Rozprawy doktorskie: „Phonology”

1

Green, Antony D. "Phonology limited". Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1551/.

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Phonology Limited is a study of the areas of phonology where the application of optimality theory (OT) has previously been problematic. Evidence from a wide variety of phenomena in a wide variety of languages is presented to show that interactions involving more than just faithfulness and markedness are best analyzed as involving language-specific morphological constraints rather than universal phonological constraints. OT has proved to be a highly insightful and successful theory of linguistics in general and phonology in particular, focusing as it does on surface forms and treating the relationship between inputs and outputs as a form of conflict resolution. Yet there have also been a number of serious problems with the approach that have led some detractors to argue that OT has failed as a theory of generative grammar. The most serious of these problems is opacity, defined as a state of affairs where the grammatical output of a given input appears to violate more constraints than an ungrammatical competitor. It is argued that these problems disappear once language-specific morphological constraints are allowed to play a significant role in analysis. Specifically, a number of processes of Tiberian Hebrew traditionally considered opaque are reexamined and shown to be straightforwardly transparent, but crucially involving morphological constraints on form, such as a constraint requiring certain morphological forms to end with a syllabic trochee, or a constraint requiring paradigm uniformity with regard to the occurrence of fricative allophones of stop phonemes. Language-specific morphological constraints are also shown to play a role in allomorphy, where a lexeme is associated with more than one input; the constraint hierarchy then decides which input is grammatical in which context. For example, [ɨ]/[ə] and [u]/[ə] alternation found in some lexemes but not in others in Welsh is attributed to the presence of two inputs for the lexemes with the alternation. A novel analysis of the initial consonant mutations of the modern Celtic languages argues that mutated forms are separately listed inputs chosen in appropriate contexts by constraints on morphology and syntax, rather than being outputs that are phonologically unfaithful to their unmutated inputs. Finally, static irregularities and lexical exceptions are examined and shown to be attributable to language-specific morphological constraints. In American English, the distribution of tense and lax vowels is predictable in several contexts; however, in some contexts, the distributions of tense [ɔ] vs. lax [a] and of tense [æ] vs. lax [æ] are not as expected. It is shown that clusters of output-output faithfulness constraints create a pattern to which words are attracted, which however violates general phonological considerations. New words that enter the language first obey the general phonological considerations before being attracted into the language-specific exceptional pattern.

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2

Bourgeois, Thomas Charles. "Instantiative phonology". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185709.

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Instantiative Phonology presents a model of grammatical organization whose conceptual orientation arises from the Communication System Hypothesis, the notion that natural languages are communication systems and as such have properties predicted by the Mathematical Theory of Communication (Shannon 1948). Following from this general notion is the empirical hypothesis that phonological processes identify the carriers of grammatical information and instantiate the grammatical constituents of a particular language. The thesis concerns itself with evaluating the empirical relevance of this Hypothesis of Instantiation with respect to grammatical systems. Initially, this research develops a learning mechanism with the capacity to learn a fragment of the purely phonologically conditioned rules of American English based solely on their output in a phonetic representation. While this learner demonstrates sufficient capacity to learn the fragment of American English, it cannot learn the details of this fragment if its rules apply in some order other than that supported by attested data. The properties of this learning mechanism are then used to inform the internal organization of the formal aspects of the model. This model emerges with several desirable properties, including a very restrictive interpretation of both phonological rule typology and the extrinsic ordering of phonological rules. Following this exposition, the model is evaluated through a broad investigation of the purely phonologically conditioned rules from a single language, Turkish. This evaluation reveals that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of Turkish make crucial reference to a subset of phonological features with the necessary and sufficient capacity to generate the "distinctive" inventory of the language. Further, these rules refer to the Turkish grammatical constituents syllable, morpheme, and word over a wide range of different phonological contexts, supporting the notion consistent with the Hypothesis of Instantiation that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of a language provide the user with an efficient and reliable parser of that language. This research concludes that the Hypothesis of Instantiation is borne out in language systems.

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3

Lemus, Jorge Ernesto 1961. "Phonology at two levels: A new model of lexical phonology". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289144.

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This dissertation proposes a new model of Lexical Phonology: the Two-Level Theory (TLT). The TLT consists of dividing phonological rules into two different sets. One set is active at the Lexical Level, and the other set is active at the Postlexical Level. Lexical rules are active at the Lexical Level and, possibly, at the Postlexical Level, too (the choice being language specific). This new model is a simplification of previous models that hold that rules found at the Lexical Level can be further subdivided into other strata, producing multilevel representations. This new model of Lexical Phonology is tested with regard to a number of phonological problems in Pipil (Chapter 2), in Spanish (Chapter 3), and in Malayalam (Chapter 4). These analyses within the TLT demonstrate that the multiple levels of previous analyses of comparable phenomena within these languages are unnecessary.

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4

Féry, Caroline, Sam Hellmuth, Frank Kügler i Jörg Mayer. "Phonology and intonation". Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2221/.

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The encoding standards for phonology and intonation are designed to facilitate consistent annotation of the phonological and intonational aspects of information structure, in languages across a range of prosodic types. The guidelines are designed with the aim that a nonspecialist in phonology can both implement and interpret the resulting annotation.

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5

Bird, Steven. "Constraint-based phonology". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23727.

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6

Howe, Darin Mathew. "Oowekyala segmental phonology". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ61111.pdf.

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7

Gorecka, Alicja. "Phonology of articulation". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12786.

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8

Scobbie, James M. "Attribute value phonology". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20172.

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9

Hind, Kevin. "Phonologising articulatory phonology". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/21304.

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Articulatory Phonology has been criticised as being little more than an enriched theory of phonetics, capable of handling gradient but not categorical phenomena. This thesis is an answer to such criticism, presenting one possible way in which the gestures of Articulatory Phonology can be incorporated into a systematic phonological framework both at the level of the segment and of the syllable. Segments are created by the combination of gestures in simple head-dependent relationships, where all segments contain one or more heads. A gesture is a head if it dominates the vocal tract, domination being defined in terms of the head's control of neutral articulator settings and of its coordination with other gestures within the segment. Gestural coordination within segments is thus constrained by phonological relationships without resource to arbitrary distinctions between complete, partial and minimal overlap. These headed structures provide simple accounts of a wide range of segment types such as simple and complex stops, pre- and postnasals, unaspirated and aspirated stops and affricates, as well as a number of common phonological processes such as nasal spreading and lenition. In addition, the use of gestures allows for a description of both gradient and categorical phenomena with a single set of primitives. Syllable structure is also described in terms of dependency between segments, and constituents are derived from the formal properties of the dependency relationships. The structures of Icelandic, Italian and Turkish are examined in detail, with particular attention to the representation of segmental length, preaspiration and epenthesis.

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10

Kang, Ongmi. "Korean prosodic phonology /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8428.

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11

Andrews, Christina. "Lexical phonology of Chilcotin". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28572.

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This thesis analyses the native Indian language Chilcotin through the use of the lexical phonology model. Data were collected from five speakers varying in age, dialect and sex. Chapter 1 discusses the segemental, tonal and syllabic systems in Chilcotin. Chapter 2 is a discussion of the vowel harmony process, flattening. Chapter 3 is an analysis of morphological rule formation and Chapters 4 through 7 present a discussion of the lexical and post-lexical levels. Chilcotin was found to be composed of three lexical levels and one post-lexical level.
Arts, Faculty of
Linguistics, Department of
Graduate

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12

Flemming, Edward Stanton. "Auditory representations in phonology /". New York, NY [u.a.] : Routledge, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0652/2001051083-d.html.

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13

Barrios, Shannon L. "Similarity in L2 phonology". Thesis, University of Maryland, College Park, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3600018.

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Adult second language (L2) learners often experience difficulty producing and perceiving non-native phonological contrasts. Even highly proficient bilinguals, who have been exposed to an L2 for long periods of time, struggle with difficult contrasts, such as /r/-/l/ for Japanese learners of English. To account for the relative ease or difficulty with which L2 learners perceive and acquire non-native contrasts, theories of (L2) speech perception often appeal to notions of similarity. But how is similarity best determined?

In this dissertation I explored the predictions of two theoretical approaches to similarity comparison in the second language, and asked: [1] How should L2 sound similarity be measured? [2] What is the nature of the representations that guide sound similarity? [3] To what extent can the influence of the native language be overcome?

In Chapter 2, I tested a `legos' (featural) approach to sound similarity. Given a distinctive feature analysis of Spanish and English vowels, I investigated the hypothesis that feature availability in the L1 grammar constrains which target language segments will be accurately perceived and acquired by L2 learners (Brown [1998], Brown [2000]). Our results suggest that second language acquisition of phonology is not limited by the phonological features used by the native language grammar, nor is the presence/use of a particular phonological feature in the native language grammar sufficient to trigger redeployment. I take these findings to imply that feature availability is neither a necessary, nor a sufficient condition to predict learning outcomes.

In Chapter 3, I extended a computational model proposed by Feldman et al. [2009] to nonnative speech perception, in order to investigate whether a sophisticated `rulers' (spatial) approach to sound similarity can better explain existing interlingual identification and discrimination data from Spanish monolinguals and advanced L1 Spanish late-learners of English, respectively. The model assumes that acoustic distributions of sounds control listeners' ability to discriminate a given contrast. I found that, while the model succeeded in emulating certain aspects of human behavior, the model at present is incomplete and would have to be extended in various ways to capture several aspects of nonnative and L2 speech perception.

In Chapter 4 I explored whether the phonological relatedness among sounds in the listeners native language impacts the perceived similarity of those sounds in the target language. Listeners were expected to be more sensitive to the contrast between sound pairs which are allophones of different phonemes than to sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Moreover, I hypothesized that L2 learners would experience difficulty perceiving and acquiring target language contrasts between sound pairs which are allophones of the same phoneme in their native language. Our results suggest that phonological relatedness may influence perceived similarity on some tasks, but does not seem to cause long-lasting perceptual difficulty in advanced L2 learners.

On the basis of those findings, I argue that existing models have not been adequately explicit about the nature of the representations and processes involved in similarity-based comparisons of L1 and L2 sounds. More generally, I describe what I see as a desirable target for an explanatorily adequate theory of cross-language influence in L2 phonology.

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14

Ngulube, Isaac Eyi. "The phonology of eleme". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493439.

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15

Cole, Jennifer Sandra. "Planar phonology and morphology". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/14637.

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16

Poletto, Robert E. "Topics in Runyankore phonology /". The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487953567770606.

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17

Roberts-Kohno, Rosalind Ruth. "Kikamba phonology and morphology /". The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488194825667386.

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18

Pulleyblank, Douglas George. "Tone in lexical phonology /". Dordrecht : Boston ; Lancaster : Netherlands ; GB : D. Reidel, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34931840s.

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19

Cole, Jennifer S. "Planar phonology and morphology /". New York ; London : Garland, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb356091503.

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20

Leeding, Velma J. "Anindilyakwa phonology and morphology". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1558.

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Anindilyakwa is the language spoken by over 1,000 Warnindilyakwa Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, Northern Territory. In the Australian language families, it is placed in the Groote Eylandt Family (Oates 1970:15) or the Andilyaugwan Family (Wurm 1972:117). As Yallop (1982:40) reports, Anindilyakwa and Nunggubuyu "are similiar in grammar and possibly share the distinction of being the most gramatically complex Australian languages. They are diverse in basic vocabularly, however, and are therefore allocated to separate families".

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21

Leeding, Velma J. "Anindilyakwa phonology and morphology". University of Sydney, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1558.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Anindilyakwa is the language spoken by over 1,000 Warnindilyakwa Aborigines on Groote Eylandt, Northern Territory. In the Australian language families, it is placed in the Groote Eylandt Family (Oates 1970:15) or the Andilyaugwan Family (Wurm 1972:117). As Yallop (1982:40) reports, Anindilyakwa and Nunggubuyu "are similiar in grammar and possibly share the distinction of being the most gramatically complex Australian languages. They are diverse in basic vocabularly, however, and are therefore allocated to separate families".

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22

Flemming, Edward. "Phonetic Detail in Phonology". Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227274.

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Assimilation and coarticulation both involve extending the duration of some property or feature. The similarities between these phenomena can be seen by comparing Basque vowel raising with vowel -to -vowel coarticulation in a language like English. In Basque the low vowel /a/ is raised to [el following a high vowel. This gives rise to alternations in the form of the definite suffix, /-a/ (de Rijk 1970): (1) sagar –a; 'apple (def.)'; mutil-e 'boy (def.)'. In an English sequence containing a low vowel preceded by a high vowel, like [-ilæ-] in 'relapse', the high vowel also conditions raising of the low vowel. But in spite of the parallels between these cases, standard analyses regard Basque vowel raising as phonological whereas the English vowel raising is regarded as non-phonological, being attributed to a phonetic process of coarticulation. In this paper, we will argue that this distinction is untenable. We will see that coarticulation can affect the distribution of contrasts, and therefore must be specified in the phonology. This opens up the possibility of giving a unified analysis of assimilation and coarticulation. Analyzing coarticulation as phonological implies that phonological representations contain far more phonetic detail than is usually assumed to be the case. Vowel-to-vowel coarticulation involves fine degrees of partial assimilation in that vowels assimilate only partially in quality, and the effects may extend through only part of the duration of a segment (e.g. Ohman 1966). This conclusion thus flies in the face of the standard assumption that the richness of phonological representations should be severely restricted in order to avoid over-predicting the range of possible phonological contrasts. So before we turn to evidence that coarticulation is phonological, we will lay the groundwork by examining the arguments for limiting the detail in phonological representations and show that they are based on very questionable assumptions.

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23

Rasin, Ezer. "Modular interactions in phonology". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/121841.

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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2018
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 153-162).
This thesis makes two separate claims about the architecture of phonology: (1) The computation of stress takes place in a distinct cognitive module from segmental phonology. This module is informationally encapsulated from segmental features. (2) Phonological generalizations over underlying representations can be captured in the lexicon. The claim in (1) suggests a departure from a consensus view in generative phonology since the 1950's. According to this view, multiple phonological computations, including the computation of word stress and segmental processes, are carried out in a single cognitive module known as phonology. In Chapter 1 I challenge this view in two steps. I first argue for a new phonological universal based on the stress patterns of around 400 languages: (3) STREss-ENCAPSULATION UNIVERSAL: the distribution of stress is never directly conditioned by segmental features. After reanalyzing reported counterexamples to the universal, I argue for an account of the universal in terms of a modular decomposition of phonology along the lines of (1). The claim in (2) suggests a return to the architecture of early generative phonology, in which phonological generalizations could be captured in the lexicon (using constraints on underlying representations) as well as in the mapping from underlying representations to surface forms. Most recent work in phonology has abandoned that architecture, taking the lexicon to be merely a storage place for lexical items. Chapter 2, written jointly with Roni Katzir, presents an argument for constraints on underlying representations from learnability. In Chapter 3 I develop a new theory of blocking in non-derived environments, a phenomenon that has posed a long-standing puzzle for phonological theory since the 1970's. I argue that the new theory, which relies on constraints on underlying representations, offers a better account of the phenomenon than its predecessors.
by Ezer Rasin.
Ph. D. in Linguistics
Ph.D.inLinguistics Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy

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24

Quinio, Julie. "La phonologie des emprunts français non anglicisés en anglais". Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040014/document.

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Ce travail porte sur la phonologie des emprunts français non-anglicisés, c’est-à-dire qui ne suivent pas toutes les règles de l’anglais et conservent des caractéristiques françaises. Dans la première partie, nous décrivons la méthodologie employée pour la sélection du corpus, ce qui nous amène à étudier la terminologie utilisée dans la linguistique de l’emprunt, et présentons la base de données qui servira à l’analyse de ces emprunts. Dans la seconde partie, nous supprimons de cette base de données initiale toutes les variantes anglicisées, ce qui donne lieu à de nombreuses discussions sur la phonologie de l’anglais. Enfin, la dernière partie présente l’analyse de la base de données finale, ne contenant que des variantes non-anglicisées. En partant de l’idée que ces emprunts imitent la prononciation française, nous montrons comment les phonèmes français sont adaptés en anglais, et de quelle manière les locuteurs anglophones signalent l’origine française d’un mot
This study focuses on the phonology of non-anglicized French loanwords, i.e. those which do not follow all English rules and retain French characteristics. The first part describes the methodology used for the selection of the corpus, which brings about discussions on loanword terminology, and presents the database that will be used in the analysis of these loanwords. The second part is dedicated to the deletion of the anglicized variants remaining in the database, which brings about many discussions on English phonology. Finally, the last part presents the analysis of the final database, containing only non-anglicized variants. Starting with the idea that these loanwords imitate the French pronunciation, we show how French phonemes are adapted into English, and how English speakers indicate the French origin of a word

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25

Brown, Jason Camy. "Theoretical aspects of Gitksan phonology". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7578.

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This thesis deals with the phonology of Gitksan, a Tsimshianic language spoken in northern British Columbia, Canada. The claim of this thesis is that Gitksan exhibits several gradient phonological restrictions on consonantal cooccurrence that hold over the lexicon. There is a gradient restriction on homorganic consonants, and within homorganic pairs, there is a gradient restriction on major class and manner features. It is claimed that these restrictions are due to a generalized OCP effect in the grammar, and that this effect can be relativized to subsidiary features, such as place, manner, etc. It is argued that these types of effects are best analyzed with the system of weighted constraints employed in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006). It is also claimed that Gitksan exhibits a gradient assimilatory effect among specific consonants. This type of effect is rare, and is unexpected given the general conditions of dissimilation. One such effect is the frequency of both pulmonic pairs of consonants and ejective pairs of consonants, which occur at rates higher than expected by chance. Another is the occurrence of uvular-uvular and velar-velar pairs of consonants, which also occur at rates higher than chance. This pattern is somewhat surprising, as there is a gradient prohibition on cooccurring pairs of dorsal consonants. These assimilatory patterns are analyzed using the Agreement by Correspondence approach (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004), which mandates that output correspondents agree for some phonological feature. The general discussion of assimilation and dissimilation is continued in morphological contexts, such as reduplication. It is claimed there are differences in the gradient and categorical patterns of assimilation and dissimilation in Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan reduplicative contexts. A summary of the attested reduplicative patterns in the languages, as well as results from a nonce-probe task, supports this claim. This difference between Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan is indicative of a larger difference in the reduplicative patterns of the languages of the Tsimshianic family: each member of the family exhibits slightly different patterns of deglottalization. A typological study of these patterns suggests that glottalized sonorants and obstruents are fundamentally different segment types.
Arts, Faculty of
Linguistics, Department of
Graduate

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26

Ross, Martin John Elroy. "Japanese lexical phonology and morphology". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25516.

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Over the years, phonologists working in the generative framework have encountered a number of persistent problems in their descriptions of Japanese phonology. Several of these problems concern phonological rules that sometimes do and sometimes do not apply in seemingly identical phonological environments. Many of the proposed analyses achieve observational adequacy, but, nonetheless, are intuitively dissatisfying. The first of two such problems involves the desiderative suffix -ta and the homophonous perfective inflection -ta, both of which attach to verb roots. When the verb root is vowel-final, the derivations are straightforward. (1) (a) tabe + ta + i → tabe-ta-i 'want to eat' mi + ta + i → mi-ta-i 'want to see' (b) tabe + ta → tabe-ta 'ate' mi + ta → mi-ta 'see (past)' Derivations are not so straightforward when the verb root is consonant-final. In such cases an intervening i is inserted between the root and the desiderative suffix, but not between the root and the perfective inflection. (2) (a) tat + ta + i → tat-i-ta-i 'want to stand' kat + ta + i → kat-i-ta-i 'want to win' (b) tat + ta → tat-ta 'stood' kat + ta → kat-ta 'won' McCawley (1968) is not specific in how he accounts for this differential it appears that he favours the adoption of a morphological rule such as (3) (from Koo, 1974). (3) ∅ → i / C]v__+tai Koo (1974) has attempted to reanalyze the desiderative suffix as -ita, but, since there is no evidence of W cluster simplification in the language, he is left with the even more difficult problem of deleting the initial i of the suffix following vowel-final verb roots. (4) tabe + ita + i → tabe-ta-i 'want to eat' mi + ita + i → mi-ta-i 'want to see' Maeda (1979) has chosen a boundary solution, positing that t-initial inflections are joined to verb roots by morpheme boundaries (+), while other suffixes such as the desiderative suffix are joined by a stronger boundary (:). By making the i insertion rule sensitive to boundaries of level :, the correct outputs can be derived. This solution, though, is unsatisfactory since the assignment of boundaries is not independently motivated. A second difficulty encountered by McCawley (1968) and others involves a high vowel syncopation rule that deletes the final i or u of Sino-Japanese monomorphemes when the initial consonant of a following Sino-Japanese monomorpheme is voiceless. (5) iti + too → it-too 'first class' roku + ka → rok-ka 'sixth lesson' However, a morpheme- or word-final high vowel at the boundary between a Sino-Japanese compound and a Sino-Japanese monomorpheme does not delete under those conditions insertion of i in these phonological identical environments, but (6) zi-ryoku 'magnetism' (X-Y) zi-ryoku + kei → zi-ryoku-kei 'magnetometer' (X-Y-Z) hai-tatu 'delivery' (Y-Z) betu + hai-tatu → betu-hai-tatu 'special delivery' (X-Y-Z) McCawley accounts for this pattern by invoking internal boundaries of different strengths: + and #. (7) iti + too roku + ka zi + ryoku # kei betu # hai + tatu He claims, then, that high vowel syncopation is sensitive to boundaries of strength + and is, therefore, blocked from applying to the u of zi + ryoku # kei. His analysis is correct, but his assignment of boundary strengths is rather arbitrary. Analyses such as the two above which appeal to boundary strength hierarchies have often been intuitively dissatisfying because of a lack of independent motivation. The relatively recent theory of lexical morphology and phonology as formulated by Kiparsky (1982) is ideally suited for this type of problem. One of the theory's most compelling attributes is that phonological processes may be put into a much broader context that includes morphological processes as well. This more integrated approach is often able to fit formerly isolated facts into a network of related facts to provide compelling independent motivation for diverse processes. The purpose of this thesis, then, is to fit i insertion, high vowel syncopation, and other Japanese phonological processes into the lexical phonology network to see exactly how they are related to each other and to the morphological phenomena of the language.
Arts, Faculty of
Linguistics, Department of
Graduate

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27

Apoussidou, Diana. "The learnability of metrical phonology". Utrecht : Amsterdam : LOT ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2007. http://dare.uva.nl/document/41607.

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28

Brown, Jason Camy. "Theoretical aspects of Gitskan phonology". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7578.

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This thesis deals with the phonology of Gitksan, a Tsimshianic language spoken in northern British Columbia, Canada. The claim of this thesis is that Gitksan exhibits several gradient phonological restrictions on consonantal cooccurrence that hold over the lexicon. There is a gradient restriction on homorganic consonants, and within homorganic pairs, there is a gradient restriction on major class and manner features. It is claimed that these restrictions are due to a generalized OCP effect in the grammar, and that this effect can be relativized to subsidiary features, such as place, manner, etc. It is argued that these types of effects are best analyzed with the system of weighted constraints employed in Harmonic Grammar (Legendre et al. 1990, Smolensky & Legendre 2006). It is also claimed that Gitksan exhibits a gradient assimilatory effect among specific consonants. This type of effect is rare, and is unexpected given the general conditions of dissimilation. One such effect is the frequency of both pulmonic pairs of consonants and ejective pairs of consonants, which occur at rates higher than expected by chance. Another is the occurrence of uvular-uvular and velar-velar pairs of consonants, which also occur at rates higher than chance. This pattern is somewhat surprising, as there is a gradient prohibition on cooccurring pairs of dorsal consonants. These assimilatory patterns are analyzed using the Agreement by Correspondence approach (Hansson 2001, Rose & Walker 2004), which mandates that output correspondents agree for some phonological feature. The general discussion of assimilation and dissimilation is continued in morphological contexts, such as reduplication. It is claimed there are differences in the gradient and categorical patterns of assimilation and dissimilation in Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan reduplicative contexts. A summary of the attested reduplicative patterns in the languages, as well as results from a nonce-probe task, supports this claim. This difference between Coast Tsimshian and Gitksan is indicative of a larger difference in the reduplicative patterns of the languages of the Tsimshianic family: each member of the family exhibits slightly different patterns of deglottalization. A typological study of these patterns suggests that glottalized sonorants and obstruents are fundamentally different segment types.

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29

Chew, Peter. "A computational phonology of Russian". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324285.

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30

Baggett, David McAdams. "A system for computational phonology". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/36535.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, 1995.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-129).
by David McAdams Baggett.
M.S.

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31

Kern, Gretchen. "Rhyming grammars and Celtic phonology". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/101523.

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Thesis: Ph. D. in Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2015.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 158-161).
This dissertation broadens our understanding of a typology of poetic rhyme through the analysis of three rhyming traditions that show unconventional patterns in the contents, position, and size of rhyme domains. The rhyme domain (RD) is a string of segments that stand in correspondence with another string of segments in a poetic constituent. In Early Irish poetry, strict identity of consonants in RDs is not required, but consonants instead correspond based on membership in defined classes. These classes correlate with sonority levels. Though analysis of VCC and bisyllabic rhymes, which match for sonority, but not featural identity, across the RD, I show that poetic rhyme can be sensitive to the sonority profile of a rhyme, and not just to similarity of segments. Statistical analysis of a rhyming corpus provides further evidence for this. Old Norse skaldic rhyme shows an unusual position for RDs. Rather than occurring at the end of two lines in a couplet, both RDs appear in the middle of a single line. One of these RDs will occupy the penultimate syllable of a bisyllabic word, which means that the rhyme will begin and end word-internally. This gives evidence for rhyme being based not on a syllable rime, but on the interval: a metrical constituent that spans from one vowel to the following vowel including all intervening consonants. The four types of Welsh cynghanedd I analyze present challenges in terms of the size, position, and contents of the RD. In all four types, the RDs occur with in a single line, like skaldic, but the position, size, and number of the RDs are less predictable. The RDs may span the entire line, or may contain only a single interval or consonant each. My analysis shows that all four types of cynghanedd can be analyzed as separate poetic grammars drawing on the same set of constraints in different rankings. A few constraints maintain a fixed ranking across all four cynghanedd grammars. Analysis of these three apparent outliers contributes to the development of a typology of rhyme, showing that even extreme cases draw on familiar concepts to define their RDs.
by Gretchen Kern.
Ph. D. in Linguistics

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32

Csirmaz, Aniko. "Semantics and phonology in syntax". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33695.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2005.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-248).
In this thesis I argue that morphology should be allowed to interpret not only the information provided by the syntactic component, but also compositional semantic properties. This conception of grammar requires morphology to interact LF and the semantic component in addition to syntax. Applying this hypothesis, I account for the alternation between partitive and non-partitive structural case in Finnish, which is affected by the semantic property of divisibility. I argue that the property of divisibility, which is relevant for case alternation, is determined within Spell-out domains, which are interpreted immediately following Spell-out. Building on these domains as affecting case marking, I derive the differences between divisibility affecting case morphology and the property of divisibility as determined in the final semantic interpretation. I also discuss the properties of negated event predicates in detail, and argue for a specific view of the semantic import of negation on aspect. I show that in spite of the apparent semantic similarities, the effects of negation on Finnish case marking cannot be assimilated to the instances of case alternation determined by divisibility.
(cont.) I extend this conclusion and discuss the nature of divisibility licensed by negation crosslinguistically in more detail. Finally, I consider further areas where the interaction between semantics and morphology or the phonological form can be detected. I argue that while some of these interactions can be treated by assuming that the latter components are sensitive to semantic properties, not all interactions can be described this way. In general, however, permitting the interaction between semantics and morphology or phonology is desirable and leads to a more economical system, where the number of non-convergent derivations is minimized.
by Aniko Csirmaz.
Ph.D.

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33

Green, Antony Dubach [Verfasser]. "Phonology limited / Antony Dubach Green". Potsdam : Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://d-nb.info/1219991279/34.

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34

DAVIS, STUART MICHAEL. "TOPICS IN SYLLABLE GEOMETRY (PHONOLOGY)". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187997.

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A central topic of recent research in phonological theory has been the syllable and the question of its internal structure. A common view that emerges from this work is that the syllable consists of two major constituents, the onset and the rhyme. A careful scrutiny of the major arguments for the rhyme, however, reveals that the class of phonological generalizations (rule-types) that are only supposed to make reference to elements within the rhyme make reference to other elements as well. To cite one example, some stress rules are required to make reference to onsets. Moreover, there is other evidence in addition to that from stress rules. Phonotactic constraints can hold across segments in the onset and segments within the constituents of the rhyme. Thus, arguments which have been cited to support the rhyme actually do not support it when additional evidence is taken into consideration. In addition, I demonstrate that analyses of stress rules sensitive to the rhyme and formulated in the metrical framework are also compatible with a rhymeless syllable containing an onset, a nucleus, and a coda. In fact, when onset-sensitive stress rules are considered (and these have not really been considered in the literature until now) it is the latter type of syllable that is best able to handle such stress rules. Finally, external evidence that bears on the nature of syllable structure, such as the "movement" phenomena involved in speech errors and language games, provides indirect support for a syllable that consists of onset, nucleus, and coda, and not a structure containing an onset and a rhyme. I conclude that the syllable structure with the highest degree of descriptive and explanatory adequacy is one that only consists of an onset, a nucleus, and coda.

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35

Morris, Richard E. "Stylistic variation in Spanish phonology". The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1232556920.

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36

Hammond, Michael. "Input Optimisation: phonology and morphology". CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623075.

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In this paper, I provide a unified account of three frequency effects in phonology. First, typologically marked elements are underrepresented. Second, phonological changes are underrepresented. Third, morphologically conditioned phonological changes are overrepresented. These effects are demonstrated with corpus data from English and Welsh. I show how all three effects follow from a simple conception of phonological complexity. Further, I demonstrate how this notion of complexity makes predictions about other phenomena in these languages, and that these predictions are borne out. I model this with traditional Optimality Theory, but the proposal is consistent with any constraint-based formalism that weights constraints in some way.

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37

Farris-Trimble, Ashley. "Cumulative faithfulness effects in phonology". [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3330793.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Linguistics, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 20, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-10, Section: A, page: 3926. Adviser: Daniel A. Dinnsen.

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38

Kamińska, Tatiana Ewa. "Problems in Scottish English phonology /". Tübingen : M. Niemeyer, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35784831c.

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39

Rastall, Paul Richard. "Empirical phonology and cartesian tables /". Lewiston (N.Y.) ; Lampeter (G.B.) : Mellen university press, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb356592883.

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40

Baker, Gary Kenneth. "Palatal phenomena in spanish phonology". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0006662.

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41

Heo, Yong. "Empty categories and Korean phonology". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1994. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29201/.

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This thesis discusses the behaviour of empty nuclei in Korean. The theory of Charm and Government is the framework on which my analysis is based. GP claims that a nucleus which dominates a vowel that regularly undergoes elision in specific contexts is underlyingly empty. Whether or not an empty nucleus is realised phonetically is not a question of representation, but is a question of interpretation. In the first chapter, I present the relevant facts involving word (or domain)-internal empty nuclei. [i]-zero alternation in verbal suffixation is also shown in this chapter. In the second chapter, I discuss the syllable structure of Korean. I propose that the rhyme does not branch in this language. Following this, an apparent consonant cluster is in fact separated by an empty nucleus. This is followed by the third and fourth chapters with the consideration of domain-internal and final empty nuclei in Korean. I show that the domain-final empty nucleus in Korean is licensed. A domain-internal empty nucleus may or may not be phonetically interpreted depending on proper government and inter-onset government. The properties of domain-final empty nuclei in Korean are discussed in the fifth chapter. We will see that domain-final empty nuclei in Korean do not have government-licensing properties. As for the apparent exceptional cases where [i] is pronounced in domain-final position, I account for these with evidence that they are morphologically complex. In the final chapter, I discuss [i]-zero alternation in verbal and nominal suffixations. In the case of nominal suffixation, [i]-zero alternation between the stem and suffix is exactly the same as in morphologically simplex words, thus, is accounted for by proper government and interonset government. On the other hand, [i]-zero alternation in verbal suffixation is somewhat different from that in morphologically simplex words.

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42

Ruthan, Mohammed Qasem. "English Loanword phonology in Arabic". OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1361.

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There has been an increase in interest among researchers in the study of loanword phonology, but only limited studies have been carried out on the phonology of English loanwords in Arabic. Thus, there is a need for more linguistic studies to shed light on the borrowing of English loanwords into Arabic. A significant issue that has been the subject of an ongoing debate is whether adaptation processes are part of perception or production. This study investigated the phonology of English loanwords in Arabic. In the process, it discussed the phonetic and phonemic approaches that have been controversial in loanword adaptation. The study questioned whether the absence of phonemes in the Arabic phonemic inventory equivalent to certain English target phonemes affected EFL and ESL learners' pronunciation of English loanwords differently. It also examined whether they substituted phonemes, and if so, whether the two groups of speakers used the same phonemes for substitution or used different ones. A list of 29 loanwords was compiled and used to examine the productions of 15 EFL learners from Salman University and 15 ESL learners from the Center for English as a Second Language in Southern Illinois University. Examining the effects of the Arabic Ll on the production of loanwords via transfer, approximation, the Markedness Differential Hypothesis, and Optimality Theory showed that these English loanwords had undergone certain phonological modifications. Both EFL and ESL learners reflected native Arabic phonological processes, while only ESL learners reflected universal patterns, such as VOT approximation, that followed neither the phonological system of Arabic nor that of English. Consequently, the findings of the study contribute to a better understanding of how both phonology and phonetics are related to English loanwords in Arabic. Further research is suggested to investigate different aspects of loanword phonology, such as the effects of orthography.

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43

Williams, A. Lynn. "SCIP: Sound Contrasts in Phonology". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://www.scipapp.com/.

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Book Summary: SCIP gives you the most comprehensive collection of contrastive sound pairs so you can have a treatment tool right at your fingertips on your iPad. This evidence-based app consisted of thousands of hours of research, where nearly 100 expert SLPs in six national test sites participated compared traditional methods of creating materials to using SCIP. The results were astounding: the new SCIP app requires virtually no prep work, saving Speech-Language Pathologists vital time.

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44

Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. "Investigations into Polish morphology and phonology". Cambridge, MA : Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology : Distributed by MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/21980562.html.

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45

Donegan, Patricia J. "On the natural phonology of vowels". New York : Garland Pub, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12344168.html.

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46

Drews, Aaron E. "Interdialect phonology in second dialect acquisition". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24537.

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Interdialect phonology is the phonological system of speakers who have acquired some of the distinguishing attributes of a second dialect. An interdialect is the stage ‘in between’ speaking one’s native dialect and fully acquiring a second dialect. An interdialect - in parallel with an interlanguage - functions as the second dialect competence, even if the second dialect is not fully acquired. The ‘mid-Atlantic dialect’ is an example of an interdialect. This study is based on Chambers (1992) and examines the phonologies of American families living in the London area. Additionally, British families living in North America were also recorded and examined in this thesis. This thesis does not show how a second dialect is acquired, per se, but how the interdialect phonology develops as part of the second dialect acquisition process. This thesis shows what an interdialect is. Given the inherent closeness between two dialects, this thesis discusses the relationship between the interdialect, the native phonological competence and the second dialect target. Several phonological phenomena are examined in this thesis: medial /t/; the relationship between the low front vowel /æ/ and the low back vowel a:/; the status of the vowels represented by the pair caught and cot; the realisations of syllable-rhyme-r. A phonological description of each of these variables is given for both standard General American English and standard Southern British English. The phonological structure of these differences between the dialects is then highlighted. This thesis shows how these differences develop in the interdialect phonology and show how realisational differences develop differently than phonemic differences.

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47

Siddaramaiah, Chandrashekar. "Lexical morphology and phonology of Kannada". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5526.

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48

Phakkahn, Naiyapak. "Phonology and Grammar Sketch of Yoy". Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10638626.

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Yoy is an endangered language of Thailand and Laos. The language belongs to the Tai-Kadai language family; however it has not yet been determined exactly which branch the language belongs to. Yoy has not been studied before and very limited resources are available regarding the classification of this language. The main objective of this thesis is to present a phonological description of Yoy by analyzing a set of 1,000 lexical items from selected speakers of the language. It also presents the grammar sketch which includes a description of word structure and syntactic structure of the language. The sketch structure of the grammar partially follows the outline of the language description from Grammar of Lao by Enfield.

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49

Muzaffar, Towhid Bin. "Computer simulation of Shawnee historical phonology". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq25868.pdf.

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50

Balci, Ercan. "Turkish consonants a government phonology analysis". Saarbrücken VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2006. http://d-nb.info/988970643/04.

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