, CEO ability appears to be quite important to outside shareholders in high growth firms. Lastly, I find that CEO ability is positively associated to merger announcement returns, which implies that higher ability CEOs engage in value-creating merger activities. The results are robust to industry and time controls, as well as various tests that consider an alternative explanation focusing on political influence. The second essay (Chapter 3) explores the effect of CEO ability on the structure and level of compensation contracts. I find that CEO ability is positively associated with total compensation level. CEOs in the highest quartile of the ability proxy earn almost $2.2 million more than CEOs in the lowest quartile of CEO ability. Further analysis indicates that CEO compensation structure differs markedly between the highest and lowest ability CEOs. Specifically, I find that the high ability CEOs receive 2.1% more stock based incentives than low ability CEOs. Thus, the low ability CEOs receive more of their pay in the form of cash compensation than do high ability CEOs. Further tests indicate that high ability CEOs have significantly greater variance in their pay than low ability CEOs, specifically due to the higher variance in stock based incentives. Overall, I provide evidence that CEO pay is associated with CEO ability and that CEO ability appears a key issue in designing CEO compensation contracts. In the third essay (Chapter 4), I examine whether CEO ability is related to corporate opacity. I argue that high-ability CEOs may seek to create greater transparency to convey their ability to the market. Simultaneously, low-ability CEOs may be signal-jamming the market's inferences about their talent by limiting the available information. An alternative aspect is that the results are driven by low-ability CEOs who seek to work in opaque firms. My analysis indicates that firms with high-ability CEOs are significantly less opaque than firms with low-ability CEOs. These findings are also robust to using a propensity score matched sample. Finally, I show that the deteriorating impact of corporate opacity on firm performance decreases when the decision belongs to a high-ability CEO, suggesting that opacity is not necessarily value-destructing decision for corporations. Overall, my analysis suggests that CEO ability is an important factor for corporate opacity.
Temple University--Theses

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

30

Erlandsson, Magnus. "Striderna i Rosenbad : Om trettio års försök att förändra Regeringskansliet". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6848.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This dissertation examines the last thirty years of internal reforms in the Swedish Government Offices. Analysis of the evolution of personnel politics, the formation of one agency and the attempts to introduce a collective activity planning model, show that the immediate problems of the early 1970’s – an over dimensioned staff, territory battles and unclear division of responsibility for personnel and organisation – remains to this day, notwithstanding the many reforms to approach them. One principal explanation behind this is that the key players for successful reorganisations – the politicians – do hardly ever partake. Instead, and on the basis of the perspective of bureaucratic politics, this dissertation demonstrates that the internal development of the Government Offices should be explained as the result of struggles between different bureaucratic actors, with diverse views on problems and their solutions, and with various prospects and strengths to affect the outcome. Due to the choice of politicians to leave this policy field open to bureaucratic politics, the policy is essentially shaped and decided within a bureaucratic context. The dissertation ends in a conclusion that there is an almost constant bureaucratic battle behind internal organisation of the Government Offices, a conflict where tradition, values and strong bureaucratic actors play an important part, and where institutional change is exceptional, since the preserving powers in these processes have the upper hand. But politicians can change – in spite of these traditions, values and bureaucratic agents – if they have the determination. The theoretical aim of this dissertation, through a critical assessment of the bureaucratic politics perspective – an evaluation motivated by the empirical data and inspired by two challenging and related theoretic models; sociological and historical institutionalism – is to display the qualities and shortcomings of the bureaucratic politics model, to develop and improve the original model of bureaucratic politics, and making it more expedient for future studies of institutional change in central political organisations.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

31

Freire, Danilo Alves Mendes. "Entre urnas e armas: a competitividade do Poder Executivo e as Guerras Civis, 1976 - 2000". Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-15082012-114934/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civis
Civil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

32

Herrington, Ian. "The special operations executive in Norway 1940-1945 : policy and operations in the strategic and political context". Thesis, De Montfort University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/2421.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Between 1940 and 1945, the Special Operations Executive (SOE) carried out sabotage and organised resistance across occupied Europe. There have, however, only been a small number of scholarly studies of SOE’s activities, and no specific examination of its involvement in occupied Norway. This thesis, therefore, is the first multi-archival, international, and academic analysis of its policy and operations in this country and the influences that shaped them. The proposition is that it was the changing contribution of both SOE and Norway within the wider strategic context in Europe that was the predominant factor behind its plans for this theatre, and other factors, although material, were of secondary importance. These included SOE’s relationship with the Norwegian government-in-exile and the resistant movements that emerged in response to the occupation, especially Milorg, which set out to form an underground army within the country. As well as collaboration with the other clandestine organisations and regular armed forces that had a military involvement in Norway. Through an examination of these contextual influences this work argues that between 1940 and 1945, in step with its original strategic role, SOE’s policy for Norway consisted of a short-term objective, which through activities such as sabotage was to help undermine German fighting strength, and a long-term objective of forming a secret army. These aims could not, however, be achieved or implemented without the co-operation of the Norwegian military authorities and Milorg, who provided most of the manpower, and the assistance of the other military agencies that often operated alongside SOE. From the beginning, therefore, SOE deliberately set out to work with all these parties, but always on the basis that any joint activity was undertaken in accordance with British and Allied interests. This meant that SOE’s operations in Norway were ultimately the result of a blend of influences. It was, however, this country’s subordinate and peripheral position in relation to the main thrust of Allied strategy in Europe that was the crucial factor. The constructive relationship that the organisation eventually had with the Norwegian authorities and Milorg was also important because it meant that SOE both received the support it required and managed to ensure Allied control over special operations in this theatre. It was, therefore, a relationship that was beneficial and rather than undermining SOE’s plans, it underpinned them and guaranteed they remained in step with strategic and military requirements.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

33

Pinto, Simone Cuber Araujo. "Deputados e Prefeitos: o nacional e o local na estrutura de oportunidades políticas no Brasil". Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=9327.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A elaboração dessa tese tem por finalidade contribuir para a discussão sobre o modelo de carreira política que vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil. O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a sua construção a partir da apreensão da lógica da tomada de decisão do legislador brasileiro na definição de sua trajetória profissional. Para isso, o estudo procurou estabelecer as motivações dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados diante das opções de carreira que se apresentam, no sentido de permanecer ou não na arena legislativa. A questão analisada é se a instituição está oferecendo atrativos aos seus membros para sua permanência, ou se estes estão alocados em outras instâncias. A hipótese-teste é a de que o Poder Executivo tem atraído os membros do Legislativo, desenhando um padrão de carreira política no qual as arenas se intercalariam Executivo e Legislativo assim como as esferas federal, estadual e municipal. A tese está estruturada em uma revisão das literaturas estrangeira e brasileira sobre carreira política, apresentando também um exame dos modelos de recrutamento e permanência na carreira parlamentar. São consideradas as influências de dois elementos estruturais da lógica política no Brasil. O primeiro é a estrutura federativa adotada no país a partir da Constituição de 1988 e o segundo é o seu sistema eleitoral e partidário, sobretudo o papel dos partidos políticos e do tipo de recrutamento de candidatos na adoção das estratégias de carreira de seus representantes. Procura-se entender o modo pelo qual o quadro criado pela conjunção dessas características gera, viabiliza ou impede a construção das carreiras políticas no Brasil e das ambições que as determinam. Os dados coletados na pesquisa compreendem as eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados e para a Prefeitura em todos os municípios do Brasil ocorridas nos últimos 20 anos. São analisadas as trajetórias prévias e futuras dos deputados federais que, durante o mandato, se candidataram ao cargo de Prefeito. A premissa aqui utilizada vem da visão de que sair do Parlamento pode ser a melhor estratégia − do ponto de vista eleitoral − para a ele poder retornar e a melhor estratégia para aqueles que desejam prosseguir em suas carreiras com maior segurança. E obter cargos junto ao Executivo pode dar acesso a recursos que não estão disponíveis aos parlamentares.
The execution of this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the model of a political career that has currently been developed in Brazil. The objective is to understand this construction from the grasp of the logic behind the Brazilian legislators decision-making about the definition of his career. For this purpose the study sought to establish the motivations of members of the House of Representatives behind the definition of the presented career options in order to remain or not in the legislative arena. The question analyzed is whether the institution is offering its members an appeal to remain, or if they are located elsewhere. The hypothesis is that the Executive has proven an effect of attraction on the members of the Legislature, drawing a pattern of political career in which the legislative and executive arenas are interspersed, as well as federal, state and municipal levels. The thesis is structured in a literature review about foreign and Brazilian political career, with a detailed analysis of models of recruitment and retention in parliamentary career. The influence of two structural elements of the political logic in Brazil is considered. The first one is the federal structure adopted by the country since the Constitution of 1988, and the second one is its electoral system and party, especially the role of political parties and the type of candidates recruitment in the adoption of their representatives career strategies. The aim is to understand the way the framework created by the combination of these characteristics determines, enables or prevents the construction of political careers in Brazil and their ambitions. The data collected in the survey include the elections for the House of Representatives and for the office for Mayor in all municipalities in Brazil happened in the last 20 years. This thesis analyzes the prior and future trajectories of deputies who apply for the office of Mayor during the mandate. The assumption used in this work comes from the idea that leaving the Parliament may be the best strategy to return to it, according to the electoral point of view , and the best strategy for those who wish to continue on their careers with greater security. And get positions in the Executive can provide access to resources that are not available to parliamentarians.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

34

Ulrich, Neil. "The effects of life experiences under apartheid on shaping leadership styles of South African political leaders". Thesis, Unisa, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/152.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The purpose of the research is to examine the effects that Apartheid had/has on the shaping of leadership styles of South African political leaders from all political affiliations and different backgrounds. The research phenemenon and tentative hypothesis is that these leaders were influenced in vastly different ways according to their positions as either advantaged, disadvantaged or unaffected by the system of Apartheid. The study will examine how these different experiences under the system of Apartheid shaped current leadership styles.
The system of apartheid, caused different life experiences for South Africans, and can be seen as a defining moment in the development of South Africa, its leaders and citizens. This study investigated how these different life experiences under apartheid influenced leadership styles of South African political leaders. After completion of a literature review, semi structured life history interviews were conducted with a representative sample of members of the South African Parliament, to generate qualitative data for analysis. Content analysis was applied to this data to generate a basis from which valid and reliable conclusions and recommendations were made. The research found support in both the literature review and qualitative life stories data collected for the following propositions: • Leadership is a complex construct, which is composed of many different characteristics and influences. • The life histories of individuals comprise of a combination of unique life experiences and subjective interpretations of those experiences. • Individual life histories influence leadership development. • Apartheid was a time line event that encompassed many different life experiences of individuals within the broad phenomenon, which phenomenon does not necessarily in itself have a significantly 7 homogeneous effect on the shaping of leadership styles. What is a more significant shaper of leadership style is the leader’s experiences in and attitude towards the event or phenomenon. • Life experiences under the phenomenon of apartheid influenced the leadership styles of South African political leaders differently in accordance with their unique life experiences itself, and their subjective interpretations thereof. The recordal of the life stories of South African political leaders presents an opportunity to learn at a broader interface from the experiences of the past, to shape a collective future for a free and democratic South Africa.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

35

Maxwell, Jewerl T. "Presidential Affirmative Action: The Role of Presidential Executive Orders in the Establishment, Institutionalization, & Expansion of Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Policies". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1216044992.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

36

Watts, Deanna Joy. "Rhetoric of the Administrative Presidency: Presidential Communication, the Executive Branch, and Signing Statements". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1343417217.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

37

Grimm, Jasminne M. "Is the prerogative power evident in the American executive? If so, what are the historical and modern uses?" Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1368614649.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

38

Zhao, Yupei. "Citizen political participation via social media : a case study of Weibo use in Hong Kong's 2012 Chief Executive Election". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/38034.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Research into the citizen political participation via social media is dominated by two grand narratives. In the first, new media are seen as empowering society, while the second portrays the Internet as the State’s ultimate tool for manipulating citizens. This research employed content analysis, critical discourse analysis and interview to compare and contrast the nature of political participation and deliberation on Weibo in [Hong Kong and mainland] and by [VIPs and causal users] on 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election, and how the online censorship shaped their political participation and deliberation regarding this case. Mixed methods used with theoretical framework (e.g. democracy, digital democracy, deliberative democracy, e-participation and citizenship) in this research has demonstrated the role of Weibo both ‘tool’ ‘forum’ and ‘object’ to understand deliberative democracy while citizens used for political participation and deliberation. Dynamic forms of self-censorship demonstrated how the online censorship shaped the citizens’ political participation and deliberation through dynamic explicit or implicit ways on Weibo in this case.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

39

Sosa, Villagarcia Paolo. "All the President's ‘Men’? A closer look at the Executive Branch regarding ministers in post-Fujimori Peru (2001-2014)". Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92401.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This paper focuses on ministers as government executives, paying special attention tothe case of Peru after the fall of Alberto Fujimori’s rule. This exploratory perspective seeks to provide a look over the political and technical characteristics of these executive corps in recent governments as well as the variation in their stability. In that sense, the purpose of this paper is (1) to describe their demographic and professional characteristics; and (2) analyze some indicators of ministerial stability and cabinet configuration. For this purpose a database of ministers (1990- 2014) is used, focusing the analysis in democratically elected governments after Fujimori (2001-2014).
Este artículo se centra en los ministros de Estado como ejecutivos del gobierno, prestando especial atención al caso peruano luego de la caída del régimen de Alberto Fujimori. Desde esta perspectiva exploratoria se busca proporcionar una mirada sobre las características políticas y técnicas de estos cuerpos ejecutivos en los últimos gobiernos, así como sobre la variación en la estabilidad de estos cargos en los tres últimos períodos. En ese sentido, el propósito de esta investigación es (1) presentar de manera descriptiva las características demográficas, políticas y profesionales del cuerpo ministerial peruano; así como (2) analizar indicadores sobre la estabilidad ministerial y la configuración de los gabinetes. Para ello se utiliza una base de datos sobre ministros de Estado (1990-2014) y se observan principalmente los gobiernos democráticamente electos luego de la caída de Fujimori (2001-2014).

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

40

Cordeiro, André Passos. "Para definir o que é o Orçamento Participativo : uma leitura a partir dos elementos centrais de sua estrutura e dinâmica de funcionamento em Porto Alegre de 1989 a 2004". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/61213.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

A presente dissertação procura conceituar, com o máximo possível de precisão, o que é o Orçamento Participativo de Porto Alegre. Esta experiência espalhou-se pelo Brasil e pelo mundo, recomendada, inclusive, por organismos financiadores multilaterais, como Banco Mundial e Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento. Tornou-se sinônimo de boa gestão dos recursos públicos: onde há OP, referenciado como baseado no “OP de Porto Alegre”, haveria fumaça de bom governo. Mas será que é isto mesmo? A primeira tarefa para responder esta pergunta é definir com clareza o que é o OP de Porto Alegre. É a isto que nos propomos nesta dissertação. Nossa hipótese é de que esta definição deve ser baseada, inicialmente e necessariamente, em elementos que podem ser encontrados nas regras do OP, uma vez que estas seriam o registro de uma sucessão de acordos políticos que deram sentido ao OP. Para encontrar estes elementos centrais, fazemos uma análise destas regras, da estrutura e da dinâmica da experiência de Porto Alegre, e, depois, procuramos identificar seu contexto de surgimento. Mas a simples listagem de elementos centrais não é suficiente para, automaticamente, criarmos um conceito. Para isto é preciso reflexão, exercício teórico. Muitos autores, usando diferentes estratégias de aproximação teórica com a experiência, refletiram sobre a experiência, procurando criar ou testar conceitos. Nossa reflexão, sempre ancorada nos elementos centrais obtidos da análise das regras e da história do OP, escolheu focar nos estudos de Sérgio Baierle, Tarso Genro, Celina Souza e Leonardo Avritzer. Os primeiros foram os precursores da procura por uma definição do OP, e talvez os que por mais tempo estejam a estudálo. Praticamente todos os estudos posteriores debatem com os seus conceitos. Souza e Avritzer, por sua vez, apresentam-nos um bom resumo das escolas interpretativas do OP e, ao mesmo tempo, procuram conceitos mais amplos do que cada uma delas em particular. Apesar das várias tentativas empreendidas na literatura, ao final de nossa jornada bibliográfica concluímos pela necessidade de construir um conceito mais completo do que os apresentados. Isto porque nenhuma das definições encontradas incorpora todos os elementos que entendemos fundamentais para definir o OP de Porto Alegre. No entanto estas definições não se perdem totalmente. Com algumas modificações nas definições de Sérgio Baierle e Tarso Genro - a partir, especialmente, das críticas de Leonardo Avritzer - e com a incorporação total dos elementos centrais identificados na análise das regras da experiência chegamos a um bom conceito.
The present thesis aims to conceptualize, with the maximum possible accuracy, what the Participatory Budget in Porto Alegre is. This experience has been spread throughout Brazil and the world, and it has been especially recommended by multilateral funding agencies like the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank. It has become synonymous with good management of public resources; wherever there is PB (Participatory Budget) referred to as based upon the “PB in Porto Alegre”, there is sign of good government. But is it true? The first step to answer this question is to clearly define what the PB in Porto Alegre is. This is what we propose on this thesis. Our hypothesis is that this definition should be based, initially, and necessarily, on the elements that can be found in the rules of the PB, since they would be a record of a succession of political agreements that gave the PB its significance. In order to meet these core elements, we analyze the rules, structure and dynamics of the experience of Porto Alegre, and then try to identify their context of emergence. But the simple listing of key elements is not sufficient to automatically create a concept. To do so, reflection and theoretical exercise are needed. Many authors, using different strategies of theoretical approach to the experience, have reflected on the experience, seeking to create or test concepts. Our thinking has always been anchored in the core elements obtained from the analysis of the rules and history of the PB focusing on the studies of Sergio Baierle, Tarso Genro, Celina Souza and Leonardo Avritzer. The first have been precursors of the search for a definition to the PB, and perhaps the ones who have longer been studying it. Virtually all the subsequent studies debate their concepts. Souza and Avritzer, in turn, offer a good summary of the PB’s interpretive schools, while seeking broader concepts than each of them in particular. Despite several attempts undertaken in the literature, at the end of our bibliographic journey we end up by the need to build a more complete concept than those presented. That's because none of the definitions found incorporates all the elements that we believe essential to define the PB in Porto Alegre. Yet these definitions do not get totally lost. With some modifications in the definitions of Sergio Baierle and Tarson Genro – and from, especially the criticism of Leonardo Avritzer - and with the full incorporation of the core elements identified in the analysis of the rules of the experiment we have reached a good concept.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

41

Linton, Cynthia A. "Perspectives on Executive power: Legislative vs. Presidential War Powers in the United States". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1763.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

42

Bhattacharya, Debasis. "Legislative-executive relations and U.S. foreign policy| Continuum of consensus and dissension in strategic political decision process from 1970 to 2010". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3610246.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

During the last four decades, precisely from the early 1970s, U.S. foreign policy has played a dominant role in the U.S. political landscape. The current political discourse is predominantly marked by divided government, polarized politics and gridlock. Such a contentious political environment has proved to be detrimental for efficient and effective policy-making in foreign policy. There are significant factors that profoundly complicate the process of decision making and congressional-presidential relations. Partisan and ideological differences under the conditions of divided government are dominant in the current political process and in turn affect the prospects of legislative-executive consensus and dissension. Other factors such as media salience, public opinion, and electoral imperatives also complicate the dynamics of legislative-executive relations. In an era in which heightened political brinkmanship has enveloped Washington politics, continuum of consensus and dissension between Congress and the president on strategic foreign policy issues has virtually become a norm. This dissertation examines the dynamics of legislative-executive relations in two high politics U.S. foreign policy issue areas of treaty process and war powers. It appears that in contemporary U.S. foreign policymaking the trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension is a new normal and potentially irreversible, as Congress and the president try ardently to preserve their respective constitutional prerogatives.

Empirical investigation across these two issue areas demonstrates a new era of a resurgent Congress marked by its greater assertive role and acting as a consequential player in the foreign policy domain. The passage of the War Powers Resolution in 1973 by Congress, overriding a presidential veto, has profound implications in the modern political landscape. It was a pivotal moment that permanently transformed the future road map of congressional-presidential relations. Since then the U.S. political system has been relentlessly experiencing an institutional power struggle in the foreign policy domain. Findings suggest that when Congress determines to confront the president and exercise its constitutional responsibilities it becomes very difficult for the president to overcome such congressional resistance. Interbranch competition has virtually created a consistent trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension in the foreign policy decision-making process.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

43

Gao, Ya. "The 'three reference point' effect and the role of political connection in executive compensation : empirical studies on Chinese listed firms". Thesis, University of Surrey, 2015. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/807886/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Agency theory has for some time been the dominant on executive compensation research. Behavioural approaches such as prospect theory, behavioural agency theory and reference point theory (including strategic reference point theory) provide new perspectives for research into executive compensation. For the largest transitional economy of China, the shift from a planned and administration-oriented economy to a market-oriented economy remains an on-going process. As behavioural approaches are derived from the understanding of human decision-making patterns, they are therefore less subject to institutional settings and thus more applicable to understanding executive compensation contracting in China. From a reference point theory perspective, we test a ‘three reference point’ framework for executive compensation contracting: in external reference to peer firms, internally to other executives on board, and in the time dimension referring to top executives’ previous pay. We find that as a superior alternative to agency theory, reference point theory can provide a better explanation for top executive compensation contracting. In our three empirical chapters, we mainly find that: (1) Chinese executive pay levels are externally heavily influenced in their setting by the pay level of executive peer groups; internally by other executives within firms and by the pay level of an individual executive in the previous period. It should also be noted that the loss aversion effect exists in top executive compensation contracting. (2) We test the three reference point effect and use Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to determine the systematic effects of these reference points to empirically test the behavioural determinants of executive pay in China; the three reference points and the systematic effect on top executive compensation are determined to be robust. (3) We document a negative association between top executive pay and a politically-connected board. However, after controlling for the three reference points, this association becomes positive and further strengthens the pay-performance link. We also find that in state-owned and politically connected firms the pay–performance link is the strongest, especially after adjusting for the effect of the three reference points. In private firms that are not politically connected, meanwhile, the pay-for-performance link is weak. Our findings have important policy implications. They highlight the defects of current corporate governance mechanisms, particularly in executive compensation design and monitoring. The current Chinese Corporate Governance Code largely mimics corporate governance practice in the Anglo-American business environment and relies heavily on agency theory; therefore, to a large extent, it does not work in its own context. Our findings identify that in practice, the ‘three reference point’ framework and political connections play very important roles in influencing Chinese executive pay setting, in addition to the link to pay-for-performance and corporate governance mechanisms. It is therefore indicated that the Chinese Government should consider developing policies and regulations in addition to its Corporate Governance Code in order to effectively control the problems of the departure of executive compensation from firm performance.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

44

Chapin, Daniel. "The Antiquities Act of 1906 and Theodore Roosevelt's 'Interpretation of Executive Power' from the Grand Canyon through the Grand Staircase". Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/594.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Thesis advisor: Dennis Hale
After a six year legislative drafting process President Theodore Roosevelt signed the Antiquities Act into law on June 8, 1906. The bill protected archeological sites, but also allowed the President to declare national monuments of federal lands covering "objects of historic and scientific interest" Roosevelt interpreted the act broadly and made it into one of the most important pieces of conservation legislation in the history of the UInited States. The paper discusses how and why Roosevelt interpreted the act in this way and what impact it had on future presidents, notably Franklin Roosevelt, Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

45

Allan, Geoffrey, i n/a. "A Different Agenda: The Changing Meaning of Public Service Efficiency and Responsiveness in Australia's Public Services". Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060914.104311.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis examines the changing nature of efficiency and tesponsiveness of Australian public services over the past century It will examine how over the past 100 years efficiency has been improved and assessed. It will also examine how, since the 1970s, efficiency has become synonymous with responsiveness. The main argument of this thesis is that the nature of efficiency and responsiveness has changed over the past century.. Reforms introduced fiom the 1970s where the rationale at the time was improved efficiency, were essentially designed to make the public service more accountable and thereby responsive to the political executive. The study will examine: 1. the measures governments employed to improve efficiency and assess their effectiveness; 2. how responsiveness became the corollary of efficiency; 3. the resultant changes assessment of government perfbrmance; and 4. the effect these changes had on the Westminster system in Australia. The thesis is in three parts. Part one deals with the nature of public service efficiency and responsiveness. It examines the literature surrounding the nature of the terms and provides a definition of each. Part two details and analyses how public service efficiency was measured and improved from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the 1970s. It will detail the rise and decline in public service boards and commissions and how they were used to initially limit patronage and then to act as monitoring agencies to ensure that public service input costs were as small as they could be 1i will also detail how other factors, such as the training and education of staff and computerisation had an increasing role in improving efficiency. The third part deals with the changes that have occurred since the 1970s. This will examine how responsiveness emerged as an issue and how it became an essential companion to efficiency when promoting bureaucratic change.. It will examine how the nomenclature of efficiency has been applied when the political executive seeks to ensure greater responsiveness from the public service. This third part will examine the main apparatus that were employed by the political executive to improve efficiency and responsiveness: progr am budgeting, corporate planthng, efficiency audits and contracts with senior staff. Finally, I will demonstrate the inability or unwillingness of many ministers and governments to detail policy objectives and their reluctance to evaluate the effectiveness of spending. This was accompanied by a greater reliance on senior employment contracts as the main lever to improve efficiency and responsiveness of the service.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

46

Allan, Geoffrey. "A Different Agenda: The Changing Meaning of Public Service Efficiency and Responsiveness in Australia's Public Services". Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367174.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis examines the changing nature of efficiency and tesponsiveness of Australian public services over the past century It will examine how over the past 100 years efficiency has been improved and assessed. It will also examine how, since the 1970s, efficiency has become synonymous with responsiveness. The main argument of this thesis is that the nature of efficiency and responsiveness has changed over the past century.. Reforms introduced fiom the 1970s where the rationale at the time was improved efficiency, were essentially designed to make the public service more accountable and thereby responsive to the political executive. The study will examine: 1. the measures governments employed to improve efficiency and assess their effectiveness; 2. how responsiveness became the corollary of efficiency; 3. the resultant changes assessment of government perfbrmance; and 4. the effect these changes had on the Westminster system in Australia. The thesis is in three parts. Part one deals with the nature of public service efficiency and responsiveness. It examines the literature surrounding the nature of the terms and provides a definition of each. Part two details and analyses how public service efficiency was measured and improved from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the 1970s. It will detail the rise and decline in public service boards and commissions and how they were used to initially limit patronage and then to act as monitoring agencies to ensure that public service input costs were as small as they could be 1i will also detail how other factors, such as the training and education of staff and computerisation had an increasing role in improving efficiency. The third part deals with the changes that have occurred since the 1970s. This will examine how responsiveness emerged as an issue and how it became an essential companion to efficiency when promoting bureaucratic change.. It will examine how the nomenclature of efficiency has been applied when the political executive seeks to ensure greater responsiveness from the public service. This third part will examine the main apparatus that were employed by the political executive to improve efficiency and responsiveness: progr am budgeting, corporate planthng, efficiency audits and contracts with senior staff. Finally, I will demonstrate the inability or unwillingness of many ministers and governments to detail policy objectives and their reluctance to evaluate the effectiveness of spending. This was accompanied by a greater reliance on senior employment contracts as the main lever to improve efficiency and responsiveness of the service.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

47

Holager, Emma. "The impact of the private security industry on peace-building efforts in Africa : an assessment of Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6866.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

48

Ribeiro, David Ricardo Sousa. "Da crise política ao golpe de estado: conflitos entre o poder executivo e o poder legislativo durante o governo João Goulart". Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-19122013-144916/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

O objeto central desta dissertação é a transição da crise política estabelecida durante o governo João Goulart para o Golpe Político Militar de 1964. Trabalhando especificamente com a dimensão política do Golpe de Estado, analisamos o conflito conjuntural sistêmico existente entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo como sendo sua principal causa político-institucional. Partimos então da seguinte questão: como em um intervalo de menos de três anos o Poder Legislativo foi capaz de abandonar sua postura anti-golpista, sendo determinante para a efetivação do regime militar? Nesse contexto, formulamos a hipótese de que, além de potencializar os conflitos ideológicos da sociedade, as decisões políticas tomadas no Congresso Nacional em meio aos debates sobre as reformas foram cruciais para o desgaste e isolamento político de João Goulart. De tal modo, avaliamos como a incompatibilidade entre o caráter reformista do Poder Executivo e a predominância de uma postura conservadora no Congresso Nacional foi determinante para o término do período democrático da República de 46. Utilizamos os Diários do Congresso Nacional, os discursos presidenciais e as atas de algumas Convenções Partidárias, para analisar os principais conflitos políticos ocorridos entre 1963 e 1964, sendo eles: o restabelecimento do presidencialismo, o Plano Trienal, as negociações em torno de diferentes projetos de Reforma Agrária, a Vigília Cívica, e os conflitos ocorridos durante o mês de março de 1964. Deste modo, buscamos contrapor as teses que tendem a explicar o Golpe de 1964 a partir da justificativa de que ele foi resultado da radicalização dos autores, ou até mesmo, da falta de um compromisso com o regime democrático. Assim, no decorrer da pesquisa buscamos apresentar o protagonismo exercido pelo Poder Legislativo no processo de formulação, execução e legitimação do Golpe de Estado.
The main object of this dissertation is the transition of the political crisis established during the government of João Goulart, to the Political Military Coup of 1964. Considering specifically the political dimension of the coup, we analysed the existing conflict between the executive and the legislative power based on a systemic conjuncture, and as the main political-institutional cause. Therefore, we assume the following question: How was the legislative power capable, in less than three years, of abandoning its anti-coup position, being decisive on the validation of the military regime? In this context, we came up with the hypothesis that, besides potentiating ideological conflicts of society, the political decisions taken in congress during debates about reforms were crucial for the political wearing out and isolation of João Goulart. In that way, we evaluated how the incapability between the reformist character of the executive power and the predominance of a conservative posture on congress was decisive to the end of the democratic times of the Republic of 46. We used the National Congress diaries, presidential speeches and the minutes of a few party conventions to analyse the main political conflicts occurred between 1963 and 1964, being them: the reestablishment of the presidential system, the Triennial Plan, negotiations surrounding different agrarian reform projects, civic vigil, and the conflicts occurred during the March of 1964. Among the objectives of this research, we intended to oppose the thesis, which tend to explain the Military Coup with the justification that it was the result of a radicalization of its authors, or even a lack of 8 compromise with the democratic regime. Therefore, along the research, we intended to present the role of the legislative power in the formulation, execution and legitimation process of the coup.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

49

Conley, Benjamin J. "A Critical Examination of the Bush Administration’s Expansion of Executive Authority During the “War on Terror”". Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1114624821.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

50

Samuel, Matemane Iraguha. "Representation of ethnic groups in subnational political institutions: The case of the Democratic Republic of Congo". University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6300.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence)
With approximately 450 tribes and 250 ethnic groups in a territory of 2 345 095 km2,1the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one of the world's largest, populous, and multiethnolinguistic countries. Since the departure of the Belgian coloniser in 1960, this Member State of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) is facing a myriad of institutional crises, bloody conflicts and wars, mainly caused by the design of political institutions and the side-lining of some ethnic groups from political institutions. For many decades, Congolese provinces have seen numerous violent ethnic-driven conflicts, which led to institutional instability, political crisis, secessions, massacres and wars. The bloodiest of them all were the first and second Congolese wars. From 1996 to 2002, these so-called "African first world war" cost the DRC the lives of millions of people, divided it into many small "republics" and destroyed the few political and economic infrastructures that survived four decades of institutional instability and dictatorship.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Political executive”

Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych