Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Police – Violence against – New York (State)”
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1
Jacobs, Aaron. "Qualified Immunity: State Power, Vigilantism and the History of Racial Violence". Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, nr 4 (październik 2021): 553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000426.
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Since the historic uprisings sparked by the murder of George Floyd, growing calls to defund the police have upended mainstream political discourse in the United States. Outrage at appalling evidence of rampant police brutality and an entrenched culture of impunity have moved to the very center of public debate what were until recently dismissed as radical demands. This dramatic shift has, among other things, opened up space for discussion of the history of policing and the prison-industrial complex more broadly. In particular, abolitionists have urged examination of the deep roots of our contemporary situation. As the organizer and educator Mariame Kaba argued in an editorial published in The New York Times, “There is not a single era in United States history in which the police were not a force of violence against black people.”1 That a statement like this would appear in the paper of record reflects a paradigm shift in popular understandings of the history of the criminal legal system.
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Lemke, Melinda, i Katelyn Rogers. "When Sexting Crosses the Line: Educator Responsibilities in the Support of Prosocial Adolescent Behavior and the Prevention of Violence". Social Sciences 9, nr 9 (26.08.2020): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9090150.
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This article presents findings from a systematic literature review that examined various forms of adolescent sexting, and as relevant to educator responsibilities in the support of prosocial behavior and teen dating violence (TDV) prevention within the United States. Proceeding in three parts, part one documents study methodology and offers an overview of adolescent sexting. This section also discusses tensions between sexting as adolescent empowerment and as a form of dating violence. This is followed by a deeper examination of how adolescent sexting is connected to other forms of sexual violence documented to disproportionately affect heterosexual females. Though laws on sexting are minimal, part three discusses U.S. federal and Supreme Court guidance having particular significance for this issue. This section also presents the case of New York State (NYS) to consider the connection between localized policies and schooling practices. Concerned with sexting as a form of consensual adolescent behavior, this article concludes with considerations for educational research, policy, and practice. This article contributes to established research literature weighing the prosocial aspects of sexting against those factors that contribute to and make it difficult to leave a violent relationship. Though empirical research was limited, it also highlights existent research on sexting as relevant to underserved and marginalized adolescent subgroups.
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Lam, Elene, Elena Shih, Katherine Chin i Kate Zen. "The Double-Edged Sword of Health and Safety: COVID-19 and the Policing and Exclusion of Migrant Asian Massage Workers in North America". Social Sciences 10, nr 5 (29.04.2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10050157.
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Migrant Asian massage workers in North America first experienced the impacts of COVID-19 in the final weeks of January 2020, when business dropped drastically due to widespread xenophobic fears that the virus was concentrated in Chinese diasporic communities. The sustained economic devastation, which began at least 8 weeks prior to the first social distancing and shelter in place orders issued in the U.S. and Canada, has been further complicated by a history of aggressive policing of migrant massage workers in the wake of the war against human trafficking. Migrant Asian massage businesses are increasingly policed as locales of potential illicit sex work and human trafficking, as police and anti-trafficking initiatives target migrant Asian massage workers despite the fact that most do not provide sexual services. The scapegoating of migrant Asian massage workers and criminalization of sex work have led to devastating systemic and interpersonal violence, including numerous deportations, arrests, and deaths, most notably the recent murder of eight people at three Atlanta-based spas. The policing of sex workers has historically been mobilized along fears of sexually transmitted disease and infection, and more recently, within the past two decades, around a moral panic against sex trafficking. New racial anxieties around the coronavirus as an Asian disease have been mobilized by the state to further cement the justification of policing Asian migrant workers along the axes of health, migration, and sexual labor. These justifications also solidify discriminatory social welfare regimes that exclude Asian migrant massage workers from accessing services on the basis of the informality and illegality of their work mixed with their precarious citizenship status. This paper draws from ethnographic participant observation and survey data collected by two sex worker organizations that work primarily with massage workers in Toronto and New York City to examine the double-edged sword of policing during the pandemic in the name of anti-trafficking coupled with exclusionary policies regarding emergency relief and social welfare, and its effects on migrant Asian massage workers in North America. Although not all migrant Asian massage workers, including those surveyed in this paper, provide sexual services, they are conflated, targeted, and treated as such by the state and therefore face similar barriers of criminalization, discrimination, and exclusion. This paper recognizes that most migrant Asian massage workers do not identify as sex workers and does not intend to label them as such or reproduce the scapegoating rhetoric used by law enforcement. Rather, it seeks to analyze how exclusionary attitudes and policies towards sex workers are transferred onto migrant Asian massage workers as well whether or not they provide sexual services.
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Lum, Grande. "The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11". Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, nr 2 (grudzień 2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.
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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators to remain on standby. At 9:03 a.m., another 767, United Airlines Flight 175, flew into the World Trade Center’s South Tower. September 11 initiated a new, fraught-filled era for the United States. For CRS, an agency within the United States Department of Justice, it was the beginning of a long-term immersion into conflict issues that involved discrimination and violence against those whose appearance led them to be targets of anti-terrorist hysteria or mis- placed backlash. Appropriately, in the days following 9/11, the federal government, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”), concentrated on ferreting out the culprits of the heinous acts. However, the FBI discovered that Middle Eastern terrorists were responsible for the tragedies, and communities around the nation saw a surge of violence against people who appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent, requiring a response to protect those who were unfairly targeted. These outbreaks began as soon as September 12. Police in Illinois stopped 300 people from marching on a Chicago-area mosque. In Gary, Indiana, a masked gunman shot twenty-one times at a Yemeni- American gas station attendant. In Texas, a mosque was hit by six bullets. On September 15, a man who had been reported by an Applebee’s waiter as saying that he wanted to “shoot some rag heads” shot a Chevron gas station owner Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh-American. The man, Frank Roque, shot through his car window, and five bullets hit Sodhi, killing him instantly. Roque drove to a home he previously owned and had sold to an Afghan-American couple and fired on it. He then shot a Lebanese-American man. According to a police report, Roque said in reference to the 9/11 tragedy, “I [cannot] take this anymore. They killed my brothers and sisters.” Former Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta said, reflecting ten years later on the hate crimes that followed the attack on the World Trade Center, “The tragedy of September 11th should be remembered in the sense of making sure that we [do not] let our emotions run away in terms of trying to show our commitment and conviction about patriotism [and] loyalty.” The events created a new chapter in American race relations, one in which racial tensions and fear were higher than ever for Arabs, Muslims, South Asians, Sikhs, and others who could be targeted in anti-Islamic hysteria because of their physical appearance or dress. In 2011, a CBS–New York Times poll found that 78% agreed that Muslims, Arab-Americans, and immigrants from the Middle East are singled out unfairly by people in this country. Shortly after the September 11 attacks, this number stood at 90%. The same poll also found that one in three Americans think Muslim-Americans are more sympathetic to terrorists than other Americans. To address these misconceptions in the years following 9/11, CRS has done a significant amount of outreach, dispute resolution, and training to mitigate unfounded backlash against Arabs, Muslims, and Sikhs. Under CRS Director Freeman, the agency produced Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings and two training videos: On Common Ground, which provides background on Sikhism and concerns about safety held by Sikhs in America; and The First Three to Five Seconds, which provides background on Muslims and information on their interactions with law enforcement. In 2009, President Obamas signed the Matthew Shepard-James Byrd Junior Hate Crimes Prevention Act. The Act explicitly gave CRS jurisdiction to respond to and prevent hate crimes. For the first time, CRS jurisdiction expanded beyond race. Specifically, CRS was now authorized to work on issues of religion, gender, sexual orientation, gender identity, and disability in addition to race, color, and national origin. When I became CRS Director in 2012, following the continued incidents of unfounded violence and prejudice against those perceived as sharing heritage with Middle Eastern terrorists, I directed the agency to update the trainings and launched an initiative for regional offices to conduct these Sikh and Muslim cultural-competency trainings. In the years following 9/11, controversy has continued over racial profiling of Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. Owing to the nature of the attack, one particular area of ongoing concern is access to airplane flights. Director of Transportation Mineta recalled how the racial profiling he witnessed echoed his own experience as a Japanese-American citizen: [T]here were a lot of people saying, “[We are] not [going to] let Middle Easterners or Muslims on the planes.” And I thought about my own experience [during World War II] because people [could not] make the distinction between the people who were flying the airplanes that attacked Pearl Harbor and the people who were living in Washington, Oregon, and California, who looked like the people flying the airplanes. In response to this problem, CRS trained thousands of law enforcement and Transit Security Association employees on cultural professionalism in working with Arab, Muslim, and Sikh individuals. The work of addressing the profiling and mistreatment of Arab-Americans, Muslims, and Sikhs also spiked after the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon. CRS conciliators again reached out to leaders throughout the country at mosques and gurdwaras to confront safety and security issues regarding houses of worship and concerns about backlash violence based on faith, nationality, and race. Since 9/11, CRS’s work on racial profiling continues to respond to increasing conflicts and tensions both within the United States and around the globe. In the wake of the 9/11 tragedy, CRS adjusted its priorities and reallocated resources in the wake of the September 11 tragedy to address the needs of targeted communities and further intercultural understanding. CRS did so by increasing the religious awareness training provided to law enforcement and other agencies, and it committed more resources to working with Muslim and Sikh faith and advocacy organizations and people. This work was not originally envisioned when the 1964 Civil Rights Act created CRS. How- ever, this new focus reflects how the model of the African-American civil rights movement has inspired other efforts to attain equality and justice for minority groups in the United States. Just as the tragedy in Selma helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, the Oak Creek tragedy helped lead the FBI to update its hate crime categories. Former FBI Director James Comey articulated this idea best in his speech to the Anti-Defamation League, stating “do a better job of tracking and reporting hate crime to fully understand what is happening in our communities and how to stop it.” The Community Relations Service has evolved over time since its 1964 origins, and a substantial component has been the work in response to post 9/11 unfounded racial and religious violence.
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DeValve, Michael J. "Defunding the ramparts and institutional theory: The master’s tools will fell the master’s house". Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 5, nr 4 (10.11.2020): 138–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.160.
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Witnessing current events in Ferguson, and now in Milwaukee, New York, Los Angeles, Seattle, of course Portland, and now Kenosha, Wisconsin, where protests against police violence are met with yet more police violence, the question naturally arises: Why are police so seemingly insistent on actively working counter to their own organizational best interest? This essay poses this troubling question and derives part of an answer for it from institutional theory.
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Milivojevic, Sanja. "Mandatory Arrest Law in domestic violence cases and its implementation in New York City". Temida 5, nr 3 (2002): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0203027m.
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This paper contains the analysis of the Mandatory Arrest Law in domestic violence cases in New York State. Introduction includes the subject and main goals of the paper. Second chapter starts with historical development of the police response in domestic violence cases in New York before and after the Mandatory Arrest Law is passed, than analysis of the Law, and ends with one of the programs which Safe Horizon, Victim Service organization, developed in New York City. Third chapter gives the analysis of pro et contra arguments for mandatory arrest provision and results of surveys and studies, which were conducted in United States. In fourth chapter we present the analysis of the research conducted in two police precincts in New York City this year. Paper also contains the list of main problems in implementation of this Law in New York City.
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Goldstein, Paul J., Henry H. Brownstein i Patrick J. Ryan. "Drug-Related Homicide in New York: 1984 and 1988". Crime & Delinquency 38, nr 4 (październik 1992): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128792038004004.
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This article reports findings from two studies, Drug Related Crime Analysis 1 (DRCA-H1) and Drug Related Crime Analysis 2 (DRCA-H2). Both addressed the need for routine and systematic collection of data about the drug-relatedness of homicide. DRCA-H1, conducted in New York State in 1984, focused on assessing the usefulness of existing police records for researching this subject. DRCA-H2 involved data collection during ongoing police investigations in New York City between March 1 and October 31, 1988. Both studies were structured and their findings analyzed in terms of a tripartite conceptualization of the drugs/homicide nexus. Comparing the findings of the studies reveals that existing police records are generally inadequate for providing insight into the complexities of the drugs/crime/violence nexus. However, findings from DRCA-H2 show that it is possible for researchers to work effectively with police to collect critically needed information, without causing significant disruption.
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Feu, Montse. "Violeta Miqueli's Direct Action against State Violence". International Journal of Information, Diversity, & Inclusion (IJIDI) 6, nr 4 (25.01.2023): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/ijidi.v6i4.38690.
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Violeta Miqueli Mayoz de González (Key West 1891- New Jersey 1972) was an educator and an executive member of ethnic and anarchist groups. She actively participated in their direct action and wrote for their periodicals in Key West, Tampa, New York, Mexico D.F., Buenos Aires, and Barcelona. Miqueli identified the systemic violence that the state exercised against workers like her: difficult access to education and healthcare, prosecution of dissenters, and disadvantaged defense of the poor. Miqueli, like other anarcha-feminists of her time, developed strategies of care and political participation with direct action to protect the people when the state did not. Through the alternative press, Miqueli provided alternative sources of information that denounced the systematic state oppression. Her organization participation provided workers with education and distributed solidarity among state prisoners, while mutual aid dignified their health care. This essay and accompanying digital exhibit explore Miqueli's direct action to show how anarcha-feminists disseminated alternative visions of society while utilizing the freedom of association and the press to organize under the state's structural top-down violence.
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Harris, LaShawn Denise. "“Women and Girls in Jeopardy by His False Testimony”: Charles Dancy, Urban Policing, and Black Women in New York City during the 1920s". Journal of Urban History 44, nr 3 (6.10.2016): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216672447.
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Troubling partnerships between the New York City Police Department (NYPD) and criminal informants during the mid-1920s adversely impacted urban African American women’s daily lives. Part of multiple hierarchies of municipal corruption, undercover surveillance operations represented one of many apparatuses law enforcers employed to criminalize black women’s ordinary behavior, to reinforce Progressive era images of black female criminality and promiscuity, and to deny women of their personhood and civil rights. Black New Yorker and criminal informant Charles Dancy, identified by local black newspapers as a vicious con artist and serial rapist, figured prominently in undercover police operations. Dancy falsely identified black women as sex workers and had them arrested, and in the process sexually assaulted women. New York blacks were outraged by some NYPD members’ use of informants as well as black women’s erroneous legal confinement. Situating informant work within the context of police brutality, racial inequity, and the denial of American citizenship, New York African American race leaders, newspaper editors, and ordinary folks devised and took part in resistance strategies that contested police surveillance operations and spoke on behalf of those who were subjected to state sanctioned violence.
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Turner, Justin. "“It all started with Eddie”: Thanatopolitics, police power, and the murder of Edward Byrne". Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 15, nr 2 (23.03.2018): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659018763898.
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On February 26, 1988, rookie New York City police officer Edward Byrne was shot dead while guarding a material witness in a drug trafficking case in South Jamaica, Queens. This article considers how state narratives and visual rhetoric emerging from Byrne’s murder emboldened the police power and a revanchist campaign aimed at “taking back the streets” secreted under the war on drugs. As such, this case powerfully illustrates a disparate politics of death and the ways that the state enlists thanatopolitical power in order to reaffirm and reproduce its sovereign authority. Such a reproduction or reanimation of power registers as the state’s ability to unleash violence unequivocally and unequally upon poor and marginalized communities, as later demonstrated by the legal and proper police murder of Sean Bell, a resident of South Jamaica, Queens killed by NYPD agents in 2006.
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Braathen, Einar. "Pac’Stão versus the City of Police". Conflict and Society 6, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2020.060109.
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This article analyzes community activism and state interventionism within a context of racialized and gendered violence that is both direct/physical and structural. It presents a case study of Manguinhos, a cluster of favelas in Rio de Janeiro experiencing the federal Growth Acceleration Program (PAC), which provided political opportunities for community contentions. A main finding is that an oligarchic-patrimonial system suppressed the participatory-democratic aspirations of the federal government and local activists alike. Nevertheless, new rounds of activism keep surging against a prevailing military-repressive logic. Observations and interviews from fieldwork have been supplemented with written sources—relevant public documents, media sources, and research publications.
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Wilson, Amrit. "The forced marriage debate and the British state". Race & Class 49, nr 1 (lipiec 2007): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396807080065.
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In recent years, the British government has increasingly sought to intervene to prevent forced marriages and `honour killings'. But its new-found concern for the plight of South Asian women belies a deeper structure of racism, particularly against Muslims, and collusion with South Asian patriarchy. It is argued that initiatives such as the recent proposal for legislation on forced marriages are not empowering to women but are driven by the state's need to police South Asian communities, an approach that has colonial roots. The lack of support given to grassroots South Asian women's organisations and the continuing deportation of women at risk of violence reveal the partial nature of the state's commitment to supporting victims of domestic violence and other forms of oppression.
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Weissman, Terri. "Whose Streets? Police Violence and the Recorded Image". Arts 8, nr 4 (26.11.2019): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040155.
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This essay reframes street photography in terms of the images and videos taken by bystanders who find themselves witness to egregious acts of state-sanctioned police violence against black and brown bodies in the United States. Along the way, it challenges the belief that bystanders are “innocent” observers and investigates the meaning of “evidence” and the role of representation in order to argue for a model of seeing that can simultaneously reveal moments of ongoing racial debilitation and work to create new political subjects capable of transformative collective action. The goal is twofold: (1) to disrupt a history of photography—and more specifically a history of street photography—that emphasizes innovation, biography, and universal experience; and (2) to reorient what it means to discuss the politics of the image (in particular, the digital “documentary” image) away from a discourse that either privileges “uncertainty” or understands images as empty simulations, and toward one that acknowledges representation’s complexity but also its ongoing power. In the United States, we may never be able to tell a story in and about public space without replaying scenes of violence and targeted assault, but this essay argues that finding ways to let voices and images from the past—both tragic and redemptive—resonate in the present and speak to us in the future, may provide some way forward.
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Sidabutar, Davinsi Josie, Lidia Br Karo i Herlambang Herlambang. "THE INHIBITING FACTORS IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN PROTECTION UNIT’S ROLESS IN LAW ENFORCEMENT OF IMMORAL CRIMINAL ACT COMMITTED BY THE CLOSEST ADULTS TO MINORS IN THE JURISDICTION OF KEPAHIANG POLICE RESORT". Bengkoelen Justice : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 11, nr 1 (7.05.2021): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33369/j_bengkoelenjust.v11i1.15785.
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The increase in violence committed by parents and the closest adults to children brings a new concept that must be understood together where violence against children is not only a trivial matter and the private sphere, but has become the state and the public problem. Based on the facts and data that showed the rampant violence against children that often occurs in the area of Kepahiang Regency, namely, violence committed by parents and the closest adults to children, it becomes necessary for the efforts to protect children to be maximized. The protection efforts must be carried out by the police, especially by the Women and Children Service Unit. The Women and Children Service Unit also has main tasks contained in Article 3 of KAPOLRI Regulation Number 10 of 2007 concerning the Organization and Work Procedures of the Women and Children Service Unit within the Indonesian National Police environment. This study was conducted to obtain an overview, to understand and to analyze the factors inhibiting the implementation of the roles of Women and Children Protection Unit in law enforcement of immorality criminal acts committed by the closest adult to minors in the jurisdiction of Kepahiang Police Resort. The method applied in this study was an empirical juridical approach with qualitative analysis. The result of the study stated that the inhibiting factors in the implementation of the roles of Women and Children Protection Unit in law enforcement of immoral criminal acts committed by the closest adults to minors in the jurisdiction of Kepahiang Police Resort arose from internal and external factors.
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Stoudt, Brett G., María Elena Torre, Paul Bartley, Evan Bissell, Fawn Bracy, Hillary Caldwell, Lauren Dewey i in. "Researching at the community-university borderlands: Using public science to study policing in the South Bronx". education policy analysis archives 27 (20.05.2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.27.2623.
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This article is a case study of the Morris Justice Project (MJP), a participatory action research (PAR) study in a South Bronx neighborhood of New York City (NYC) designed to understand residents’ experiences with and attitudes towards the New York Police Department (NYPD). An illustration of public science, the research was conducted in solidarity with an emerging police reform movement and in response to an ongoing and particularly aggressive set of policing policies that most heavily impacts poor communities and communities of color. The case study describes a set of ongoing participatory, research-action, “sidewalk science” strategies, developed in 42 square blocks of the South Bronx, designed to better understand and challenge the ongoing structural violence of the carceral state. Collaboratively written with members of the Morris Justice collective, we tell our story across three sections that outline the genesis of the project, describe our major commitments, and offers PAR and public science as a possible “intervention” in traditional university practice.
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Montes, Gabriel Caldas, i Gabriel Oliveira Lins. "Deterrence effects, socio-economic development, police revenge and homicides in Rio de Janeiro". International Journal of Social Economics 45, nr 10 (8.10.2018): 1406–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-09-2017-0379.
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Purpose Due to the high levels of crime in Rio de Janeiro, the purpose of this paper is twofold. The first one is to analyze the effects of deterrence variables (such as the adoption of Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) and incarcerations) on violence in the municipalities of the State of Rio de Janeiro, as well as to verify the existence of “revenge effect.” The second is to analyze the effects of socio-economic development on violence, using development indicators. Design/methodology/approach Besides usual OLS method for panel data analysis, the study makes use of dynamic panel data framework through D-GMM and S-GMM. The estimates are based on a sample of 82 municipalities of Rio de Janeiro, and the period runs from 2003 to 2013. As dependent variables, the estimates use violent deaths (i.e. aggregation of intentional homicides and armed robberies followed by death) and homicides resulting from opposition to police intervention (i.e. civilians killed as a result of police actions against criminals – “opposition deaths”). Findings The estimates indicate that incarceration presents marginal capacity to reduce violence. Regarding the findings for the adoption of UPPs, the evidence suggests that this project increased violence and, therefore, the possibility of displacement of violence to other regions of the State. With respect to the effect of police deaths over violence, the results are unprecedented and suggest the existence of a “revenge effect.” Besides, the study points to the importance of socio-economic development to reduce violence. Originality/value Once the study analyzes the effects of incarceration and UPPs, it contributes to the literature by providing new evidence on the ability of anti-crime policies of reducing (or not) violence. In addition, when considering the death of policemen in the estimates, the study shows an unprecedented way, the effect that these deaths cause over violence (the so-called “revenge effect”). Moreover, the study considers the impacts of the development of employment and income, health and education on violence. When analyzing these development indicators, the study contributes with the literature that looks for non-police alternatives to control crime.
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Ramachandran, Vignesh, Jensine Raihan i Akash Singh. "Under Attack from the State and in Our Homes: Materialist Interventions and Lessons in Abolition Feminisms from Desis Rising Up and Moving". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 45, nr 1 (2024): 24–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2024.a922891.
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Abstract: In this paper we consider working-class abolitionist feminists’ conceptualizations of safety. Taking seriously the notion that “freedom is a place,” we look at how working-class South Asians and Indo Caribbeans in New York City build livable worlds at the intersecting crises of capitalism, white supremacy, and patriarchy. We look at Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM)’s organizing efforts following the expansion of immigrant detention and policing that came after the 1996 immigration laws and their contemporary organizing around gender-based violence and oppression as examples of a materialist articulation of abolition feminism. Drawing on DRUM’s archive and autoethnographic reflections, we show how DRUM develops and practices an abolition feminism that addresses both systematized racial state violence and patriarchal violence in working-class Asian American communities. We show how DRUM’s experiments with community-based intervention (CBI) around domestic violence aims to reduce violence and meet the material needs of gender-oppressed individuals in the community, while expanding the horizon for socialized care and a world without police.
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Brown, Georgia, i Adele Norris. "Pacific peoples, New Zealand housing-related political rhetoric and epistemic violence". MAI Journal: A New Zealand Journal of Indigenous Scholarship 12, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 170–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20507/maijournal.2023.12.2.6.
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On 1 August 2021, then New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern issued a formal apology for the historical violent policing of Pacific people during the 1970s Dawn Raids. The Dawn Raids were state-sanctioned police raids and random street checks targeting solely Pacific Island overstayers primarily in the Auckland area (Ongley & Pearson, 1995). Within the last decade, a nationwide housing crisis has emerged in Aotearoa New Zealand reflecting the impacts of a combination of factors: a sharp decline in homeownership, a shortage of affordable quality homes and an increasing demand for emergency housing (Bourassa & Shi, 2017; White & Nandedkar, 2019). Al Jazeera’s recent investigative documentary New Zealand: A Place to Call Home (2020) explores the housing crisis with a specific focus on the rental market. The documentary opens by exploring the efforts of the advocacy group Auckland Action Against Poversity (AAAP) to house Aucklanders.
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Yogaratnam, Jeswynn. "A Review of the 2010 Domestic Violence Law in Timor-Leste". Asian Journal of Comparative Law 8 (2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2194607800000855.
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AbstractIn July 2010 the Timor-Leste Government promulgated the Law Against Domestic Violence. This is part of a constitutional promise to improve women and child security. Inherent in this development is the shift from traditional dispute resolution system to a state criminal justice system. This shift identifies domestic violence as a public crime and relies on greater participation from the stakeholders of domestic violence, i.e., the police, prosecution, legal services, health care services, social care services and community leaders. This paper examines the legal framework of the new domestic violence law and the impact on the stakeholders in delivering the legal obligation to promote women and child security in Timor-Leste. Inherent in this discussion is the question of whether the new law can reform the traditional justice system, change community behaviour and meet the competing challenges of cultural relativism in each district of Timor-Leste.
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Trejo, Guillermo, Juan Albarracín i Lucía Tiscornia. "Breaking state impunity in post-authoritarian regimes". Journal of Peace Research 55, nr 6 (11.09.2018): 787–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318793480.
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This article claims that cross-national variation in criminal violence in new democracies is highly dependent on whether elites adopt transitional justice processes to address a repressive past. State specialists in violence who repress political dissidents under authoritarian rule often play a crucial role in the operation of criminal markets and in the production of criminal violence in democracy. Some of them defect from the state to become the armed branch of criminal organizations in their deadly fights against the state and rival groups; others remain but protect criminal organizations from positions of state power; and still others use state power to fight criminals through iron-fist policies. When post-authoritarian elites adopt transitional justice processes to expose, prosecute, and punish state specialists in violence for gross human rights violations committed during the authoritarian era, they redefine the rules of state coercion and deter members of the armed forces and the police from becoming leading actors in the production of criminal violence. Using a dataset of 76 countries that transitioned from authoritarian rule to democracy between 1974 and 2005, we show that the adoption of strong truth commissions is strongly associated with lower murder rates; we also find that the implementation of trials that result in guilty verdicts is associated with lower homicide rates only when the trials are jointly implemented with a strong truth commission. In contrast, amnesty laws appear to stimulate criminal violence. Our findings are particularly robust for Latin America and remain unchanged even after addressing selection effects via matching techniques.
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Kim, Mimi E. "The Carceral Creep: Gender-Based Violence, Race, and the Expansion of the Punitive State, 1973–1983". Social Problems 67, nr 2 (29.05.2019): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spz013.
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Abstract The development of the feminist anti-domestic violence movement in the United States illustrates the trajectory from a social movement field devoid of carceral involvement to one fully occupied by the agents of crime control. Countering a narrative that often begins with the Violence against Women Act of 1994, this study demonstrates how the roots of carceral feminism extend back to the movement’s first decade from 1973 to 1983. This study analyzes data from 60 social movement leaders. The pluralist coalition resulting from a successful lawsuit against the Oakland Police Department, the creation of the victim witness program in San Francisco, and the development of the Community Coordinated Response in Duluth, Minnesota, represent mechanisms of engagement with law enforcement tied to innovative organizational forms. The process called the “carceral creep” describes how early social movement successes against an initially unresponsive criminal justice system evolved into collaborative relationships that altered the autonomy and constitution of initial social movement organizations. The creation of new organizational forms and their replication contributed to today’s carceral feminism. These developments were accompanied by persisting gender, race, and class tropes used to justify pro-criminalization strategies and obfuscate impacts on marginalized communities.
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Pino, Elizabeth C., Sara F. Jacoby, Elizabeth Dugan i Jonathan Jay. "Exposure to Neighborhood Racialized Economic Segregation and Reinjury and Violence Perpetration Among Survivors of Violent Injuries". JAMA Network Open 6, nr 4 (26.04.2023): e238404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.8404.
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ImportanceMuch is unknown about how individual and neighborhood factors converge in the association with risk for violent reinjury and violence perpetration.ObjectivesTo investigate the association of exposure to neighborhood racialized economic segregation with reinjury and use of violence against others among survivors of violent penetrating injury.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis retrospective cohort study was performed using data obtained from hospital, police, and state vital records. The study was performed at Boston Medical Center, an urban, level I trauma center that is the largest safety-net hospital and busiest trauma center in New England. The cohort included all patients treated for a nonfatal violent penetrating injury from 2013 to 2018. Patients with no Boston metropolitan area home address were excluded. Individuals were followed up through 2021. Data were analyzed from February to August 2022.ExposureAmerican Community Survey data were used to measure neighborhood deprivation using the racialized economic Index of Concentration at the Extremes (ICE) for patient residential address upon hospital discharge. ICE was measured on a scale from −1 (most deprived) to 1 (most privileged).Main Outcomes and MeasuresPrimary outcomes were violent reinjury and police-reported perpetration of violence within 3 years of an index injury.ResultsOf 1843 survivors of violence (median [IQR] age, 27 [22-37] years; 1557 men [84.5%]; 351 Hispanic [19.5%], 1271 non-Hispanic Black [70.5%], and 149 non-Hispanic White [8.3%] among 1804 patients with race and ethnicity data), the cohort was skewed toward residing in neighborhoods with higher racialized economic segregation (median [IQR] ICE = −0.15 [−0.22 to 0.07]) compared with the state overall (ICE = 0.27). There were police encounters for violence perpetration among 161 individuals (8.7%) and violent reinjuries among 214 individuals (11.6%) within 3 years after surviving a violent penetrating injury. For each 0.1-unit increase in neighborhood deprivation, there was a 13% (hazard ratio [HR], 1.13; 95% CI, 1.03 to 1.25; P = .01) increase in risk of violence perpetration but no difference in risk for violent reinjury (HR, 1.03; 95% CI, 0.96 to 1.11; P = .38). The greatest occurrence for each outcome was within the first year after index injury; for example, incidents of violence perpetration occurred among 48 of 614 patients (7.8%) at year 1 vs 10 of 542 patients (1.8%) at year 3 in tertile 3 of neighborhood deprivation.Conclusions and RelevanceThis study found that living in a more economically deprived and socially marginalized area was associated with increased risk of using violence against others. The finding suggests that interventions may need to include investments in neighborhoods with the highest levels of violence to help reduce downstream transmission of violence.
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Robertson, Stephen. "Seduction, Sexual Violence, and Marriage in New York City, 1886–1955". Law and History Review 24, nr 2 (2006): 331–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003357.
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On February 15, 1886, in a New York City courtroom, Bridget Grady placed her mark on an affidavit charging Bernard Reilly with rape. The twenty-six-year-old servant told the magistrate that in July of the previous year, while her employer was in the country, Reilly had called on her at the east 38th Street home where she worked. he had been Bridget's “steady company” for about three years and had “several times told her that if he married at all, he would marry her.” During the visit he made what Bridget described as unexpected, unprecedented “advances” to her. When she resisted, Reilly seized her, and they fell to the floor. Bridget, being, as she put it, a “proper and virtuous woman,” became so frightened at Reilly's conduct that she immediately lost consciousness. While Bridget was in that state, Reilly had sexual intercourse with her, as a result of which Bridget became pregnant. once she regained consciousness, Bridget “began to cry, and declared she would kill herself; he took her upon his lap and tried to pacify her, telling her at that time that if anything came of it he would marry her.” As a result of that promise, Bridget took no action against Reilly. Seven months later, however, still unmarried, and due to give birth to a child in two months, Bridget had come to the court to make a complaint.
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America, Guevara. "The Violence of the System: Production of Disposable Subjects". Hadtudomány 32, nr 1 (17.10.2022): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17047/hadtud.2022.32.e.242.
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The objective of this paper is to reflect on new and increasingly subtle forms of aggression against marginalized groups. In particular, it addresses the case of immigrants who are constantly subjected to state, police, and citizen surveillance and control. The article is organized into three sections corresponding to the main and sub-themes. The first section addresses the Foucaultian notion of State Racism defined as the condition for the sovereign exercise of power to be legitimately articulated in a society. The second section refers to the critical debate proposed by the French academic Didier Bigo on the securitization of migration, understood as the one that justifies coercive and discriminatory practices towards those who cross borders. Finally, based on the proposal of the philosopher and sociologist Jean Baudrillard, the last section of the article concludes with an analysis on the violence of the current system dominated by an exclusionary productive order in which personal interest reigns and where life and the link with the other are commodified producing “disposable”
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Rufanova, V. "Deterministic architecture of domestic violence caused by armed conflict". Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, nr 77 (13.07.2023): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.77.2.31.
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In the article, the author analyzes the determinants that influence the criminological indicators of domestic violence, and which were actualized after the beginning of the armed conflict. Yes, the fact that the victims are limited in movement contributes to the state of domestic violence; in connection with the forced change of place of residence, the victims have no one to turn to for help; material and physical dependence on the offender became especially acute during the armed conflict; victims who remained in the occupied territory have nowhere to turn for help; female victims mistakenly believe that the police are overworked during martial law and do not report cases of domestic violence.
During the armed conflict, a significant number of offenders serve in the territorial defense and Armed Forces of Ukraine, which makes the process of bringing them to justice impossible; it is not possible to issue a restraining order to offenders - internally displaced persons, because then he will have nowhere to live; offenders-internally displaced persons are not registered as offenders in the territorial bodies of the National Police of Ukraine; offenders who serve in the territorial defense and the Armed Forces of Ukraine carry weapons and threaten to use them when committing domestic violence; shelters for victims of domestic violence are used to provide housing for internally displaced persons, as a result, there are no places for women who need to be isolated from the abuser and provided with a stipend, etc. New determining circumstances affected the general picture of prevention and countermeasures against domestic violence. As a result of the above-mentioned factors, we should expect an increase in cases of domestic violence in the future. Therefore, even today, the implementation of an approach focused on the affected person is extremely relevant. Every police officer, prosecutor, judge who deals with domestic violence, in addition to taking into account the legal framework, must pass the case materials through the filters of humanity, justice, humanity and respect for the dignity of each person.
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Soares, Rodrigo R., i Igor Viveiros. "Organization and Information in the Fight against Crime: The Integration of Police Forces in the State of Minas Gerais, Brazil". Economía 17, nr 2 (1.04.2017): 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31389/eco.64.
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This paper analyzes the experience of information sharing, coordination, and integration of actions of the civil and military police forces in the state of Minas Gerais, Brazil, in the context of the IGESP program. The IGESP was based on the introduction of information management systems and organizational changes akin to those associated with the CompStat system originally developed in New York City. The evidence points to a causal effect of the IGESP on crime. The most conservative estimates indicate a reduction of 23 percent in violent property crimes due to the introduction of the program. There is also evidence that the IGESP is associated with improved police response, measured by apprehension of weapons and clearance rates. We present one of the few estimates available with a clear identification strategy of the impact of CompStat-like programs. The results suggest that coordination of actions and efficient use of information may constitute first-order factors in the fight against crime.
JEL Classifications: H11, K00, K42
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Jeong, Dohee. "Violence against Women and Proposal for the Framework Act on Prevention of Violence against Women". Wonkwang University Legal Research Institute 39, nr 1 (30.03.2023): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22397/wlri.2023.39.1.263.
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Types of violence against women are wide and varied. Among various types of violence, the current acts are “segmentally” legislated on domestic violence, sexual violence, and prostitution, and are divided into legislation to punish perpetrators and protect victims. The need for an integrated support system for victims of violence against women and comprehensive legislation continued, and after intense debate in our society, the 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」 was enacted in December 2018 and implemented in 2019. The Act is a comprehensive act that comprehensively regulates violence against women, which had previously been individually regulated and takes into consideration the expansion of violence against women by reflecting a new type of violence against women. It clarifies the responsibility of the state for the prevention of violence against women and protection and support for victims, stipulates the promotion of violence against women policies, and supports victims of violence against women by reflecting the specificity of violence against women and establishing consistent statistics with the victim support system. It was intended to increase the effectiveness of the policy. In the process of enacting this Act, there was a conflict of opinions for and against it, and discussions on the need for revision are still being conducted. This paper aims to propose a supplement to the current 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」, and to this end, introduces a legislative example of Spain, which may be unfamiliar to us. Spain has enacted and implemented the 「Organic Act 1/2004 of 28 December on Integrated Protection Measures against Gender Violence」( 「Ley Orgánica 1/2004, de 28 de diciembre, de Medidas de Proteccióon Integral contra la Violencia de Género」). In Spain, this Act was enacted under the awareness that domestic violence was frequent in the past, that women's rights, which had been neglected, should be strongly protected through legislation, and that an equal power structure between men and women should be formed. This Act is for responding to cases of gender violence, reporting to the police after an incident occurs, providing medical support to victims, and providing social welfare services, women's shelters, and counseling services. In September 2022, Spain also made amendments to the Criminal Code that strengthened the punishment of sexual violence crimes and the protection of victims. Examining Spain's legislative examples can give an idea for revising or responding to our 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」. In particular, the victim protection order system is worth introducing in the 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」. This paper reviews the rights of victims of violence against women, types of violence against women, legislative examples related to support for violence against women in Spain, and major contents, criticisms of the current 「Framework Act on Prevention of Violence Against Women」 and measures for improvement which were sought. This paper emphasizes efforts to make up for deficiencies through the expansion of the definition of violence against women and victims of violence against women, the clarification of secondary victim damage terms, the expansion of prohibition of disadvantageous treatment, and the establishment and revision of provisions.
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Henry, Imani, i Ana Vilenica. "Organising enclaves under Black and Brown leadership in New York City: Imani Henry of Equality for Flatbush (E4F) in conversation with Ana Vilenica". Radical Housing Journal 6, nr 1 (31.01.2024): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/mqie3407.
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This Conversation with Imani Henry of Equality for Flatbush (E4F) offers a glimpse into the grassroots organizing and struggles in New York City, particularly in Brooklyn. The conversation delves into the formation and mission of E4F, a Black Lives Matter group established in 2013, which intertwines anti-gentrification efforts with a strong stance against police violence. The interview begins with the context of a recent solidarity action for the Sanderson family, highlighting issues such as deed theft and racially charged harassment faced by the family. Imani Henry details E4F's active involvement in cop watching and its roots in the legacy of the Black Panther Party. The conversation also touches upon the organization's broader Brooklyn-wide initiatives, including food distribution during the pandemic. Key themes emerge, such as the intersection of race and housing, the dynamics of community-led resistance, and the importance of fostering enclaves under Black and Brown leadership.
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Coakley, John, C. Nathan Kwan i David Wilson. "Introduction: Piracy and occasional state power". International Journal of Maritime History 32, nr 3 (sierpień 2020): 656–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420944651.
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States exert their power over maritime predation only occasionally depending on prevalent circumstances. Historically, when states have perceived and attempted to address a problem of piracy, they have encountered severe limits on their abilities to manage private maritime enterprise in waters under their purported control. Despite the popular conception that piracy falls into the legal category of ‘universal jurisdiction’, such jurisdiction has only been employed sporadically. In reality, despite high-profile ‘terror’ campaigns against pirates, states regularly employed alternative means of suppression, including negotiation, legal posturing and co-optation. The four articles in this Forum provide detailed case studies of the occasional use of state power to regulate maritime predation in diverse waters and contexts. In these examples, states respectively negotiated with maritime communities in medieval England, sought a monopoly on violence in the South China Sea, collaborated with other states to police colonial Hong Kong, and dealt diplomatically with a local pirate hero to defend New Orleans. Across each article, the ‘state’ faced a particular problem of piracy, but could only occasionally exert power to manage it.
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Achelpöhler, Wilhelm, i Holger Niehaus. "Data Screening as a Means of Preventing Islamist Terrorist Attacks on Germany". German Law Journal 5, nr 5 (1.05.2004): 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012657.
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After the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City, it was determined that some of the presumed perpetrators had lived in Germany where they had been studying technical subjects in particular. Public authorities supposed more potential assassins (so-called “sleepers”) were staying in Germany until they received an order to start their mission. In order to discover such persons, data screening was carried out in each federal state of Germany. In the course of it, all universities were obliged to hand over the data material concerning their enrolled students for data alignment by police authorities. Up until now, appeals of affected students against those measures have been successful in Hessen, Nordrhein-Westfalen and Berlin. Those events give reason for a critical reflection of the means of data screening by the police.
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Bedi, Tarini. "Transnationalism Reversed: Women Organizing Against Gender Violence in Bangladesh Elora HalimChowdhury (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011)". PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 36, nr 2 (28.10.2013): 362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/plar.12036.
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Hassan, Mai, i Thomas O'Mealia. "Dictators and their Secret Police: Coercive Institutions and State Violence. Sheena Chestnut Greitens. Cambridge University Press, New York, 2016. 336 pp. $99.99 (cloth)". Governance 30, nr 4 (1.09.2017): 730–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12306.
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Barany, Zoltan. "Dictators and Their Secret Police: Coercive Institutions and State Violence by SheenaChestnut Greitens. New York, Cambridge University Press, 2016. 240 pp. Paper, $29.99." Political Science Quarterly 132, nr 4 (grudzień 2017): 780–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/polq.12706.
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Lewis, Mark. "The Failure of the Austrian and Yugoslav Police to Repress the Croatian Ustaša in Austria, 1929–1934". Austrian History Yearbook 45 (kwiecień 2014): 186–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000672.
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Since the 1970s, historiography about the pre-World War II phase of the Croatian Ustaša concentrated on Italian and Hungarian state support for Ante Pavelić's national-separatist/terrorist organization from approximately 1929–1934, and identified Nazi support when it became more significant in the late 1930s and put the group in charge of the Independent State of Croatia in 1941. More recent scholarship has investigated the support of Croatian exiles in the United States and Argentina for the Ustaša movement, as well as how the Ustaša regime, once in power, tried to legitimate its policies of racial “cleansing” and social revolution against capitalism and secularism. The first aim of this article is to return to the early period of the Ustaša, when it was a terrorist organization, and to show that it had an important base in Austria that senior Austrian police officials tolerated. The article, therefore, takes a somewhat different position from that of historian Arnold Suppan, who argued that the Austrian police could find no evidence that the Ustaša in Austria had been involved in terrorism, and that the Austrian government had made a good faith effort to expel Ustaša members. The fact that elements of the Austrian police indeed knew about the Ustaša network and protected certain senior members supports historian Gerhard Jagschitz's argument that the Vienna police had not turned over a new leaf in the postwar period and had not shed all political activities. However, Jagschitz concentrated on the problems surrounding the establishment of a domestic intelligence agency in the 1920s, showing how it ultimately was not effective. This article concentrates on 1929–1934, demonstrating that while the Austrian political police was not all-knowing, certain decisions not to share what it knew about ultra-nationalist Croatian terrorism damaged the Austrian police's international reputation. Second, this article argues that the Yugoslav police possibly turned to shadowy extra-judicial groups to carry out assassinations against Ustaša figures, in part because the Austrian police were not aggressive enough in repressing the organization. This adds an additional factor to the interpretations of historians James Sadkovich and Mario Jareb, who contend that Yugoslav police violence was an extension of the Serbian dictatorship's attempt to repress Croatian nationalism by any means necessary.
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Blain, Keisha N. "“We will overcome whatever [it] is the system has become today”: Black Women’s Organizing against Police Violence in New York City in the 1980s". Souls 20, nr 1 (2.01.2018): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2018.1520059.
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Lee, Eunbi. "Erotic Remembrance in (Digital) Vigils for Asian Migrant Massage/Sex Workers #Songyang and #8liveslost". Feminist Formations 35, nr 3 (grudzień 2023): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2023.a916571.
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Abstract: Song Yang, an Asian migrant massage/sex worker in Flushing, New York, fell to her death from a fourth-floor building when police raided her massage spa in 2017, and in 2021 six Asian migrant massage/sex workers were killed in the Atlanta spa shootings by a white supremacist. Their deaths have led Asian American and migrant sex workers and allies to create in-person and online vigils where they transform grief and pain into love and care for sex workers, and challenge racial and sexual forms of violence against Asian women that occur under the guise of anti-sex work and trafficking movements. Based on in-person and digital performance ethnography, this research proposes a theoretical framework of "Erotic Remembrance" to affirm the ways in which spiritual and artistic performances in these vigils spark political action to deconstruct the anti-sex work and human trafficking frameworks and imagine a better world for Asian migrant massage/sex workers.
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Danewid, Ida. "The fire this time: Grenfell, racial capitalism and the urbanisation of empire". European Journal of International Relations 26, nr 1 (25.06.2019): 289–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119858388.
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Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. In this article, I argue that a focus on race and empire should be central to this literature. Using the Grenfell Tower fire in London as a starting point, the article shows that global cities are part of a historical and ongoing imperial terrain. From London to New York, São Paulo to Cape Town, Singapore to Cairo, the ‘making’ of global cities has typically gone hand in hand with racialized forms of displacement, dispossession and police violence. Drawing on the literature on racial capitalism, as well as Aimé Césaire’s image of the ‘boomerang’, I show that these strategies build on practices of urban planning, slum administration and law-and-order policing long experimented with in the (post)colonies. By examining the colonial dimensions of what many assume to be a strictly national problem for the welfare state, the article thus reveals global cities as part of a much wider cartography of imperial and racial violence. This not only calls into question the presentism of scholarship that highlights the ‘newness’ of neoliberal urbanism. In demonstrating how global cities and colonial borderlands are bound together through racial capitalism, it also exposes the positionality of scholars and policymakers that seek to counter the violence of neoliberalism with a nostalgic return to the post-1945 welfare state. As the Grenfell fire revealed, the global city is less a new type of international actor or governance structure than an extension and reconfiguration of the domestic space of empire.
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Staniland, Paul. "Dictators and their Secret Police: Coercive Institutions and State Violence. By Sheena Chestnut Greitens. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 240p. $105.00 cloth, $30.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 16, nr 4 (23.11.2018): 1206–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002402.
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Nikolic-Ristanovic, Vesna. "Scope, forms, characteristics and new patterns of victimisation in Serbia during COVID-19 pandemic". Temida 24, nr 2 (2021): 143–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem2102143n.
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This paper aims to analyse the scope, forms, characteristics and new patterns of victimisation in Serbia during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as factors that influenced it. In this paper, the notions of victim and victimisation are used in their largest sense, so that the paper deals with a large scope of victimising events and victims - from (direct and indirect) victimisation by virus COVID-19 and the inadequate reaction of the state, to the criminal victimisation and violation/restrictions of human rights. The particularly difficult situation of, in a socio-economic sense, especially vulnerable groups, such as migrants and asylum seekers, street children, Roma, homeless, older people, single parents, persons located in closed institutions (prisons and social welfare institutions), and victims of violence (in family and during civil protests against state?s response to the pandemic) is stressed. After the introduction, the overview of the development of pandemic in Serbia during 2020 and the measures taken for its suppression is given. After that, the scope, forms and trends of victimisation are analysed based on police statistics and other available data. Finally, characteristics and new patterns of victimisation that appeared in the conditions of the pandemic are analysed. In the conclusion, the main factors of victimisation during the pandemic are outlined. Special emphasis is put on the lack of adequate databases relevant for appropriate response both to COVID-19 and crime, as well as on shortcomings of state response to the pandemic. The paper ends with recommendations for state actions relevant for victims in conditions of pandemic and similar crisis situations.
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Bourne, Jenny. "‘This is what a radical intervention could look like’: an interview with Barbara Ransby". Race & Class 62, nr 2 (9.09.2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396820950142.
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An interview with Chicago-based Black historian, activist and writer Barbara Ransby in July 2020 as to how to understand the significance of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL) uprisings across the US. Ransby defines the movement and the forces that made George Floyd’s murder a pivotal point for so many people, bringing them on to the streets in over 500 locations. She explains the gestation of the movement against ‘racial capitalism’ from 2012 onwards and its current political formation as made up of an array of forces. The largest most organised coalition is the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL). She traces the white Left’s unwillingness to see the Black working class as now the defining point of class politics and addresses issues of police violence, incarceration and white supremacy. Organic solidarity is developing between progressive groups around an abolition agenda, which is simultaneously about dismantling the carceral state and building new institutions.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims". American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, nr 3 (1.07.2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.465.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Esposito, John L. "Moderate Muslims". American Journal of Islam and Society 22, nr 3 (1.07.2005): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.465.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
JLE: Our human tendency is to define what is normal or moderate in terms of someone just like “us.” The American government, as well as many western and Muslim governments and experts, define moderate by searching for reflections of themselves. Thus, Irshad Manji or “secular” Muslims are singled out as self-critical moderate Muslims by such diverse commentators as Thomas Friedman or Daniel Pipes. In an America that is politicized by the “right,” the Republican and religious right, and post-9/11 by the threat of global terrorism and the association of Islam with global terrorism, defining a moderate Muslim becomes even more problematic. Look at the situations not only in this country but also in Europe, especially France. Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts integration, or must it be assimilation? Is a moderate Muslim secular, as in laic (which is really anti-religious)? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts secularism, as in the separation of church and state, so that no religion is privileged and the rights of all (believer and nonbeliever) are protected? Is a moderate Muslim one who accepts a particular notion of gender relations, not simply the equality of women and men but a position against wearing hijab? (Of course let’s not forget that we have an analogous problem with many Muslims whose definition of being a Muslim, or of being a “good” Muslim woman, is as narrowly defined.) In today’s climate, defining who is a moderate Muslim depends on the politics or religious positions of the individuals making the judgment: Bernard Lewis, Daniel Pipes, Gilles Kepel, Stephen Schwartz, Pat Robertson, and Tom DeLay. The extent to which things have gotten out of hand is seen in attempts to define moderate Islam or what it means to be a good European or American Muslim. France has defined the relationship of Islam to being French, sought to influence mosques, and legislated against wearing hijab in schools. In the United States, non-Muslim individuals and organizations, as well as the government, establish or fund organizations that define or promote “moderate Islam,” Islamic pluralism, and so on, as well as monitor mainstream mosques and organizations. The influence of foreign policy plays a critical role. For some, if not many, the litmus test for a moderate Muslim is tied to foreign policy issues, for example, how critical one is of American or French policy or one’s position in regard to Palestine/Israel, Algeria, Kashmir, and Iraq. Like many Muslim regimes, many experts and ideologues, as well as publications like The Weekly Standard, National Review, The Atlantic, The New York Sun and media like Fox Television, portray all Islamists as being the same. Mainstream and extremist (they deny any distinction between the two) and indeed all Muslims who do not completely accept their notion of secularism, the absolute separation of religion and the state, are regarded as a threat. Mainstream Islamists or other Islamically oriented voices are dismissed as “wolves in sheep’s clothing.” What is important here is to emphasize that it is not simply that these individuals, as individual personalities, have influence and an impact, but that their ideas have taken on a life of their own and become part of popular culture. In a post-9/11 climate, they reinforce the worst fears of the uninformed in our populace. The term moderate is in many ways deceptive. It can be used in juxtaposition to extremist and can imply that you have to be a liberal reformer or a progressive in order to pass the moderate test, thus excluding more conservative or traditionalist positions. Moderates in Islam, as in all faiths, are the majority or mainstream in Islam. We assume this in regard to such other faiths as Judaism and Christianity. The Muslim mainstream itself represents a multitude of religious and socioeconomic positions. Minimally, moderate Muslims are those who live and work “within” societies, seek change from below, reject religious extremism, and consider violence and terrorism to be illegitimate. Often, in differing ways, they interpret and reinterpret Islam to respond more effectively to the religious, social, and political realities of their societies and to international affairs. Some seek to Islamize their societies but eschew political Islam; others do not. Politically, moderate Muslims constitute a broad spectrum that includes individuals ranging from those who wish to see more Islamically oriented states to “Muslim Democrats,” comparable to Europe’s Christian Democrats. The point here is, as in other faiths, the moderate mainstream is a very diverse and disparate group of people who can, in religious and political terms, span the spectrum from conservatives to liberal reformers. They may disagree or agree on many matters. Moderate Jews and Christians can hold positions ranging from reform to ultraorthodox and fundamentalist and, at times, can bitterly disagree on theological and social policies (e.g., gay rights, abortion, the ordination of women, American foreign and domestic policies). So can moderate Muslims.
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Shih, Elena. "Combating the Slow Economic Violence of Rescue". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 45, nr 1 (2024): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2024.a922893.
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Abstract: This paper contributes to the growing consensus of voices who articulate how the newfound North American consciousness around “anti-Asian hate” must connect individual acts of violence to structural forms of state and white supremacist violence. Focusing on the policing of Asian massage work, the essay argues that this unique human-itarian commitment reflects the slow economic violence of rescue. It contextualizes the 2021 Atlanta massage murders alongside the work of Red Canary Song (RCS), a grassroots coalition of migrant massage workers, sex workers, and allies organizing against the policing of massage work in New York. The essay echoes an abolitionist call to not only dismantle policing and punishment mechanisms—as these forms of policing have penetrated most aspects of civilian life—but demands the urgency to build a vast network of community resources coupled with imaginative ways of organizing. Abolitionist feminist frameworks must necessarily encompass economic justice, migrant justice, housing justice, and language justice to name a few. One strategy espoused by RCS builds worker power and the capacity for organizing towards the decriminalization of poverty, migration, and low-wage informal and sex work alike. For Asian migrant workers, the fight for justice is not only about the resources needed to live, sleep, and work safely, it is also about changing the deep-seated mix of paternalism and resentment that refuses to acknowledge Asian working-class communities to ability to make choices within constraints.
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Swan, Sarah. "Public Duties for the New City". Michigan Law Review, nr 122.2 (2023): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.122.2.public.
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The first job of a government is to protect its people, and, in the United States, the government ostensibly performs this job through the police. But policing in America is deeply dysfunctional, as the police not only provide inadequate protection from violent crime, but simultaneously engage in outright acts of brutality against the citizenry. As awareness of these practices has swept across the nation, legal scholars and policymakers have offered numerous reforms and remedies to help solve policing’s problems. The responses have tended to focus on the top of the legal pyramid, using the big hammers of the federal government, the Constitution of the United States, the federal remedies of Section 1983, and the qualified immunity doctrine of federal courts as the requisite tools for reform. More recently, as these efforts have faltered, scholars and policymakers have begun to explore the possibilities for change at the state and local level. This Article, too, begins at the bottom. While the proposed fixes to the federal framework are indeed important, this Article argues that changes at the lower, foundational level of cities, local governments, and common law duties of care are equally so. Policing is, after all, a fundamentally local matter, with thousands of municipal and county governments responsible for its administration. And duties of care are the most basic articulation of the norms and obligations flowing between members of our society, shaping not just private relations, but the government-constituent relationship as well. This Article argues that attending to these roots offers an opportunity to reorient the police-citizen relationship and recast the relational norms between local government actors and their constituents more generally. In particular, this Article argues that the “public duty doctrine”—a no-duty rule that immunizes municipalities from civil liability arising from police violence and failures to protect—has contributed to a profoundly unbalanced and perverse local-constituent relationship. To reestablish just relations, localities should bear, and indeed embrace, a legally enforceable duty of care to protect their constituents. Such a duty would not open the liability flood gates, nor impose catastrophic expenses on cities, nor expand the already oversized footprint of policing. Such a duty would, however, achieve the usual tort goals of compensation and deterrence, significantly reduce the harms that police and other governmental actors visit on city constituents through both their action and inaction, align with corrective justice principles, enhance democratic accountability, advance the constitutional principle of equal protection, and accord with the thick conception of the city-constituent relationship that cities themselves put forward in the affirmative litigation context. Further, implementing this duty on the ground would not be difficult. Neither courts nor legislatures need do anything at all; many cities could simply choose to not avail themselves of the public duty defense and instead accept an owed duty. Doing so would not only reorient the city-constituent relationship in a profoundly more positive way; adopting this duty would also serve cities’ broader self-interest. As cities increasingly vie for political recognition and acknowledgement as independently legitimate polities on both the domestic and international stage, this Article draws on the burgeoning sovereignty-as responsibility literature to argue that by embracing a duty to protect, cities can advance their own status as credible, politically important actors in the wider American democratic project.
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Monteiro, Claudete Ferreira de Souza. "Violence against women and the walk of public policy/Violência contra a mulher e o caminhar das políticas públicas/La violencia contra las mujeres y el paseo de las políticas públicas". Revista de Enfermagem da UFPI 3, nr 4 (13.04.2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/reufpi.v3i4.3324.
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For centuries, violence against women was restricted to the privacy of the home, the observation of neighbors and interference of a few family members. Is configured in a complex and controversial issue that involves moral concepts, dynamics of power/affection, subordination/domination, therefore "private" and difficult to approach. In this context, the home becomes therefore, scenary to fights, jealousy, aggression scenes in which the only spectators are the children. This space, preserved as inviolable, does not allow others to interfere, leaving increasingly confined women to this situation. Violence against women is associated with high economic costs, social, and health, making it a complex and comprehensive phenomenon, both because of issues related to the domination/submission involving gender relations, as those pertaining to physical and mental health of victimized women. The latter are not always displayed but expressed through psychosomatic symptoms which may be prolonged and chronic. The data of this violence become more visible as they seek public service to women care, and have shown alarming proportions, given the 2014 Balance Call 180, available in March 2015, presenting a total of 52,957 reports of violence against women. Of these, 51.68% refers to physical violence; 31.81% to psychological violence; 9.68% to moral violence; 1.94% to financial abuse; 2.86% sexual violence; 1.76% to imprisonment; and 0.26% human trafficking¹. In terms of public policy, by 2003, Brazil had the Special Police and shelter homes to care for women in situations of violence. Notably, in the last 10 years, the country has invested more in these policies, such as the creation in 2003 of the Secretariat on Policies for Women; in 2005, the National Plan of Policies for Women and the implementation of Call Center Women through Dial 180 and the following year with Law 11.340/2006, called Maria da Penha Law, through which actually creates mechanisms for prevent domestic and family violence against women¹. The Call 180, is now considered the main door of access to services that integrate the National Network to Fight Violence Against Women and privileged database for the formulation of policies of the Federal Government in this area. Started as a channel for advice on public rights and services aimed at female population across the country and from the Law No. 13,025/2014 began to perform the reception and orientation, directing complaints to the competent organs of research, with the assaulted woman's consent and, more recently, expanding the services to other countries such as Portugal, Spain and Italy. Other efforts have also been announced, such as the National Pact to Combat Violence against Women, launched in 2007. This is an agreement between the Federal Government and the state governments and Brazilian Municipal planning actions that enable the consolidation of National Policy on Combating Violence against Women. In 2011 launches the Fight Network violence against women and, more recently, in 2013, by Decree No. 8086, instituted the program "Woman: live without violence", whose axes include, among others, the implementation of the House of Brazilian Women, the organization and humanization of care for victims of sexual violence, the implementation and maintenance of the service to Women centers in the regions of dry border, continued awareness campaigns and mobile units for assistance to women in situations of violence the county and in forest². Giving reinforcement, especially to sexual violence against women, the Government launched in March 2015, the Interministerial Ordinance no. 288/2015 laying down guidelines for the organization and integration of care for victims of sexual violence by law enforcement professionals and health professionals of the Unified Health System (SUS) about the humanization of care and the registration of information and collection of traces². Many are government efforts to deal with violence against women. However, the effectiveness of these policies still needs better coordination with the assistance and legal network, training of health professionals for the recognition of such violence and adequacy of services to make more humane care and work on this issue in schools, with adolescents and women and men in all living spaces. Violence against women is a cruel and unjust reality that needs space in nursing reflections so that professionals are fully aware of the repercussions of this phenomenon and give emphasis to a new way of thinking and acting. These professionals can provide link to support women, whether in health issues and in the guidance to find own ways or direct it to other services in order to contribute to improving the life of this woman.
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Permana, Indra Martian, i Fadzli Adam. "Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) Terrorism Action in Indonesia Between 2014-2018". Islam Universalia: International Journal of Islamic Studies and Social Sciences 2, nr 1 (29.05.2020): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.56613/islam-universalia.v2i1.148.
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The Islamic State of Iraq and Sham (ISIS) was declared in Syria in 2014 and then spread to Indonesia. ISIS in Indonesia then spread the understanding of violence and terrorism so then with that understanding ISIS in Indonesia committed many acts of terrorism against the government and the people of Indonesia. This research aims to find out the cause of the birth of terrorism groups, related to the terrorism movement in Indonesia and the movement of groups affiliated with ISIS in Indonesia from 2014-2018 since ISIS was declared in Syria in 2014, both those who committed acts of terrorism and only supported ISIS. This method of research is Kualitatif the method of providing more directed to descriptive. Qualitative research in this paper research takes two methods, namely document analysis taken from written material and the results of the discussion by making a conversation with various parties who know information related to the ISIS terrorism movement from 2014-2018. ISIS groups in Indonesia carried out acts of terror throughout 2014-2018 as many as 48 acts of terrorism. 22 acts of terror were committed against members and police stations because they were considered as enemies. In addition, the attack was aimed at houses of worship in the form of blasting churches and attacking public places and facilities with an explosion in Thamrin and the Malay bus station. This research serves as material for researchers who examine the terrorism movement of the ISIS group in Indonesia, researchers in the social field who study the ISIS social movement and its impact in Indonesia as well as researchers in the field of Islamic studies and Islamic thought which examines various kinds of Islamic thought. This research reveals new facts related to the ISIS organization in Indonesia, the ISIS organization movement in Indonesia and the acts of terrorism committed. changes in terrorist organizations and new patterns related to terrorist attacks and targets by ISIS Indonesia.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4032974
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Ivasyuk, Olga. "Features of the causal complex of modern domestic crimes and problems of their prevention". Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2020, nr 4 (11.12.2020): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2020-4-97-102.
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Due to the deterioration of modern family and domestic crime indicators against the background of the ongoing social crisis caused by the pandemic of a new coronavirus infection, there is a need for additional study of factors affecting the occurrence and dynamics of family and domestic crimes in order to determine modern ways to prevent such manifestations and minimize their socially dangerous consequences. Based on the analysis of the current state of crime in the context of family and domesticrelations, the article formulates approaches to the problems of prevention of domestic violence. Special attention should be paid to the problems of preventing domestic crimes not only by legal but also by societywide measures aimed at weakening and neutralizing the causes and conditions of criminalization of the modern family and domestic relations in general at the current stage of the development of society. The article substantiates the need to improve the main directions of countering modern crimes in the sphere of domestic relations, as well as to improve the forms and methods of activities of public organizations and law enforcement agencies, including Internal Affairs Bodies, especially district police commissioners, aimed at preventing family and domestic crimes and minimizing their consequences.
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Dekel, Tal. "Black Masculinities and Jewish Identity: Ethiopian-Israeli Men in Contemporary Art". Religions 13, nr 12 (12.12.2022): 1207. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13121207.
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The identity of Jewish-Israeli men of Ethiopian descent has undergone deep-seated changes in the last decade, as evident in visual representations created by contemporary black artists living in Israel. In recent years, a new generation of Ethiopian-Israeli artists has revitalized local art and engendered deep changes in discourse and public life. Ethiopian-Israelis, who comprise less than two percent of the total Jewish population in the country, suffers multiple forms of oppression, especially due to their religious status and given that their visibility—as black Jews—stands out in a society that is predominantly white. This article draws links between events of the past decade and the images of men produced by these artists. It argues that the political awareness of Jewish-Ethiopians artists, generated by long-term social activism as well as police violence against their community, has greatly impacted their artistic production, broadened its diversity, and contributed a wealth of artworks to Israeli culture as a whole. Using intersectional analysis and drawing on theories from gender, migration and cultural studies, the article aims to produce a nuanced understanding of black Jewish masculinity in the ethno-national context of the state of Israel.
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L., J. F. "PATHOLOGIST SAYS FIVE CHILDREN DIED OF DELIBERATE SUFFOCATION". Pediatrics 96, nr 1 (1.07.1995): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.96.1.143.
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Testifying in the trial of a woman charged with killing her five young children, the chief forensic pathologist of the New York State Police said today that all five had been deliberately suffocated and were not, as was originally believed, victims of crib death. The case of Mrs. Hoyt, a 48-year-old housewife raised in this rural county, has drawn national attention because the deaths of her five children had been cited for two decades as textbook cases of so-called crib death, on sudden infant death syndrome. ... Defense lawyers have declined to say whether Mrs. Hoyt will testify in her own defense. If she does, she will no doubt face questions from the prosecution about the confession she made and signed last spring. A police investigator has testified that in her statement, which she has since recanted, she voluntarily told him how she had suffocated each of her children: Eric, Molly, and Noah were smothered with pillows. Julie was pressed against her mother's chest until her breathing stopped. James–who was 2½ years old, the only child to survive past the age of 3 months–was suffocated with a bath towel. The prosecutor had quoted Mrs. Hoyt as saying she could not bear hen children's crying. The defense lawyer has argued that Mrs. Hoyt's confession was signed under duress–without a lawyer present, without benefit of her reading glasses, and without having been properly instructed of her rights.
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Remoundou, Natasha. "The Posthuman and Irish Antigones: Rights, Revolt, Extinction". Clotho 4, nr 2 (23.12.2022): 211–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.4.2.211-247.
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Antigone’s afterlives in Ireland have always enacted critical gestures of social protest and mourning that expose the fundamental fragility of human rights caught up in the symbolic conflict between oppressors and oppressed. This paper seeks to explore the scope of rereading certain Irish figurations of Antigone – the exemplary text of European humanism – through a posthumanist lens that unveils new and radical understandings of modern injustices, legal fissures, and capitalist insinuations of an “inhuman politics” against proletarian minorities in twentieth-century Irish society in transnational contexts. The possibilities of a posthumanist theorization of Antigone at the intersection with gender, class, and human rights, reflect the connecting threads, political, aesthetic, and critical, between two texts: an early twentieth-century anonymous poem titled “The Prison Graves” dedicated to Irish human rights activist and revolutionary Roger Casement and an unpublished play-version of Antigone by Aidan C. Mathews in 1984, dedicated to René Girard. Written and produced as a critique of systematic institutional violence and neoliberal capitalist oppression during the epoch of the anti-revolutionary zeitgeist, the myth of Antigone shifts its dialectic from the nationalist nostalgia of “The Prison Graves” to the play-version of the Cold War era to reciprocate a counter-protest against the passing of the Irish Justice Bill. Antigone is reimagined as a hypochondriac resident of the slums of the proletariat and a member of a degenerate acting troupe. Her classical (mythical), aristocratic (white, European, Western) figure has become a posthuman commodity: a proletarian actor now, she performs the same role for millennia in a post-nuclear contaminated prison state in Thebes/Dublin. Peteokles is a bourgeois-turned-rebel mediary; Polyneikes is remembered as a communist terrorist who has been airbrushed from the records of the police state; a bibliophile Ismene religiously reads Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago, and the Chorus is the real state oppressor.