Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Political activity

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Political activity”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 29 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Political activity"

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Boymirzayeva, Mahira. "FACTORS INFLUENCING THE POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF CENTRAL ASIAN YOUTHS". American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, nr 4 (1.04.2024): 45–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue04-06.

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Cavazos, David E., Karen D. W. Patterson i Mathew A. Rutherford. "Political market performance and corporate political activity". International Journal of Law and Management 60, nr 3 (14.05.2018): 854–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2017-0031.

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Purpose This study aims to examine conditions in which firm political market performance is associated with firm efforts to influence regulatory outcomes. Applying measures of political market performance based on firm performance in government enforcement actions and a firm’s ability to obtain favorable political outcomes, the authors make the case that political market performance is a key part of competitive political markets, which is associated with particular types of firm efforts to influence policy. Design/methodology/approach Longitudinal examination of nine automobile manufacturers during National Highway Traffic and Safety Administration crash tests reveals that firm performance in government enforcement activities is associated with greater efforts to cooperate with political suppliers, while declining firm performance in efforts to influence political outcomes is associated with increased firm opposition to political supplier actions. Findings Firm performance in government enforcement activities is associated with greater efforts to cooperate with political suppliers, while declining firm performance in efforts to influence political outcomes is associated with increased firm opposition to political supplier actions. Research limitations/implications Performance in regulatory enforcement results in increased firm actions to engage regulators in the policy-making process, while performance in obtaining desired policy outcomes is associated with a greater focus on opposition to proposed standards. These results suggest that political demanders can take deliberate actions to either engage or oppose supplier actions based on political market performance. Originality/value The primary contribution of this research is to begin to examine the implications of performance dynamics within political markets. Adding the construct of political market performance to the political markets framework reveals that variations in political market performance can be associated with specific types of corporate political activity.
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Chitty, Clyde. "Educating for political activity". Educational Review 62, nr 4 (listopad 2010): 371–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131911.2010.513769.

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Lukina, L. V. "Political discourse: essence and features in political activity". Politicus, nr 2 (2021): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2021-2.13.

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Hadani, Michael. "Corporate Political Activity and Possible Litigation Risks: The Dark Side of Political Activity". Academy of Management Proceedings 2020, nr 1 (sierpień 2020): 17702. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2020.17702abstract.

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Miluska, Jolanta, Justyna Kuświk i Beata Pająk-Patkowska. "Political Activity of Women and Men – the Psychosocial Determinants of Conventional Political Activity". Przegląd Politologiczny, nr 4 (28.12.2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2018.23.4.1.

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Rhodes, P. J. "Political activity in classical Athens." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (listopad 1986): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629648.

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‘Only the naïve or innocent observer’, says Sir Moses Finley in his bookPolitics in the ancient world, ‘can believe that Pericles came to a vital Assembly meeting armed with nothing but his intelligence, his knowledge, his charisma and his oratorical skill, essential as all four attributes were.’ Historians of the Roman Republic have been assiduous in studyingclientelae,factionesand ‘delivering the vote’, but much less work has been done on the ways in which Athenian politicians sought to mobilise support. There have been studies of family connections and of links between individual politicians; there have been studies of the associations known ashetaireiai; but many questions remain unanswered. W. R. Connor inThe new politicians of fifth-century Athenscontrasted an old style of politics, based on ties ofphiliawithin the upper classes, with a new style, which spurnedphiliaand appealed directly to the people. Even in his old style, the votes of the ordinary, middling-to-poor citizens counted for more in the straightforward Athenian assembly than in the Romancomitiawith their complex systems of block votes. Connor limits political friendship to the upper classes; he pours cold water on Sealey's suggestion that rich families might have brought pressure to bear on their tenants and other dependants (saying, ‘The proud and independent Athenian might be expected to resist intimidation’); but apart from general references to largesse he does not really explain how an old-style Cimon or a new-style Cleon would ensure that the assembly was full of voters willing to elect him as general or approve a motion which he proposed. J. K. Davies has tried to take the matter further inWealth and the power of wealth in classical Athens.
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Brovkin, V. V. "Ancient Skepticism and Political Activity". Siberian Journal of Philosophy 16, nr 1 (2018): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2541-7517-2018-16-1-192-203.

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Romaniuk, Oleksandr, i Iryna Kovalenko. "Audiovisual media in political activity". Вісник Книжкової палати, nr 10 (28.10.2021): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2021.10(303).17-21.

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In this paper a problem of using audiovisual mass media in political activity is investigated. The authors focus on the advantages of audiovisual media over print one: easier accessibility for consumers, a impact on their subconscious, much faster delivery of information messages to the public. These features of audiovisual media have led to their widespread use in politics, which has made political activity more effective. The main conclusions of this paper are that audiovisual media began to be used in politics shortly after their emergence. In accordance with the main stages of development of audiovisual media: cinema, television, the Internet — there was an improvement in technology for their use in politics. At the stage of cinema, anti-democratic (totalitarian) forces acquired a leading role in the use of audiovisual media, which began to use them as an effective means of political propaganda. At the stage of television, the primacy shifts to democracy, which was due to the pluralistic nature of democratic systems, in which the acquisition of power is due to free and competitive elections. At the stage of the Internet, when a large mass of ordinary citizens have the opportunity to publish their political views, opinions, projects in the electronic network, there are two mutually exclusive trends: autocratic regimes limit their citizens' access to the world information space, but at the same time try to destructive influence on the democratic world. The authors emphasize that this article is only their first attempt to outline the main directions of research on the impact of audiovisual media on the development of political activity. Due to the limited volume of this publication, some aspects of the problem were not reflected, which are planned to be covered in future publications.
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Lee, Eon Sook. "Political Activity for Tobacco Control". Journal of the Korean Society for Research on Nicotine and Tobacco 13, nr 2 (30.06.2022): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25055/jksrnt.2022.13.2.72.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Political activity"

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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.

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Rhodes, Christopher. "Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091.

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This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This dissertation fits within a body of literature known as the political economy of religion. I expand upon this literature by examining religious groups in terms of internal organization, focusing on Christian churches in Africa, with Kenya as my primary case country. The central argument of this dissertation is that churches (national-level denominations) with certain organizational features – centralized leadership, authoritarian decision-making procedures, and lack of internal accountability mechanisms – are more likely to have friendlier interactions with governments and therefore tend to adopt more pro-government political stances compared to churches that lack these features. This relationship operates through two mechanisms. First, centralized churches possess negotiation advantages over decentralized churches. Second, centralized, authoritarian churches can more easily be co-opted by incumbent governments. The dissertation also expand upon existing literature by offering a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the preferences of governments and churches vis-à-vis one another, proposing that churches seek to maximize number of church members, member faithfulness, and resources, while governments seek ideological support, citizen mobilization, and social service provision from churches. These arguments are examined by historical comparative case studies of five of the largest Christian denominations in Kenya over the course of the country’s first three post-independence presidents. Through qualitative historical analysis, combined with information gathered through fieldwork in Kenya, the dissertation demonstrates how the preferences of these churches and governments, mediated through the internal organizations of the churches, influenced church-state relations and ultimately determined the churches’ political stances. The impact of internal organization is greater than factors such as ethnicity or theological conservatism/liberalism. The dissertation tests these arguments through a quantitative analysis of church political orientation using national-level data on Christian churches and countries across Africa from independence through 2010. The results of the statistical analyses show significant effects of organizational features such as centralization, consistent with the arguments made concerning Kenya. The dissertation then gives brief qualitative analysis of church-state relations for several of the African churches included in the quantitative dataset.
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Moreira, Alves Amanda. "Corporate Political Activity in the European Union". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.

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L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenne
The political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union
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Jeffs, Rebecca Amy. "The dynamics of political activity and organisation". Thesis, University of South Wales, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702328.

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The main objective of this thesis is to produce an explanatory model of the changing membership of political parties, capable of reproducing past behaviour and of testing the same systems under alternative conditions. The thesis considers the appropriateness of the General Epidemic Model to political party growth, and considers other models in order to address the shortcomings of this. A System Dynamics model, the Limited Activist Model, is created using two word of mouth processes to illustrate member recruitment and the conversion of New Party Members into Activists. The model is successful in that it broadly explains party data using the word of mouth metaphor. However, the two nonlinear processes employed are found to be overly sensitive, and the model is not able to fully reproduce known data. This is shown to be due to an artificially low susceptible pool being used in the second word of mouth process. The model is revised in the Limited Activist Model by representing activity levels by two stocks of different types of party activist rather than by having flows for the differing activities. This illustrates members' changing roles but it does not relate membership change to the needs of the party. It is shown that although word of mouth is a good explanation of the growth and decline of political parties, it is insufficient to explain observed changes in known data. A new approach to modelling the growth and decline of political parties is created called the Supply & Demand Model which is based solely on the hypotheses of political science. Mechanisms include the Demand from the party for members, and the natural Supply of members to the party in response to an increase in political legitimacy. A generic 'limits to growth' archetype is created to handle soft variables such as Political Legitimacy and Media Portrayal. It is shown that the growth and decline hypotheses of political science are good explanations of the changes in political party size, but as in the Limited Activist Model the model is insufficient to explain all of the variations in the data. The Supply & Demand Model is able to explain the growth and decline in terms of what is exogenous and endogenous, but not how the party achieves their aims. For a Political Party to be successful they need to obtain a balance between the supply of members and the demand for members, while ensuring a healthy level of political legitimacy. The strengths of the Limited Activist Model are combined with the Supply & Demand Model in order to link what the party does and the context in which it is done, whilst exploring additional growth and decline mechanisms. A new approach to modelling political recruitment is outlined using a combination of the growth and decline hypotheses of political science and the epidemiological based approaches, the Hybrid Model. A disaggregated view of political party membership was used to take into consideration the different activity levels among activists in order to link recruitment to specific membership activity. Aspects such as party competition are also explored. The Hybrid Model was found to closely replicate known data, while linking what the party does and the context in which it is done. However, the large number of parameters made the initial state of the model difficult to estimate. As such, it is recommended that the Limited Activist Model and Supply & Demand model be used in unison instead of the Hybrid Model alone. The number and sensitivity of the factors within the Hybrid Model, and especially of the exogenous effects, suggest that no party can have a decisive corrective effect on its demise. To investigate this further, more research is proposed with regards to the type of members being recruited and how they joined, along with more research into the influence of the media. It is suggested that a more sophisticated model of leaving might also assist the party in determining how much of the change in membership is endogenous and in the party's control, and how much is exogenous and as such, partly out of their control. From the research carried out in this thesis it is suggested that political parties should be concerned about the recent decline in membership levels, and look for ways to enthuse existing supporters into recruiting members of the public in order to boost political legitimacy and ultimately win elections.
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Ometto, Maria Paola Di Sessa de Luca. "Implicit corporate political activity and elite formation". reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/12077.

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In this thesis, we analyze how a progressive business elite created the civil society organization Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), achieving significant institutional changes, thus enabling the elite’s consolidation in the political sphere. The research yielded three articles. The first article discusses how RNSP became a strong political actor in the City of São Paulo and also in Brazil. To address this issue, we applied historical constructs to show how RNSP used history to become a central actor in the political sphere. In the second paper, we complement corporate political activity (CPA) theory by adding a new construct, implicit corporate political activity (ICPA), which conceptualizes how business elites together with civil society organizations can influence government. Since government, corporations and civil society organizations now have blurred boundaries; we understand that this concept is extremely important in drawing attention and creating new avenues for research in this novel environment. In the final article, we show the micro foundations of ICPA. Specifically, how business elites and corporations influence RNSP and, indirectly, government. Concluding, we contribute to the literature on how business influences government and the public sphere indirectly, through civil society organizations. Theoretically, we illuminate the literature of institutional theory, history, and power.
Nesta tese, analisamos como a elite empresarial progressista criou a organização da sociedade civil Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), alcançando mudanças institucionais significativas, permitindo assim a consolidação da elite na esfera política. A pesquisa resultou em três artigos. O primeiro artigo discute como a RNSP se tornou um forte ator político na cidade de São Paulo e também no Brasil. Para abordar esta questão, mostramos como a RNSP usou a história retórica para se tornar um ator central na esfera política. No segundo artigo, propomos o conceito de atividade política corporativa implícita (ICPA), complementar a atividade política corporativa. Conceituamos ICPA como elites empresariais em conjunto com organizações da sociedade civil agindo para influenciar o governo. Com os limites entre o governo, as empresas e organizações da sociedade civil difusos; entendemos que este conceito é extremamente importante para chamar a atenção e criar novos caminhos para a pesquisa sobre a influência das empresas no governo. No último artigo, mostramos os micro fundamentos da ICPA. Especificamente, como as elites empresariais e corporações influenciam a RNSP e, indiretamente, o governo. Concluindo, contribuímos para a literatura sobre a influência das empresas no governo e na esfera pública indiretamente, por meio de organizações da sociedade civil. Teoricamente, estendemos a literatura de teoria institucional, história e poder.
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Theron, Jean Monique. "Political Consumerism: Possibilities for International Norm Change". Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4109.

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MA
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.
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Ekman, Joakim. "Schools, Democratic Socialization and Political Participation: Political Activity and Passivity among Swedish Youths". Södertörns högskola, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27399.

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The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
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Phelan, Anne M. "An examination of teaching as practical political activity". Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08082007-120009/.

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Bunis, William Kane. "Social movement activity and institutionalized politics: A study of the relationship between political party strength and social movement activity in the United States". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186323.

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The relationship between social movement activity and conventional politics has received little systematic attention from the sociological social movements literature. In this dissertation I bring together diverse literatures (i.e., the social movement literature in Sociology and the interest group and political party literature in Political Science) to broaden our conceptualization of social movement activity and to understand more adequately the changing nature of that activity. The central premise of this dissertation is that variation in the openness or accessibility of the political opportunity structure is shaped, in part, by the strength of the political parties. The central proposition is that an erosion of political party strength is associated with an increase in social movement activity within institutionalized politics. Without the centrist demands of a traditional two-party political system, the system is vulnerable to a more diverse set of demands as well as a more extreme set of demands. A second proposition suggests that the degree to which a given party has been in or out of power at the presidential level shapes party vulnerability to social movement interests. This may reflect a natural tendency for parties to become increasingly vulnerable to more radical interests over their period of dominance. To address these questions, an historical analysis of party conventions and party platform battles is utilized. The analysis is designed to yield an empirical description of the tensions between the centrist interests of a traditional two-party system and more radical interests associated with an erosion of party strength in such a system. The significance of these arguments rests upon their demonstration of a faulty conceptualization of institutional versus noninstitutional strategies of collective action that permeates much of the sociological social movements literature. I argue that the distinction should not follow an either/or mentality. Rather, under varying historical circumstances the embeddedness of movement interests within institutional structures should be and is variable as well.
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Mok, Hing-luen, i 莫慶聯. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.

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Książki na temat "Political activity"

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Commission, Illinois Executive Ethics. Prohibited political activity. Springfield, IL: Executive Ethics Commission, 2006.

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Stephenson, Ted. Management: A Political Activity. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5.

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Stephenson, Ted. Management: A political activity. London: Macmillan, 1985.

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Gross, Kenneth A. Regulation of corporate political activity. Washington, D.C: Bureau of National Affairs, 2003.

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Ellison, Sara Fisher. Pharmaceutical prices and political activity. Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 2001.

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Staver, Mathew D. Political activity of nonprofit organizations. Orlando, Fla: Liberty Counsel, 1998.

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Ellison, Sara Fisher. Pharmaceutical prices and political activity. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2001.

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Heinrich Böll Foundation (Nairobi, Kenya), red. Enhancing women's political participation. Nairobi, Kenya: Heinrich Böll Foundation, Regional Office, East and Horn of Africa, 2008.

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Pushpa, Adhikārī, i Sangam Institute (Kathmandu Nepal), red. Nepal's political economy. Kathmandu: Sangam Institute, 2010.

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Pamungkas, Sri Bintang. Menantang seorang diktator: Perjalanan di Jerman. Jakarta: RM Books, 2008.

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Części książek na temat "Political activity"

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Rotenstreich, Nathan. "Political Activity". W Phaenomenologica, 103–65. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-010-9738-3_6.

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Laverack, Glenn. "Political Activity". W A–Z of Health Promotion, 152–56. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-35049-7_58.

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Bernhagen, Patrick. "Corporate Political Activity". W The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Interest Groups, Lobbying and Public Affairs, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13895-0_35-1.

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Rolef, Susan Hattis. "Political party activity". W Israel's Knesset Members, 192–94. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003194248-23.

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Bernhagen, Patrick. "Corporate Political Activity". W The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Interest Groups, Lobbying and Public Affairs, 232–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44556-0_35.

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Stephenson, Ted. "Management Manifestations". W Management: A Political Activity, 1–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5_1.

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Stephenson, Ted. "Management Succession, Promotion and Education". W Management: A Political Activity, 194–202. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5_10.

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Stephenson, Ted. "Interorganisational Relationships". W Management: A Political Activity, 203–18. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5_11.

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Stephenson, Ted. "Policy and Strategy". W Management: A Political Activity, 219–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5_12.

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Stephenson, Ted. "Conclusion". W Management: A Political Activity, 242. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07692-5_13.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Political activity"

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Zakharova, Irina. "Political Values And Political Activity Of University Students". W 18th PCSF 2018 - Professional Сulture of the Specialist of the Future. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.12.02.173.

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Basimov, Mikhail. "Analysing Political Activity Through Psychological Typology". W International Scientific Conference «Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism» dedicated to the 80th anniversary of Turkayev Hassan Vakhitovich. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.10.05.188.

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Basimov, Mikhail. "Political Activity as a Cause for Political and Social Preferences of Students". W Proceedings of the International Conference Communicative Strategies of Information Society (CSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/csis-18.2019.100.

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Grimova, Vera Ilevna. "Forms of Political Activity of Modern Russian Youth". W All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation, Chair Anzhelika Vladimirovna Bukhantsova. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98844.

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Buyarov, Dmitry. "THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF RABBI KADIR". W Россия и Китай: история и перспективы сотрудничества. Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2020.34.12.056.

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Philippov, Ilya, Egor Yureskul, Denis Stukal i Andrei Akhremenko. "Modeling Bot Activity in the Online Political Communication". W 2021 14th International Conference Management of large-scale system development (MLSD). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mlsd52249.2021.9600132.

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Popova, O., i E. Negrov. "Political activity of the Russian youth: a mobilization potential of the sources of political information". W Proceedings of the International Conference on Sustainable Development of Cross-Border Regions: Economic, Social and Security Challenges (ICSDCBR 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsdcbr-19.2019.74.

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Bautin, Denis Aleksandrovich. "Social and political students' activity in the XIX century". W VIII International Research-to-practice conference. TSNS Interaktiv Plus, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-117350.

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Miklyaeva, Anastasia V., Yuliya L. Proekt i Valeriya V. Khoroshikh. "Internet as a medium of modern students’ political activity". W The Herzen University Conference on Psychology in Education. Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33910/herzenpsyconf-2021-4-52.

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Nikitova, Anna. "LEGAL FUNDAMENTALS OF VOLUNTEER ACTIVITY". W SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.087.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Political activity"

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Ellison, Sara Fisher, i Catherine Wolfram. Pharmaceutical Prices and Political Activity. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, wrzesień 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8482.

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Шестопалова (Бондар), Катерина Миколаївна, Ірина Бондаревська i Беата Кшивош-Ринкевич. Young People’s Citizenship Activity in Times of War Threat: Case of Ukraine. Malmo University, Sweden, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31812/123456789/5942.

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The study explores passive, semi-active and active citizenship among young Ukrainians empirically revealed by Citizenship Behavior Questionnaire among 371 pupils aged 11, 14, 17 – 18 years old. The empirical study is introduced by socio-political and educational description of current situation in Ukraine as well as some historical background.
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Mullery, Colleen. A Structural Analysis of Corporate Political Activity: An Application of Euclidean Modeling to the Study of Intercorporate Relations. Portland State University Library, styczeń 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1302.

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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzec 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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Wentworth, Jonathan, i Anna Lavelle. EU Environmental Principles. Parliamentary Office of Science and Technology, listopad 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.58248/pn590.

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Environmental principles inform legal and political frameworks that aim to minimise the ill-effects of human activity on the environment. In the EU (Withdrawal Act) 2018, the UK has committed to incorporating a set of environmental principles into UK legislation. This POSTnote summarises these principles and considers potential opportunities and challenges surrounding their implementation post-Brexit.
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Melnyk, Iurii. RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA ABOUT THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WAR IN 2023: EXAMPLE OF VLADIMIR SOLOVIEV. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, marzec 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12153.

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The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the position of Russian propaganda in the Israeli-Palestinian 2023 war using the example of the media activity of the leading Russian propagandist Vladimir Soloviev. The foreign political circumstances prompted Soloviev to choose a neutral optics of the war. The objects of Soloviev’s accusations turned out to be the Western countries, Ukraine, and Russian political émigrés. Soloviev’s sympathies for Israel came into conflict with the interests of Russian propaganda, for which he works. This contradiction naturally ended with the defeat of his personal sympathies (Israel) before the demands of his employer (Russia). Keywords: Russian propaganda, Vladimir Soloviev, Israel, Palestine, Israeli-Palestinian war, impartiality.
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Macdonald, Stuart, Kamil Yilmaz, Chamin Herath, J. M. Berger, Suraj Lakhani, Lella Nouri i Maura Conway. The European Far-Right Online: An Exploratory Twitter Outlink Analysis of German & French Far-Right Online Ecosystems. RESOLVE Network, maj 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.2.

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Seeking to explore the nature of European far-right online ecosystems, this research report examines the outlinking activity of identified pro-far-right users among the followers of the official Twitter accounts of two prominent far-right European political parties, Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and France’s Rassemblement National (RN). Employing a three-layered analysis, the report explores not just the top-level domains outlinked to by its sample of AfD and RN Twitter followers but combines this with analysis of the technical specifications of the content types outlinked to and treatment of the socio-political nature of the content arrived at by clicking on the most tweeted URLs. This results in the provision of a more thorough and cohesive view of this online ecosystem than contained in other similar studies.
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Garay, Luis Jorge, Antoni Estevadeordal i Robert Devlin. The FTAA: Some Longer Term Issues. Inter-American Development Bank, sierpień 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008680.

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The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process was launched during the Miami Summit of Heads of State in December 1994. It was the centerpiece of a broader hemispheric initiative of political and socio-economic cooperation among 34 countries of the Americas with the objective to negotiate a hemispheric free trade agreement by the year 2005. The preparatory phase began in January 1995 and formal negotiations were launched in April 1998. The creation of an FTAA would clearly be the most important chapter in the history of regional cooperation in the Western Hemisphere and mark a fitting culmination to a fast maturing trade policy framework in Latin America and the Caribbean. The FTAA process is the result of progressive globalization of the world economy and a profound transformation in the region based on: (i) structural economic reforms in almost all the countries directed at stimulating market activity and a better articulation with the world economy; (ii) the emergence, or strengthening, of democratic regimes almost everywhere and (iii) political commitments to foster peace and cooperation among neighbors with a history of rivalry and conflict. Regional integration has been a fundamental complementary tool for achieving these ambitious national objectives, which permeate the entire region. Latin America and the Caribbean have a long tradition of interest in regional integration. An intense amount of activity in this area emerged out of the Post-War period. However, the initiatives in the first three decades following the War inserted themselves in the prevailing state-led import substitution strategy of the time, itself to a large extent a product of "market skepticism" derived from the Great Depression. In the 1990s, however, a "new" regionalism emerged in Latin America and the Caribbean that conformed to the new national strategies for economic and political transformation and preparation for globalization.
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Graham, Timothy, i Katherine M. FitzGerald. Bots, Fake News and Election Conspiracies: Disinformation During the Republican Primary Debate and the Trump Interview. Queensland University of Technology, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.242533.

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We used Alexandria Digital, a world leading disinformation detection technology, to analyse almost a million posts on X (formerly known as Twitter) and Reddit comments during the first Republican primary debate and counterprogrammed Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview on the 23rd of August. What we did: • Collected 949,259 posts from the platform X, formerly known as Twitter. These posts were collected if they contained one of 11 relevant hashtags or keywords and were posted between 8:45pm and 11:15pm EST on 23rd August 2023. • Collected 20,549 comments from two separate Reddit threads. Both were discussion threads dedicated to the first Republican primary Debate and the Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview from r/Conservative and r/politics. • This methodology allowed us to capture narratives and conduct analysis of coordinated behaviour that occurred immediately before, during, and after the Republican primary debate and the airing of the Tucker Carlson interview of Donald Trump. What we found: • A coordinated network of over 1200 accounts promoting the conspiracy theory that Donald Trump won the 2020 United States presidential election that received over 3 million impressions on the platform X; • A sprawling bot network consisting of 1,305 unique accounts with a variety of clusters; • Some of the largest clusters were coordinated troll networks in support of Donald Trump; a coordinated network of misleading news outlets, and a clickbait Pro-Trump bot network. • No coordinated activity was found on Reddit during the Republican Primary Debate or in discussion of the Tucker Carlson and Donald Trump interview. What does this mean? • X is flooded with platform manipulation of various kinds, is not doing enough to moderate content, and has no clear strategy for dealing with political disinformation. • A haven for disinformation. While pre-Musk Twitter previously managed to moderate harmful conspiracy theories such as QAnon, X is now a safe space for conspiracy theorists and political disinformation. • That no evidence of coordinated influence activity was found on Reddit suggests the extensive rules and moderation either prevented or removed coordinated activity from the platform. • Worrying trends. Given the prevalence of mis- and disinformation during the debate and interview, the leadup to the US 2024 Presidential Election is likely to witness a surge of information disorder on the platform. • Trump is back. The reinstatement of Donald Trump’s X account has emboldened conspiracy theorists and the far right, who are interpreting this as a sign that the reason why Trump was suspended (incitement to violence) validates election fraud disinformation and activism. • Anything goes. The lack of a freely available Twitter Application Programming Interface (API) means that researchers, journalists, and regulators cannot monitor disinformation on X and hold the platform to account.
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McGinn, Noel. Why We Should End Reforms in Education. Inter-American Development Bank, kwiecień 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011021.

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Education reforms are a constant social and political activity. Teachers have received more training, classes are smaller, more students have textbooks and they are of better quality. Curricula have been revised in accord with developments in cognitive psychology and advances in science. Literacy rates have risen notably and the average level of education in the population has grown steadily. Despite the many reforms carried out, and despite objective evidence of improved access and inputs, criticisms of public education have grown more intense and extensive. Why have reforms become more common even as they are unsatisfying?
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