Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Pilgrims and pilgrimages – Europe, Western”

The study deals with the phenomenon of pilgrimages after the year 1989. Except for the traditional pilgrimage festivities associated with the confession of faith, such as in Žarošice in South Moravia, where a pilgrimage ritual with many Baroque relicts is still practised on the so-called Golden Saturday, we can notice the disappearance of pilgrimages. At the same time, the traditional form of pilgrimages is transformed, and we can observe innovative trends after 1989. Pilgrimage tourism is developing significantly, professional and association pilgrimages (e.g. these of firefighters, gamekeepers, beekeepers, and teachers) are being organised, and cycling pilgrimages are becoming popular among all age groups. In contrast to Western Europe, the phenomenon of longdistance pilgrimages, not only to Santiago de Compostela in Spain, but also to Mariazell, Roma, Assisi, and the Holy Land, has arrived in the Czech Republic with a certain delay. After the year 2000, pilgrim routes have been replicated and trucked, modern pilgrim routes are being built. Last but not least, we try to answer the question of what role a pilgrimage site, a pilgrimage or a pilgrimage tradition plays in the Czech society of the twenty-first century.

Pilgrimage is undergoing a revival in western Europe, mainly as newly established or revitalised pilgrim routes, such as the Camino de Santiago in northern Spain. These trails have helped to foster the widespread idea that pilgrimage is essentially a journey: a spiritual or “meaningful” journey undertaken slowly, and preferably on foot, in the medieval tradition. The purpose of this article is to problematise this journey-oriented understanding of pilgrimage in Christian and post-Christian societies and to suggest that the importance given to the pilgrimage journey by many scholars, and by wider society, is more a product of modern Western values and post-Reformation culture than a reflection of historical and current-day religious practices. Drawing on evidence from a range of contemporary sources, it shows that many medieval pilgrims understood pilgrimage as a destination-based activity as is still the case at numerous Roman Catholic shrines today.

Abstract Suakin (Ar. Sawākin) is the second important town of Sudan and a port for Muslim pilgrims bound for Jeddah Its economy is primarily based on fishing. Long before the estabhshment of the present, new town, Suakin was an island town to which cargo ships from the Red Sea ports came and goods from India were transhipped via Jeddah In its heyday, the island town was populated by merchants and traders who came to settle there from African and Arab countnes, mainly Egypt and Sudan, and India and Europe. The majonty of the inhabitants who lived around the island town belonged to the Beja (Ar. Buja or Bujā) groupings, whose ancestry goes back centwies; they were, as they are mainly today, pastorahsts and cultivators. Around the late nineteenth century, members of a distinct Western Arabian ethnic group, the Rashayda (Ar. Rashāʾida; s. Rashīdī), came to Sudan to look for work and live in the hinterland and on the coast. Though the majonty were nomads and herders, several were involved in dhow trading, and a small number settled in Suakin. By the 1930s, however, many buildings in the island town started to crumble into rubble as its inhabitants abandoned the island for better economic prospects in other Red Sea port towns. Subsequently, a new town developed south of the island, including communities from the neighboring region, mainly Cushitic-speaking Beja groupings and other minorities such as the Rashayda, and in recent decades, they were joined by West African pilgrims who chose to settle there on their return from hajj (pilgrimage). Some members of the Beja groups follow occupations related to the sea; many come from the mountains to seek work as fishermen, or divers during the shell-collecting season, or laborers during the hajj season. Fishing activity is centered on the craftsmanship of the dhow builders: the dhows must not only be seaworthy but also specifically designed for fishing and shell collecting. This article will examine maritime activity on the Sudanese coast with particular reference to Suakin, past and present. It will discuss the level of involvement of the Beja and the importance of the role of the Rashayda in this multiethnic community from their arrival in the nineteenth century to the present time; further, it will show how they adapted their knowledge and skills and also show that the maritime terminology used is predominantly Western Arabian and not, as would be expected, Cushitic, as spoken by the Beja groups or linguistic registers of other ethnic groupings. The methodology applied in this research is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2004, together with consultation of primary and secondary sources.

The article begins with an analysis of the relation between space, time and pilgrimage within “various strata and social classes”. From these considerations there first and foremost derives a clear division between on the one hand rural pilgrimage, linked to production from the land, and therefore of a religious nature, and on the other urban pilgrimage, that of merchants related with manufacture, and therefore of a lay nature. There is also a third case, that of judicial pilgrimage, which was particularly common in 14th century Flanders. Secondly, the space is geographically and culturally defined as Mediterranean, determined by the universal character of the Christian religion. Finally, the author deals with the unity of the “Christian space” over the centuries and its repercussion on pilgrimages from the 11th century onwards, when conflict with the Moors and the defence of the unity of the church gave rise to the idea of holy war. During this period the insecurity of the land and sea routes leading to the pilgrim destinations led to the birth of the monastic military orders, with the appearance for the first time of the monacus-miles and the crusader, a phenomenon analysed in the texts by William of Tyre, in Bernard of Clairvaux’s Liber ad milites Templi, and in the Chanson de Roland.

The era of the Crusades was also the era of pilgrims and pilgrimages to Jeru­salem. The Russian Orthodox world did not accept the idea of the Crusades and did not consider the Western European crusaders to be pilgrims. However, Russian people also sought to make pilgrimages, the purpose of which they saw in personal repentance and worship of the Lord. Visiting the Christian relics of Cyprus was desirable for pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem. Based on the method of content analysis of a whole complex of the writings of Russian pil­grims, as well as the works of Cypriot, Byzantine, Arab and Russian chroniclers, the author explores the history of travels and pilgrimages of Russian people to Cyprus in the 12th–18th centuries, the origins of the Russian-Cypriot reli­gious, inter-cultural and political relationships, in addition to the dynamics of their development from the first contacts in the Middle Ages to the establish­ment of permanent diplomatic and political relations between the two coun­tries in the Early Modern Age. Starting with the 17th century, Russian-Cypriot relationships were developing in three fields: 1) Russians in Cyprus; 2) Cypri­ots in Russia; 3) knowledge of Cyprus and interest in Cyprus in Russia. Cyp­riots appeared in Russia (at the court of the Russian tsars) at the beginning of the 17th century. We know of constant correspondence and the exchange of embassies between the Russian tsars and the hierarchs of the Cypriot Ortho­dox Church that took place in the 17th–18th centuries. The presence of Cypri­ots in Russia, the acquisition of information, the study of Cypriot literature, and translations of some Cypriot writings into Russian all promoted interactions on both political and cultural levels. This article emphasizes the important histori­cal, cultural, diplomatic and political functions of the pilgrimages.

Jerusalem – a holy city in medieval guidebooks for pilgrims A literary genre, typical for the high and late Middle Ages, connected with pilgrimages to the Holy Land, were lists of holy places. The tradition of making such brief, impersonal, and often anonymous catalogues of places worth visiting dates from the 12th century. Such registers were prepared for people guiding pilgrims or even pilgrims themselves who travelled from Europe to the East. That is why, the literature tends to treat works of that type as “guidebooks”. Comparison of three medieval guidebooks i.e. Descriptio de locis sanctis by Rorgo Fretellus (ca. 1137), and two anonymous textes: Les sains pelerinages que l’en doit reqquerre el la Terre Sainte (ca. 1229–1239) and Peregrinationes totius Terrae Sanctae (1491) allows us to analyse changes of pilgrims’ needs and expectations. Creation and collapse of crusaders’ states, as well as development of Ayyubid and Mamluk empires changed political situation in the Holy Land and had a serious impact on pilgrimage movement. Forced modification of pilgrims’ routes took place during decades of important changes of piety of Latin Christians, so pilgrims needed updated guidebooks.

The abbey of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard near Arles in the south of France was one of the most prominent pilgrimage sites in medieval Europe. Recent archaeological investigation has shown that construction of the abbey church, one of the most significant Romanesque pilgrimage churches in southern France, began ca. 1170/1180. The lower church (crypt) with the tomb of St. Giles (Lat. Aegidius, Fr. Gilles) and some of the walls of the upper church belong to that period. A well-preserved Cyrillic graffito was discovered on a pier of the upper church, close to the spot where the tomb of St. Giles is located in the crypt below. The text contains a prayer with a common formula: GI POMЪZI | RABU SVЪ|EMU SЬMKЪ|VI NINOSLA|VICHIU ‘Lord, help your servant Semko, son of Ninoslav.’ Palaeographic and linguistic analysis shows that the graffito is of Russian origin. It was probably made at some time between 1180 and 1250 by a pilgrim travelling from Russia to Santiago de Compostela, and it is the most geographically remote Old Russian graffito inscription discovered so far in western Europe.

Abstract This article is focused on the visions of pilgrimages to Rabbi Nachman’s site located in Uman, Ukraine. Research results are based on the analysis of in-depth interviews with eighteen Americans who have made the pilgrimage, supplemented by reading in secondary sources about pilgrimage and travel, especially American Jewish travel to Eastern Europe. Emphasis is made on the perception of both place and locals, as well as upon the leading motives and characteristics of pilgrimage. This research sheds light upon the role of existing stereotypes and personal encounters in cross-cultural issues. Dominant attitudes of pilgrims to locals in Uman may be characterized in the frame of the conceptual trio of “background fear,” “historical aftertaste,” and “learned neutrality.” Huge differences between the understanding of Uman as a place for pilgrimage and a space with inhabitants raise the questions of parallel historical heritages bound within the same territory and time.

AbstractIn 2000, a reunion of 'Eurocrats' founded the Brotherhood of Brussels in honour of the Virgen del Rocío and became quickly integrated in the official network that foments the devotion to the South Spanish Virgin Mary. Soon after, a pilgrimage trail was inaugurated that links the basilica of Brussels to her chapel in the hamlet of El Rocío: the Camino Europeo del Rocío. The pilgrimage passes through eight major Marian sanctuaries in Belgium, France, and Spain. In each of these sites, a representation of the Virgen del Rocío was put in place by the official institutions. In 2007, ten pilgrims actually walked the trail. Once in Madrid, they changed the original track and inaugurated two additional sanctuaries without the consent of the main organizer of the original camino. As such, a variant came into existence: the Camino Europeo del Rocío a pie. The creation of these two 'European' pilgrimage trails shall be documented together with the founding process of the brotherhood of Brussels. The manner in which local political and ideological agendas interfere with the intertwining of old traditions and institutions, such as pilgrimages and Brotherhoods, and new emerging conceptions of 'Europe,' shall thereby be put to the fore.

The planning of the burgh of St Andrews, founded in the twelfth century, with two major streets converging on the cathedral, resembles that of the Vatican Borgo, created in the ninth century. It is proposed that St Andrews was consciously modelled on the Borgo, and that the major dimensions of the cathedral are taken from Old St Peter's and St John Lateran, as part of an unsuccessful campaign to have St Andrews recognised as an apostolic see like its rival Compostela, the only other shrine in western Europe beyond Italy to claim the relics of an apostle.

The article introduces a note about Russian pilgrims, written by the privy councillor A. I. Temnitsky on January 26, 1910. The original text is stored in the files of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. Substantial analysis of the source accompanies its publication. The document is being introduced into scientific use for the first time with minor abbreviations that do not affect its style or content. The identity of the note’s author has not been established; it is known that Temnitsky owned land in the Minsk gubernia and lived in Kiev for a time. The article is to characterize this source on the pilgrimage policy of the Russian Empire found in the archival file “Correspondence on transportation of pilgrims and on pilgrims’ daily routine en route to Jerusalem, 1897-1914.” The hypothesis about the crisis of the pilgrimage policy of the Russian Empire on the eve of the First World War has been tested with traditional methods of historical science: comparative, historical, problem-chronological, retrospective. The note of Temnitsky enables to correct the existing ideas on pilgrimage practices of the Orthodox believers from the Western gubernias of the Russian Empire. The document offers a different view on the Russian pilgrimage policy of the early 20th century, undermines the researchers’ arguments that it was the conservative part of that Russian society that supported the activation of pilgrimage activities in Russia. The publishers underscore the value of the suggestion made by Temnitsky: Russia should have its own chapel in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and extend the activities of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission to Egypt. The publishers conclude that Temnitsky’s note gives researchers an alternative point of view on the organization of Russian pilgrimages on the eve of the First World War and demonstrates systemic problems in the implementation of the Russian pilgrimage policy that contrast with increased statistics on the entry of Russian subjects in Palestine.

The main purpose of the study is to conduct architectural and historical analysis of the formation of medieval feudal castles as a phenomenon of chivalrous culture of Europe and the Middle East. The task of the study is to analyze the general and special in the evolution of forms in the castle architecture of Western Europe and the Jerusalem medieval kingdom. Creation of architectural and historical typology of castle forms that existed in the regions of medieval Western Europe and the Levant. In the course of the analysis of the formation of Middle Eastern castle complexes of the 12th - 13th century. found that on the one hand they were traditionally based on cultural and construction practices, Introduced to the regions of the Levant by European knights ‒ tower-donjon type of castle, which arose during the conquest in the areas of Israel, Palestine and Syria, on the other ‒ somewhat different from the architectural traditions of Western Europe, local technologies for processing stone quads, the construction of walls that have a boot, the use of cement solution, the creation of a tower-shaped building at the towers-don having a significant amount. Applied in the Middle East construction innovations with the active use of Romano-Byzantine traditions, getting to the territory of Western Europe, developed a chivalrous culture of castle building. As a result of cultural and historical analysis of European and Middle Eastern castle forms of the 12th and 13th century. it was determined that a better system of protection ‒ small wall niches, vaulted system of overlaps ‒ was introduced into the European fortification art by returning crusader knights. Thanks to the acquired building experience, the Crusaders in Western Europe were introduced to a new type of castle, the castel, which was borrowed from the old Roman-Byzantine military architecture during the conquest of the Levant. Based on the study of European castle forms, it was revealed that the new composition of the castle was introduced by knights-pilgrims from the middle east to the lands of Western and Central Europe, where it got its development, thanks to the French masters-fortifiers who formed this classic castle type in the 13th - 15th centuries.

In the nineteenth century the West truly rediscovered Palestine. A land many western observers had long considered fallen from its former glory was roused amid its Ottoman occupation to abide the hopes, dreams, and designs not only of aspiring Jewish nationalists but of British and American diplomats, explorers, archaeologists, adventurers, Christian pilgrims, missionaries, and others in that great entourage which Naomi Shepherd has dubbed the “zealous intruders.” Protestant missionaries in the Levant, to the extent that they established an early and enduring physical presence in the Holy Land and a living link with evangelical churches in Europe, Britain, and America, played a memorable, if limited, role in this modern reopening of Palestine to the West.

Abstract A feast commemorating the conquest of Jerusalem was celebrated in Milan, on 15 July 1100. On that day, an existing Milanese church was rededicated as the “Church of the Holy Sepulchre.” The elaborate ceremony included a procession, an octave, and a pilgrims’ indulgence, along with crusade propaganda. It was perhaps the earliest one celebrated in Western Europe in the wake of the Jerusalem conquest of 15 July 1099, added to the liturgical calendar of Milan. The event was carefully orchestrated by Anselm of Buis, the archbishop of Milan – a supporter of the church reform movement and close ally of Pope Urban II. The feast was attended by the local community, among them First Crusaders returning from Jerusalem. This article focuses on the innovative nature of the Milanese feast, its liturgy and possible link with the celebration in Jerusalem a year earlier. It also considers the triumphal recreation of Jerusalem in Lombardy within the western tradition of imitations of Jerusalem.

In 2015 in Pons, in the former province of Saintonge, an Old Russian pilgrim graffito was found on the wall of the parish church of St. Vivien, a monument of the mid-12th century. It is the second graffito found in France after the one discovered at St. Gilles Abbey. The town of Pons is located on the westernmost route of Santiago de Compostela (via Turonensis) and is noteworthy because of the preserved pilgrim almshouse of the latter half of the 12th century. On the walls of its long archway are horseshoe drawings made by medieval pilgrims, the latest of which, dating from the 16th–17th centuries, bends around a name that is also apparently written in Cyrillic script. The earlier inscription, which appears at the base of the northern end wall of the original façade of the St. Vivien church, is made in the name of one Ivan Zavidovich: “Ivano ps[а]lo Zavi|doviche ida ko | svętomu Ię|kovu” (= ‘Ivan Zavidovich wrote this when going to Saint James’). The most probable palaeographic dating is in the 1160s–1180s. As suggested by birch bark manuscripts, the name of Ivan’s father, Zavid, was popular among Novgorod boyars. Novgorod is also the place with the greatest indirect evidence of the occurrence in Old Russia of the western cult of St. James. This well preserved inscription is an important epigraphic discovery, but its main value lies in the direct evidence of pilgrimages by Russians to the shrine of St. James in Galicia.

The article examines pilgrimage tourism as a modern socio-cultural phenomenon on the example of major world religions. An attempt is made to explain and determine its features by drawing a parallel between religious (cultural) tourism and pilgrimage. It is determined that the basis of modern pilgrimage is an ancient religious tradition, which is becoming a global socio-cultural phenomenon against the background of the weakening role of world political ideologies. In addition, pilgrimage contributes to the expansion of modern intercivilizational contacts, making all corners of the planet accessible to pilgrimages, but it dramatically changes the nature of interpersonal communication and affects the spiritual mood of modern pilgrims. Various forms of modern pilgrimage, their features and manifestations in intercultural communication of believers during the period of their religious travels are also studied. On the other hand, it is determined that the current modern world dominant trends in end-to-end commercialization, which turn resources, national cultural and religious shrines into goods. Therefore, religious trips, although they have their own characteristics, but equally apply to the provision of traditional tourist services, as well as other tours, and pilgrimage becomes part of the tourism business. Considering pilgrimage as a socio-cultural phenomenon in world religions, special attention is paid to the organic combination of national and supranational, ie the practice of this ancient tradition, common to a particular denomination. To better understand the principles of formation of religious tourism flows, an analysis of the confessional delimitation of territorial religious systems on the example of Europe. Pilgrimage is defined as a promising type of tourism that can reach the international level, become a major attraction of both individual regions and the country as a whole, and play an important economic role in the development of a particular area. That is why modern pilgrimage needs development and popularization.

Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.

‭This study traces the route by which the city of Los Angeles came to be called by that name. Late in life St. Francis retired to a tiny hut on “a little piece of property,” una porziuncola near Assisi. Because angels were frequently heard singing there, the area around his hut was known as “La Valle di Nostra Donna degli Angeli.” Here, Francis experienced two appearances of Mary and her Son, during which he obtained the revolutionary plenary indulgence known as Il Perdono d’Assisi. The Porziuncola became a pilgrims’ shrine, and Francis’s hut was transformed into a huge basilica dedicated to Santa Maria degli Angeli. Reception of the indulgence slowly spread throughout Europe, and most particularly in Spain. Columbus, who was a Franciscan Tertiary, after a stay in the monastery of Our Lady of the Angels at La Rábida, set sail on his momentous journey on the feast of the Perdono (2 August). The indulgence was carried to the New World by the Franciscans where the devotion developed a wide-spread cult. Three hundred years later, the Spanish king’s army, accompanied by Franciscan friars, journeyed up the western coast and came upon a clear stream, which they called la Porciúncula. In 1781, the New World City of the Angels was founded in the cult’s honor.‬

Medieval stone moulds – mass-production of metal objects for secular and religious use in RibeThe Museum of Southwest Jutland’s collection contains seven fragments of High Medieval metal-casting moulds of stone, all found during construction works and archaeological excavations in Ribe (figs. 1 and 5). These moulds constitute a relatively rare artefact type in Denmark and the examples from Ribe differ from those found in the rest of the country (figs. 2-4). Five of the moulds were recovered in the vicinity of the cathedral, suggesting that it was in this area that metal casting, and perhaps also sale of the finished products, took place.The moulds are all in the form of fragments, but they contain a great deal of information with respect to the production techniques, craftsmanship and artefact types of the period. They are all made of limestone, which must have been imported to Ribe, but perhaps also arrived in the form of finished products. This is hinted at by the major differences in the quality of their execution as well as the existence of some very close foreign parallels to the more spectacular and complicated pieces. Comparisons with other finds, coupled with X-ray analyses, suggest that the moulds were used to cast objects of lead/tin alloy. These mould types and metal types are a reflection of the mass-production of small objects that developed in the High and Late Middle Ages; a phenomenon that is documented in written sources, supported by the large number of artefacts surviving from this period.The artefacts cast in the moulds fall into the category of small objects intended for personal use: costume accessories and ornaments as well as objects with religious/magical symbolism and application (figs. 9-16).The demand for mass-produced objects included both costume accessories and ornaments intended to be sewn on to clothing, as well as other small objects with either a secular or religious iconography or function.Compared to the rest of Denmark, Ribe has yielded a relatively large number of Medieval stone moulds. However, relative to similar records from elsewhere in northern Europe, the finds from Ribe are rather modest, both in number and in quality. Nevertheless, they bear witness to Ribe’s strong contacts and exchange network with Medieval towns across northern Europe and to the everyday objects and religious accessories that had the same form across a vast area.The finding of mould fragments in Ribe shows that here, as in other European Medieval towns, there were also mass-produced secular personal items as well as objects for religious use. Recent excavations in the town have been responsible for the recovery of half the (stone) mould fragments found in the museum’s collection. This is due partly to the application of sieving as an excavation method and perhaps also to the fact that the area around the cathedral, the location of the excavations of recent years, was where the metal casters plied their trade. Perhaps they sold their wares here too, either from their workshops or from stalls on the market, Fisketorvet, which lay directly east of the cathedral. Written sources from pilgrimage sites around Europe document the sale of both religious equipment and other items in the close vicinity of churches, which were places that attracted large numbers of visitors. The fact that so many fragments have been recovered during the excavations here possibly means that many more than have been recovered to date lie concealed in the area, and the present finds provide just a hint of the metal-casting activities that took place here in the High Middle Ages.The limestone used to make the moulds must have been imported to Ribe. Whether this represented a by-product or reuse of imported building materials, actual minor import of stone or perhaps material brought to Ribe by non-local craftsmen is impossible to say. From the moulds’ motifs it can be seen that the quality of the finished products varied immensely. Some of the carvings are very beautifully executed, for example those for the openwork spherical object and the ampoule, while those for the costume accessories and other items appear much coarser and more carelessly made. The latter could though, in some cases, represent worn-out moulds or practice pieces. The mould for the spherical object has a close parallel in a find from Magdeburg, prompting speculation about whether some of the finest moulds could have been imported from much more skilled and highly-specialised workshops located in the major towns and cities of Europe.There are already a number of finds of Medieval metal costume accessories and ornaments, but the local production of these items has not previously been demonstrated. One of the most interesting aspects is the local production of religious equipment in Ribe. The manufacture of ampoules to hold sacred fluids, a pan-European phenomenon associated with pilgrimages and pilgrimage sites, raises questions about whether these ampoules were sold as pilgrim souvenirs in Ribe and what the nature was of the sacred fluid with which they were filled. Or were they sold to pilgrims who were on their way out into Europe, so they could fill them with sacred fluid on reaching their destination?The relatively large number of mould fragments from Ribe must reflect the town’s international contacts and orientation at this time, with strong cultural contacts and exchange networks involving other north European towns. However, the state of preservation of the cultural deposits and the archaeological methods applied in their excavation has also played a role. For the purposes of comparison, an earlier discovery of a metal workshop in Aalborg shows, in terms of date and repertoire, great similarity to the finds from Ribe. Perhaps this range of small personal objects was something that was manufactured in every Medieval town with respect for itself, even though no major traces of this craft survive.Mette Højmark SøvsøSydvestjyske MuseerAnne Juul JensenSyddansk UniversitetMichael NeißUppsala Universitet

Međugorje is the biggest pilgrimage center of Southeastern Europe. It is located in the southern part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in western Herzegovina. Before the apparitions in Međugorje, it was a karst agricultural region in which its population mostly lived off agriculture, namely cultivating tobacco and grapes. Despite the fact that the official Catholic church does not recognise Međugorje as the place of the Marian apparition, that has never prevented religious people from all over the world to visit. Since 1981, when, according to the belief of the local people, the Virgin Mary appeared, until 2016, this little Herzegovinian place was visited by more than 30 million pilgrims. More than 80% of pilgrims are foreigners (Italians, Czechs, Germans, Koreans, Lebanese, Poles, Ircs and others), so Međugorje has become an international marian shrine. The Appearance of Our Lady of Međugorje as a specific event has had multiple consequences for the development of this poor peripheral Herzegovinian village: development of pilgrim tourism, landscape transformation, development of the tertiary sector, change of socio-economic structure of the population and population growth. The village greatly expanded in buildings and the landscape is transformed beyond recognition. Nowadays, tourism is the dominating activity – agriculture is becoming rare, apart from viticulture and, only recently, growing olives. This paper analyzes characteristics of tourism and urban development of Međugorje that generated a series of negative consequences, since it completely ignored the need for destination management and spatial planning.

In higher education internationalisation literature, mobility has almost exclusively been analysed with reference to study abroad for academic and professional development purposes. The cost incurred is an impoverishment of frames to guide the exchange student, to converse with the nomad-scholar, and to make sense of knowledge from the borderlands. Not only has the COVID-19 pandemic been a shock to conventional expectations about mobility but it has also presented an opportunity to engage with the justifications, ethics, and limits of travel, anew. This article centers experiences of women’s pilgrimages in medieval Europe and wandering Asian seeker-scholars in the ancient world to invite inquiry into mobility as a complex, normative paradigm and an imaginative re-engagement with its multi-faceted implications for learning.

Modern pilgrimages are gaining popularity in Western culture despite increased secularization. Historically, pilgrimages were a religious ritual with the goal of personal transformation. This study explores the phenomenology of modern pilgrimage: the motivations to go on a pilgrimage, the experience and the subsequent changes. An explorative study was conducted on 142 pilgrims. The results indicate that 74% of the participants were motivated by psycho-existential motives to go on the Camino to Santiago. In addition, 75% of the participants experienced changes in life after walking the Camino. The findings indicate that modern pilgrimage still has transformative potential. Furthermore, six major themes regarding the phenomenology of the Camino emerge from the data: (1) authentic experience, (2) walking in nature, (3) self-transformation, (4) community, (5) simplicity and (6) spirituality, indicating that modern pilgrimage is a multidimensional psycho-existential phenomenon.

AbstractVisiting the graves of the (Hasidic) Rebbes of Bodrogkeresztúr, Nagykálló, Olaszliszka, Sátoraljaújhely and other (Hasidic) places of worship are unique manifestations of Jewish popular religiosity in Hungary. These visits are mainly made on the anniversaries of the deaths of the great Rabbis (“Yahrzeit”). The literature does not pay much attention to the fact that these customs were still alive during the decades of Socialism, and even after 1957, although to a limited extent, foreign citizens also took part in these pilgrimages. The pilgrims were monitored by State security. The increase in the intensity of state security surveillance was not related to religiosity, but to the anti-Zionist state policy that emerged in Eastern Europe after the Six-Day-War, which saw all Jewish organizations as Zionism. The study gives an account of the Rabbis behind the custom, the religious significance of the visit and its role in local society. At the same time, it also shows how the memory of the Hasidic “wonder rabbis” was passed on during the decades of the Hungarian Socialist Kádár regime. Moreover it presents how (from the point of view of the Socialist regime) the pilgrimage (peregrinatio religiosa) and participating in it became elements of the power-relationship system and what it meant for the church politics of the period.

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IntroductionThe wandering narrator is a familiar figure in contemporary literature. This narrator is often searching for something abstract or ill-defined connected to the past and the traces it leaves behind. The works of the German writer W.G. Sebald inspired a number of theories on the various ways a writer might intersect place, memory, and representation through seemingly aimless wandering. This article expands on the scholarship around Sebald’s themes to identify two modes of investigative wandering: (1) wandering “in place”, through a city where a past trauma has occurred, and (2) wandering “out of place”, which occurs when a wanderer encounters a city that is a holding place of traumas experienced elsewhere.Sebald’s narrators mostly conduct wandering “in place” because they are actively immersed in, and wandering through, locations that trigger both memory and thought. In this article, after exploring both Sebald’s work and theories of place in literature, I analyse another example of wandering in place, in the Paris of Patrick Modiano’s novel, The Search Warrant (2014). I conclude by discussing how I encountered this mode of wandering myself when in Moscow and St Petersburg researching my first novel, The Memory Artist (2016). In contrasting these two modes of wandering, my aim is to contribute further nuance to the interpretation of conceptions of place in literature. By articulating the concept of wandering “out of place”, I identify a category of wanderer and writer who, like myself, finds connection with places and their stories without having a direct encounter with that place. Theories of Place and Wandering in W.G. Sebald’s WorkIn this section, I introduce Sebald as a literary wanderer. Born in the south of Germany in 1944, Sebald is perhaps best known for his four “prose fictions”— Austerlitz published in 2001, The Emigrants published in 1996, The Rings of Saturn published in 1998, and Vertigo published in 2000—all of which blend historiography and fiction in mostly plot-less narratives. These works follow a closely autobiographical narrator as he traverses Europe, visiting people and places connected to Europe’s turbulent twentieth century. He muses on the difficulty of preserving the truths of history and speaking of others’ traumas. Sebald describes how “places do seem to me to have some kind of memory, in that they activate memory in those who look at them” (Sebald quoted in Jaggi). Sebald left his native Germany in 1966 and moved to England, where he lived until his untimely death in a car accident in 2001 (Gussow). His four prose fictions feature the same autobiographical narrator: a middle-aged German man who lives in northern England. The narrator traverses Europe with a compulsion to research, ponder, and ultimately, represent historical catastrophes and traumas that haunt him. Anna MacDonald describes how Sebald’s texts “move freely between history and memory, biography, autobiography and fiction, travel writing and art criticism, scientific observation and dreams, photographic and other textual images” (115). The Holocaust and human displacement are simultaneously at the forefront of the narrator’s preoccupations but rarely referenced directly. This singular approach has caused many commentators to remark that Sebald’s works are “haunted” by these traumatic events (Baumgarten 272).Sebald’s narrators are almost constantly on the move, obsessively documenting the locations, buildings, and people they encounter or the history of that place. As such, it is helpful to consider Sebald’s wandering narrator through theories of landscape and its representation in art. Heike Polster describes the development of landscape from a Western European conception and notes how “the landscape idea in art and the techniques of linear perspective appear simultaneously” (88). Landscape is distinguished from raw physical environment by the role of the human mind: “landscape was perceived and constructed by a disembodied outsider” (88). As such, landscape is something created by our perceptions of place. Ulrich Baer makes a similar observation: “to look at a landscape as we do today manifests a specifically modern sense of self-understanding, which may be described as the individual’s ability to view herself within a larger, and possibly historical, context” (43).These conceptions of landscape suggest a desire for narrative. The attempt to fix our understanding of a place according to what we know about it, its past, and our own relationship to it, makes landscape inextricable from representation. To represent a landscape is to offer a representation of subjective perception. This understanding charges the landscapes of literature with meaning: the perceptions of a narrator who wanders and encounters place can be studied for their subjective properties.As I will highlight through the works of Sebald and Modiano, the wandering narrator draws on a number of sources in their representations of both place and memory, including their perceptions as they walk in place, the books they read, the people they encounter, as well as their subjective and affective responses. This multi-dimensional process aligns with Polster’s contention that “landscape is as much the external world as it is a visual and philosophical principle, a principle synthesizing the visual experience of material and geographical surroundings with our knowledge of the structures, characteristics, and histories of these surroundings” (70). The narrators in the works of Sebald and Modiano undertake this synthesised process as they traverse their respective locations. As noted, although their objectives are often vague, part of their process of drawing together experience and knowledge is a deep desire to connect with the pasts of those places. The particular kind of wanderer “in place” who I consider here is preoccupied with the past. In his study of Sebald’s work, Christian Moser describes how “the task of the literary walker is to uncover and decipher the hidden track, which, more often than not, is buried in the landscape like an invisible wound” (47-48). Pierre Nora describes places of memory, lieux de memoire, as locations “where memory crystallizes and secretes itself”. Interest in such sites arises when “consciousness of a break with the past is bound up with a sense that memory has been torn—but torn in such a way as to pose the problem of the embodiment of memory in certain sites where a sense of historical continuity persists” (Nora 7).Encountering and contemplating sites of memory, while wandering in place, can operate simultaneously as encounters with traumatic stories. According to Tim Ingold, “the landscape is constituted as an enduring record of—and testimony to—the lives and works of past generations who have dwelt within it, and in doing so, have left something of themselves […] landscape tells – or rather is – a story” (153). Such occurrences can be traced in the narratives of Sebald and Modiano, as their narrators participate both in the act of reading the story of landscape, through their wandering and their research about a place, but also in contributing to the telling of those stories, by inserting their own layer of subjective experience. In this way, the synthesised process of landscape put forward by Polster takes place.To perceive the landscape in this way is to “carry out an act of remembrance” (Ingold 152). The many ways that a person experiences and represents the stories that make up a landscape are varied and suited to a wandering methodology. MacDonald, for example, characterises Sebald’s methodology of “representation-via-digressive association”, which enables “writer, narrator, and reader alike to draw connections in, and through, space between temporally distant historical events and the monstrous geographies they have left in their wake” (MacDonald 116).Moser observes that Sebald’s narrative practice suggests an opposition between the pilgrimage, “devoted to worship, asceticism, and repentance”, and tourism, aimed at “entertainment and diversion” (Moser 37). If the pilgrim contemplates the objects, monuments, and relics they encounter, and the tourist is “given to fugitive consumption of commercialized sights”, Sebald’s walker is a kind of post-traumatic wanderer who “searches for the traces of a silent catastrophe that constitutes the obverse of modernity and its history of progress” (Moser 37). Thus, wandering tends to “cultivate a certain mode of perception”, one that is highly attuned to the history of a place, that looks for traces rather than common sites of consumption (Moser 37).It is worth exploring the motivations of a wandering narrator. Sebald’s narrator in The Rings of Saturn (2002) provides us with a vague impetus for his wandering: “in the hope of dispelling the emptiness that had taken hold of me after the completion of a long stint of work” (3). In Vertigo (2002), Sebald’s narrator walks with seemingly little purpose, resulting in a sense of confusion or nausea alluded to in the book’s title: “so what else could I do … but wander aimlessly around until well into the night”. On the next page, he refers again to his “aimlessly wandering about the city”, which he continues until he realises that his shoes have fallen apart (35-37). What becomes apparent from such comments is that the process of wandering is driven by mostly subconscious compulsions. The restlessness of Sebald’s wandering narrators represents their unease about our capacity to forget the history of a place, and thereby lose something intangible yet vital that comes from recognising traumatic pasts.In Sebald’s work, if there is any logic to the wanderer’s movement, it is mostly hidden from them while wandering. The narrator of Vertigo, after days of wandering through northern Italian cities, remarks that “if the paths I had followed had been inked in, it would have seemed as though a man had kept trying out new tracks and connections over and over, only to be thwarted each time by the limitations of his reason, imagination or willpower” (Sebald, Vertigo 34). Moser writes how “the hidden order that lies behind the peripatetic movement becomes visible retroactively – only after the walker has consulted a map. It is the map that allows Sebald to decode the ‘writing’ of his steps” (48). Wandering in place enables digressions and preoccupations, which then constitute the landscape ultimately represented. Wandering and reading the map of one’s steps afterwards form part of the same process: the attempt to piece together—to create a landscape—that uncovers lost or hidden histories. Sebald’s Vertigo, divided into four parts, layers the narrator’s personal wandering through Italy, Austria, and Germany, with the stories of those who were there before him, including the writers Stendhal, Kafka, and Casanova. An opposing factor to memory is a landscape’s capacity to forget; or rather, since landscape conceived here is a construction of our own minds, to reflect our own amnesia. Lewis observes that Sebald’s narrator in Vertigo “is disturbed by the suppression of history evident even in the landscape”. Sebald’s narrator describes Henri Beyle (the writer Stendhal) and his experience visiting the location of the Battle of Marengo as such:The difference between the images of the battle which he had in his head and what he now saw before him as evidence that the battle had in fact taken place occasioned in him a vertiginous sense of confusion […] In its shabbiness, it fitted neither with his conception of the turbulence of the Battle of Marengo nor the vast field of the dead on which he was now standing, alone with himself, like one meeting his doom. (17-18)The “vertiginous sense of confusion” signals a preoccupation with attempting to interpret sites of memory and, importantly, what Nora calls a “consciousness of a break with the past” (Nora 7) that characterises an interest in lieux de memoire. The confusion and feeling of unknowing is, I suggest, a characteristic of a wandering narrator. They do not quite know what they are looking for, nor what would constitute a finished wandering experience. This lack of resolution is a hallmark of the wandering narrative. A parallel can be drawn here with trauma fiction theory, which categorises a particular kind of literature that aims to recognise and represent the ethical and psychological impediments to representing trauma (Whitehead). Baumgarten describes the affective response to Sebald’s works:Here there are neither answers nor questions but a haunted presence. Unresolved, fragmented, incomplete, relying on shards for evidence, the narrator insists on the inconclusiveness of his experience: rather than arriving at a conclusion, narrator and reader are left disturbed. (272)Sebald’s narrators are illustrative literary wanderers. They demonstrate a conception of landscape that theorists such as Polster, Baer, and Ingold articulate: landscapes tell stories for those who investigate them, and are constituted by a synthesis of personal experience, the historical record, and the present condition of a place. This way of encountering a place is necessarily fragmented and can be informed by the tenets of trauma fiction, which seeks ways of representing traumatic histories by resisting linear narratives and conclusive resolutions. Modiano: Wandering in Place in ParisModiano’s The Search Warrant is another literary example of wandering in place. This autobiographical novel similarly illustrates the notion of landscape as a construction of a narrator who wanders through cities and forms landscape through an amalgamation of perception, knowledge, and memory.Although Modiano’s wandering narrator appears to be searching the Paris of the 1990s for traces of a Jewish girl, missing since the Second World War, he is also conducting an “aimless” wandering in search of traces of his own past in Paris. The novel opens with the narrator reading an old newspaper article, dated 1942, and reporting a missing fourteen-year-old girl in Paris. The narrator becomes consumed with a need to learn the fate of the girl. The search also becomes a search for his own past, as the streets of Paris from which Dora Bruder disappeared are also the streets his father worked among during the Nazi Occupation of Paris. They are also the same streets along which the narrator walked as an angst-ridden youth in the 1960s.Throughout the novel, the narrator uses a combination of facts uncovered by research, documentary evidence, and imagination, which combine with his own memories of walking in Paris. Although the fragmentation of sources creates a sense of uncertainty, together there is an affective weight, akin to Sebald’s “haunted presence”, in the layers Modiano’s narrator compiles. One chapter opens with an entry from the Clignancourt police station logbook, which records the disappearance of Dora Bruder:27 December 1941. Bruder, Dora, born Paris.12, 25/2/26, living at 41 Boulevard Ornano.Interview with Bruder, Ernest, age 42, father. (Modiano 69)However, the written record is ambiguous. “The following figures”, the narrator continues, “are written in the margin, but I have no idea what they stand for: 7029 21/12” (Modiano 69). Moreover, the physical record of the interview with Dora’s father is missing from the police archives. All he knows is that Dora’s father waited thirteen days before reporting her disappearance, likely wary of drawing attention to her: a Jewish girl in Occupied Paris. Confronted by uncertainty, the narrator recalls his own experience of running away as a youth in Paris: “I remember the intensity of my feelings while I was on the run in January 1960 – an intensity such as I have seldom known. It was the intoxication of cutting all ties at a stroke […] Running away – it seems – is a call for help and occasionally a form of suicide” (Modiano 71). The narrator’s construction of landscape is multi-layered: his past, Dora’s past, his present. Overhanging this is the history of Nazi-occupied Paris and the cultural memory of France’s collaboration with Nazi Germany.With the aid of other police documents, the narrator traces Dora’s return home, and then her arrest and detainment in the Tourelles barracks in Paris. From Tourelles, detainees were deported to Drancy concentration camp. However, the narrator cannot confirm whether Dora was deported to Drancy. In the absence of evidence, the narrator supplies other documents: profiles of those known to be deported, in an attempt to construct a story.Hena: I shall call her by her forename. She was nineteen … What I know about Hena amounts to almost nothing: she was born on 11 December 1922 at Pruszkow in Poland, and she lived at no. 42 Rue Oberkampf, the steeply sloping street I have so often climbed. (111)Unable to make conclusions about Dora’s story, the narrator is drawn back to a physical location: the Tourelles barracks. He describes a walk he took there in 1996: “Rue des Archives, Rue de Bretagne, Rue des-Filles-du-Calvaire. Then the uphill slope of the Rue Oberkampf, where Hena had lived” (Modiano 124). The narrator combines what he experiences in the city with the documentary evidence left behind, to create a landscape. He reaches the Tourelles barracks: “the boulevard was empty, lost in a silence so deep I could hear the rustling of the planes”. When he sees a sign that says “MILITARY ZONE. FILMING OR PHOTOGRAPHY PROHIBITED”, the cumulative effect of his solitary and uncertain wandering results in despair at the difficulty of preserving the past: “I told myself that nobody remembers anything anymore. A no-man’s-land lay beyond that wall, a zone of emptiness and oblivion” (Modiano 124). The wandering process here, including the narrator’s layering of his own experience with Hena’s life, the lack of resolution, and the wandering narrator’s disbelief at the seemingly incongruous appearance of a place today in relation to its past, mirrors the feeling of Sebald’s narrator at the site of the Battle of Marengo, quoted above.Earlier in the novel, after frustrated attempts to find information about Dora’s mother and father, the narrator reflects that “they are the sort of people who leave few traces. Virtually anonymous” (Modiano 23). He remarks that Dora’s parents are “inseparable from those Paris streets, those suburban landscapes where, by chance, I discovered they had lived” (Modiano 23). There is a disjunction between knowledge and something deeper, the undefined impetus that drives the narrator to walk, to search, and therefore to write: “often, what I know about them amounts to no more than a simple address. And such topographical precision contrasts with what we shall never know about their life—this blank, this mute block of the unknown” (Modiano 23). This contrast of topographical precision and the “unknown” echoes the feeling of Sebald’s narrator when contemplating sites of memory. One may wander “in place” yet still feel a sense of confusion and gaps in knowledge: this is, I suggest, an intended aesthetic effect by both authors. Reader and narrator alike feel a sense of yearning and melancholy as a result of the narrator’s wandering. Wandering out of Place in Moscow and St PetersburgWhen I travelled to Russia in 2015, I sought to document, with a Sebaldian wandering methodology, processes of finding memory both in and out of place. Like Sebald and Modiano, I was invested in hidden histories and the relationship between the physical environment and memory. Yet unlike those authors, I focused my wandering mostly on places that reflected or referenced events that occurred elsewhere rather than events that happened in that specific place. As such, I was wandering out of place.The importance of memory, both in and out of place, is a central concept in my novel The Memory Artist. The narrator, Pasha, reflects the concerns of current and past members of Russia’s civic organisation named Memorial, which seeks to document and preserve the memory of victims of Communism. Contemporary activists lament that in modern Russia the traumas of the Gulag labour camps, collectivisation, and the “Terror” of executions under Joseph Stalin, are inadequately commemorated. In a 2012 interview, Irina Flige, co-founder of the civic body Memorial Society in St Petersburg, encapsulated activists’ disappointment at seeing burial sites of Terror victims fall into oblivion:By the beginning of 2000s these newly-found sites of mass burials had been lost. Even those that had been marked by signs were lost for a second time! Just imagine: a place was found [...] people came and held vigils in memory of those who were buried there. But then this generation passed on and a new generation forgot the way to these sites – both literally and metaphorically. (Flige quoted in Karp)A shift in generation, and a culture of secrecy or inaction surrounding efforts to preserve the locations of graves or former labour camps, perpetuate a “structural deficit of knowledge”, whereby knowledge of the physical locations of memory is lost (Anstett 2). This, in turn, affects the way people and societies construct their memories. When sites of past trauma are not documented or acknowledged as such, it is more difficult to construct a narrative about those places, particularly those that confront and document a violent past. Physical absence in the landscape permits a deficit of storytelling.This “structural deficit of knowledge” is exacerbated when sites of memory are located in distant locations. The former Soviet labour camps and locations of some mass graves are scattered across vast locations far from Russia’s main cities. Yet for some, those cities now act as holding environments for the memory of lost camp locations, mass graves, and histories. For example, a monument in Moscow may commemorate victims of an overseas labour camp. Lieux de memoire shift from being “in place” to existing “out of place”, in monuments and memorials. As I walked through Moscow and St Petersburg, I had the sensation I was wandering both in and out of place, as I encountered the histories of memories physically close but also geographically distant.For example, I arrived early one morning at the Lubyanka building in central Moscow, a pre-revolutionary building with yellow walls and terracotta borders, the longstanding headquarters of the Soviet and now Russian secret police (image 1). Many victims of the worst repressive years under Stalin were either shot here or awaited deportation to Gulag camps in Siberia and other remote areas. The place is both a site of memory and one that gestures to traumatic pasts inflicted elsewhere.Image 1: The Lubyanka, in Central MoscowA monument to victims of political repression was erected near the Lubyanka Building in 1990. The monument takes the form of a stone taken from the Solovetsky Islands, an archipelago in the far north, on the White Sea, and the location of the Solovetsky Monastery that Lenin turned into a prison camp in 1921 (image 2). The Solovetsky Stone rests in view of the Lubyanka. In the 1980s, the stone was taken by boat to Arkhangelsk and then by train to Moscow. The wanderer encounters memory in place, in the stone and building, and also out of place, in the signified trauma that occurred elsewhere. Wandering out of place thus has the potential to connect a wanderer, and a reader, to geographically remote histories, not unlike war memorials that commemorate overseas battles. This has important implications for the preservation of stories. The narrator of The Memory Artist reflects that “the act of taking a stone all the way from Solovetsky to Moscow … was surely a sign that we give things and objects and matter a little of our own minds … in a way I understood that [the stone’s] presence would be a kind of return for those who did not, that somehow the stone had already been there, in Moscow” (Brabon 177).Image 2: The Monument to Victims of Political Repression, Near the LubyankaIn some ways, wandering out of place is similar to the examples of wandering in place considered here: in both instances the person wandering constructs a landscape that is a synthesis of their present perception, their individual history, and their knowledge of the history of a place. Yet wandering out of place offers a nuanced understanding of wandering by revealing the ways one can encounter the history, trauma, and memory that occur in distant places, highlighting the importance of symbols, memorials, and preserved knowledge. Image 3: Reflectons of the LubyankaConclusionThe ways a writer encounters and represents the stories that constitute a landscape, including traumatic histories that took place there, are varied and well-suited to a wandering methodology. There are notable traits of a wandering narrator: the digressive, associative form of thinking and writing, the unmapped journeys that are, despite themselves, full of compulsive purpose, and the lack of finality or answers inherent in a wanderer’s narrative. Wandering permits an encounter with memory out of place. The Solovetsky Islands remain a place I have never been, yet my encounter with the symbolic stone at the Lubyanka in Moscow lingers as a historical reminder. This sense of never arriving, of not reaching answers, echoes the narrators of Sebald and Modiano. Continued narrative uncertainty generates a sense of perpetual wandering, symbolic of the writer’s shadowy task of representing the past.ReferencesAnstett, Elisabeth. “Memory of Political Repression in Post-Soviet Russia: The Example of the Gulag.” Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence, 13 Sep. 2011. 2 Aug. 2019 <https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/memory-political-repression-post-soviet-russia-example-gulag>.Baer, Ulrich. “To Give Memory a Place: Holocaust Photography and the Landscape Tradition.” Representations 69 (2000): 38–62.Baumgarten, Murray. “‘Not Knowing What I Should Think:’ The Landscape of Postmemory in W.G. Sebald’s The Emigrants.” Partial Answers: Journal of Literature and the History of Ideas 5.2 (2007): 267–87.Brabon, Katherine. The Memory Artist. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2016.Gussow, Mel. “W.G. 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