Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Perth(W.A.)”

On sandy soil near Esperance, W.A., prevention of burr burial compared with covering developing burrs with sand drastically reduced the seed production of three subspp. of Trifolium subterraneum (brachycalycinum, subterraneum and yanninicum) and of T. israeliticum by reducing burr production and seed weight. However, T. globosum produced similar amounts of seed from unburied and buried burrs. On sandy soil at Shenton Park, Perth, W.A., prevention of burr burial also reduced seed production of T. subterraneum subspp. brachycalycinum and subterraneum, this being due to fewer burrs, fewer seeds per burr and lighter seed. For subsp. brachycalycinum, seed yields were two to five times greater from burrs which developed within loose gravel than from those developed over sand (in which fewer burrs were able to bury) as a result of increased production of burrs, more seeds per burr and heavier seed. However, for subsp. subterraneum seed yields were similar from burrs whether developed over gravel or sand.

Seeds of great brome, B. diandrus, were collected from 14 sites across southern Australia and sown at Perth, W.A. The duration of seed dormancy varied among the seed accessions when produced at the common field site of Perth, which suggested that variations in dormancy were genetically controlled. The environment of Perth shortened the duration of dormancy in all the accessions but did not affect their ranking, indicating a lack of genotype x environment interaction. The duration of dormancy was positively correlated (r = 0.78) with the duration of the rain-free summers of the site of collection. Dormancy was not due to hard-seededness and non-dormant seeds germinated within 40 h of wetting at 20�C. The seed dormancy was limited to about 5 months under the storage conditions examined. Dormant seed was stimulated to germinate by gibberellic acid (2.89 mM) and dormant seed of the accession from Geraldton also responded to removal of the lemma and palea or to leaching with water. The time taken for accessions to 'panicle peep' was positively correlated (r = 0.83) with the length of the rainy winters of the sites of collection. The results show great brome has adapted genetically to the climate of southern Australia. Cropping systems that exploit the lack of residual dormancy and the potential for rapid and complete germination s

Thirteen new or little-known freshwater ciliates from Perth, W.A., and Adelaide, S.A., are described: Urotricha furcata Schewiakoff, 1892; Coleps amphacanthus Ehrenberg, 1833; Fuscheria nodosa Foissner, 1983; Lacrymaria australis, sp. nov.; Acineria uncinata Tucolesco, 1962; Litonotus lamella (Mnller, 1773); Loxophyllum australe, sp. nov.; Naxella australis, sp. nov.; Microthorax australis, sp. nov.; Blepharisma americanum (Suzuki, 1954); Stenosemella lacustris, sp. nov.; Oxytricha australis, sp. nov.; and Urosomoida perthensis, sp. nov. Descriptions are based on live observations, protargol and silver nitrate stained specimens and biometry. All species represent new records for the fauna of Australia. A new species, Naxella faurei, sp. nov., is established for Nassula lateritia Faure-Fremiet, 1967 and a new diagnosis is given for Litonotus lamella (Mnller, 1773).

Ustilago spinificis, a floral smut of Spinifex hirsutus and S. sericeus, was collected across southern Australia from Yanchep, W.A. on the west coast to Seaspray, Vic, on the south-eastern coast and from the North Island of New Zealand. The host plants are most abundant on beaches with extensive sand dunes and the smut is common in regions where the host is abundant. The distribution limits for the smut are set by the replacement of S. hirsutus by a non-host, S. longifolius, north of Perth on the west coast; by the absence or rarity of host plants on rocky coastlines across the Great Australian Bight and in the SE. and SW. corners of Australia; and by the limited occurrence of host plants on the east coast of Australia. Spinifex inflorescences were sampled on 33 beaches and on the 29 beaches where smut was found the mean frequency of smutted inflorescences was 22%. These high infection rates represent a natural epidemic of a plant disease and data on other natural populations of smut fungi are presented to show that these results are not exceptional.

A pragmatic randomised controlled trial comparing a minimally invasive approach based on atraumatic restorative treatment (ART) procedures (test) was tested against the standard-care approach (control) to treat early childhood caries (ECC) in a primary-care setting in Perth, W.A., Australia. Parent/child dyads with ECC were allocated to the test or control group using stratified block randomisation. Children were examined at baseline and follow-up by two calibrated examiners blinded to group allocation status. Dental therapists trained in ART provided treatment to the test group and dentists treated the control group. Restoration quality was evaluated at follow-up using the ART criteria. Data were analysed on an intention-to-treat basis; test of proportions, Wilcoxon rank test and logistic regression, controlling for clustering of teeth, were used. Two hundred and fifty-four children were randomised (test = 127 and control = 127). There was no statistically significant difference in age, sex and baseline caries experience between the test and control groups. At follow-up (mean interval 11.4 months, SD 3.1), 220 children were examined (test = 115 and control = 105) and 597 teeth (test = 417 and control = 180) were evaluated for restoration quality, of which 16.8% (test) and 6.7% (control) were judged to have failed (required replacement; p < 0.01). Intention-to-treat, multiple logistic regression found multisurface restorations (OR = 10.4) had significantly higher odds of failure, while referral for specialist paediatric care had significantly lower odds of restoration failure (OR = 0.2). The ART-based approach enabled more children and teeth to be treated, and multisurface restoration and treatment in a primary-care setting had higher odds of restoration failure.

Prologue It's not what I am but what I do. Or is it? The relationship between doing and being is the theme of these three explorations of cultural "identity". The first is a search for the ways in which the Jewish preoccupation with eating, talking, and talking-about-eating, works to create, embody, enact, and/or produce Jewishness. Felicity provides an example of the formation of identities through one specific practice: "eating". Tracey questions the use of identity in a particular site: law. She replaces the notion of identity with something ostensibly different which is based on a collection of practices. The concept of a collection of practices is picked up by Reece as a way of doing something other than (the usual understanding of) "identity politics" with sexual subjectivities. If a conclusion can be taken away from these three related pieces, it would be that one can't help but fall into cultural or collective subject positions, regardless of the problematic of essentialised identities, but that these are derived from common (ordinary, everyday) cultural practices. It is the doing that gives rise to the being. These remain crucial sites of investigation. The Jew: Felicity It's nauseating really, the clamour to claim an identity: ethnicity is particularly fashionable. But then I can say that, because I'm ethnic, even if "impossibly" (as Jon Stratton puts it). Suddenly everyone is searching the attic; ethnicities which were once millstones have now become markers. I'm not so sure how much otherness I can claim, though. After all, where I grew up, in Bondi, being Jewish was de rigeur and consequently mundane. Removing myself made me different. It was only after leaving Bondi that I experienced anti-semitism. Living without Jews I have become very Jewish, if fraudulently. Certainly, I'm seen to be ethnic, and academia embraces means 'authentic'. But I have known "real" Jews, so I know myself to be "not them", and this still doesn't displace my suspicion of the concept of authenticity because, after all, I don't say "there is an authentic", I say "I'm not it". I eat ham on Saturday. My parents were not Holocaust survivors. I'm not married, let alone to a Jew. Even so, I have a mezzuzah on my door. It lives comfortably with my pantheism. My child is Jewish. I cook matzo balls that are fluffy everytime. Of course, we could say, it's "globalisation" and that "postmodern" blurring of boundaries that's behind it all. As we intermarry, eat each other's food and become more alike, we desperately search for ways of inscribing difference. Jewish food may not be as sexy as Thai, but it too has been appropriated. Just think of the bagel. Jewish food, the ways of eating it and the talk which goes on about it, and while eating it, are what have made me feel Jewish. I use Jewish food and foodways to introduce my child to the notion of being Jewish in an even more secular world than the one I inhabited as a child. I once asked my mother why she cut the claws off chicken wings before cooking them. -- Because we're Jewish, that's what we do. I have never forgotten; I always cut the claws off, even if I'm only making stock. I never even asked why again, and I don't think she could have told me anyway. Jewish foodways serve to make Jews conscious of their difference when performing the most mundane of everyday acts. We're talking about creating certain kinds of (perhaps "docile") bodies here, bodies whose every act reinscribes their cultural identity. Eating ham makes me feel Jewish because I shouldn't do it. When I do, I am not just anybody eating a ham sandwich; I am Jew eating ham -- it is an abomination and I know this even if I don't believe it. So what does it mean to be Jewish and how does it show? Are there any necessary and sufficient parameters of Jewishness (and I mean this in a cultural rather than a strictly religious sense)? Because there's "being Jewish" and there's "being recognised as being Jewish". I recently ran into a woman, an academic I'd met several times before, only this time I was wearing my Magen David. -- Oh! she said, you are Jewish, I thought so... . I am too, but it's not the sort of thing you ask somebody. We both laughed, then I said: -- Yes, but our mothers would! Jews recognise each other as such, when gentiles might not, and this is probably true of many groups linked by cultural practices. How does this happen, how do you learn to become Jewish? My answer is that it's all about food, and the ultimate expression of the importance of food to Jews is the Seder, an occasion when story and food combine in such a way that the meal tells a story, the story of Exodus. And just to give it a little extra cachet, that meal has also become a defining moment for Christianity. I employ the Seder as my vehicle for the exploration of Jewishness; as a metaphor for Jewish foodways. Passover is a lot like Christmas, because even the most secular of Jews will pay lip-service, even if it's just the purchase of a box of matzo. My mission appears to find out how it is that this preoccupation with eating, talking and talking-about-eating works to create Jewishness. The Lawyer: Tracey My colleagues speak here of "identities". Such a sexy tag. But describing myself as "a lawyer" doesn't exactly feel too sexy. It feels a little fraudulent as well, since I do law but I don't practice law in the conventional sense. I don't own a briefcase; playing dress-ups is donning my Spice Girls boots. If I were to wear a wig, it wouldn't be grey. And the closest I get to St Georges Terrace (aka "Law Suit Drive") is the Perth Myers store. So what is the marker of authenticity for these other identity groups, vis-à-vis my own? How is that I "do" law (probably as well as Reece does lesbian and Felicity does Jewish) and yet I'm not counted as lawyer? The difference might be the degree to which "identity" touches upon one's soul, one's sense of being. And while "doing law" might connect me to a fraternity of other people who do law in a variety of ways, it's not what I am when I wake up on a non-work morning. It's what I do, but it isn't what I am. Law may have a culture, but it isn't a culture. This isn't to say that studying law and taking on the professional mantle of law doesn't affect me outside of work. Clearly, to engage with any discipline, even on a purely "academic" level, I must establish that I can engage with it discursively. I'd have to consult with my learned friends on this one, but I submit that the flow between this particular work life and home life is not transparent to those who knew me BL (before law) and AL (after law). But it only touches my identity on the fringes. It's not centrally a part of my being. There might be radars that are alerted from Jew to Jew, or from lesbian to lesbian without a word being spoken. But take a lawyer out of the space of work and I doubt that you'd recognise her as one. No law-person-to-law-person "wink" or tilt of the head; no "I know what you do, so do I" sort of look. And yet clearly there are ways in which those doing law, whether through practising, studying or teaching, do form alliances and adopt markers of community, apart from the driving of quite posh cars (perhaps there's even a signature car for successful law people, a community of which I'm patently not a part). There are cultural associations. However, these aren't necessarily attached simply to law as a broad category. Instead, I think the attachments exist in the ways in which one engages with the law; they're loose groupings formed on the basis of what it is one wishes to achieve with and through that institution. This might be what permits a parallel between my "community" -- or whatever it is one wishes to call their social organisation -- and the communities (aka "identities") of my co-writers. That is, while my identity might not be constructed with a view to law-ing, I will at times come into play with others who read law, becoming part of a community of people who read law in a particular (for example, legalistic) fashion. At other times, I might do law in other ways with other people; for example with feminist lawyers, thereby becoming part of a different community. It's about the practices upon which we hang these relationships. It's what is done and for what purpose. Isn't this what one does when coming together with others under a single "identity", or when they form alliances within that identity grouping? In short, I might not have a sexy identity but, no doubt, I have something that looks like identity in the formation of communities of practices. I might not walk proud, but at different times, for different reasons, I belong -- and at other times, I don't. The Dyke: Reece Who are we and how does that relate to politics? Having spent a futile decade or more trying to get the answer right, many of us gave up and argued that the question was wrong. Insisting that it's 'our' party (organisation, collective, music festival, nightclub, Mardi Gras, Pride parade...) didn't help because the next round of questions always returned -- or at least threatened to -- to questions like: "Who do we mean when we say 'ours'?" "Who don't we mean?" "Who makes the guest list, and who gets to spend the evening in the 'bin' (repository of undesirables)?" Besides, "Who decides anyway?" Not having recourse to a "proper" answer -- the sort of answer one could give a quick press and pop on for any occasion -- one strategy has been to depend on a sort of tactical vagueness when drawing up the guest list. "Not straight" will do. But, given that straight is taken as "heteronormative" (the "two point two kids, one spouse, good suburb, lights on, no fantasy, pervert free" model in which sex/gender/sexuality are not only true, but line up, utterly), such a move makes for a potentially exhaustive list. So "queer" becomes the statistical norm. And who, except the Rev Fred and the WA Liberal government front bench, would elect to be seen dead in a yesterday category like "heteronormative"? A related, and much stronger version of this, is to argue that identity, as in identity politics, is neither possible nor desirable. The problem, it seems, is not the content of GLBTQ or whatever identity categories, but our understanding of identity per se. In some wild and woeful accounts, however, a lack of absolute identity slides into an absolute lack of identity (no essential identity, therefore, essentially, no identity), making any claim to an "us" necessarily futile. Post "identity politics" becomes "post-identity" politics. And even if identity were possible, the story goes, it is a regulatory regime. As such, it creates a "bin", an anathema to an anti-oppressive politic. If sexuality is fluid, mobile, partial, not reducible to the homo/heterodivide etc., then the most useful project would be to destabilise the regulatory regimes by which the logic of identity (and the bin) is held in place. These moves, simultaneously, mobilise an all-inclusive category (queer), retain specificities (G,L,B,T,Q) and undo the whole edifice (queer as critique of all "identity"). Another move is, of course, to avoid the mistake of slipping between "no absolute truth" and "absolutely no truth" and, instead, to ask how we go about making up what we do, including who we are, (à la Sedgwick, Halberstram, etc.), what purpose it serves, and for whom. My question then is how "same-sex" has been used, by what "communities of sign users", in the formation of which subject positions, and with what effects. Sometimes the "community of sign users" is the same as "queer community" ("queer community" may be an oxymoron in some quarters, but there are no signs of its immanent withdrawal from "community" circulation, regardless of contamination or logical impossibility). In other instances, the "community of sign users" is not so readily identified in terms of our existing identity markers (maybe we need Eve's nonce taxonomies?), like "pro- and anti-gay law reformists" for instance. And sometimes the subjectivities in question are marked "queerly" (G,L,B,T,Q, for example(s)). Others are not necessarily marked as "sexual" at all, yet are brought into being by and for their relation to queer (in the extended sense). The "Average West Australian", for instance, bears a very specific relation to "same-sex" when used by Peter Foss (W.A. Attorney-General) to argue for continuing legalised discrimination on the grounds of sexuality. Critiques of "identity politics" rightly focus on the nonsense that what we do, unproblematically, is who or what we are. Nevertheless, some sense of 'who or what', some sense of identity, remains crucial to the ways in which we (and they) negotiate the world, even if that identity, like the "Average West Australian", is not necessarily understood as such. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Felicity Newman, Tracey Summerfield & Reece Plunkett. "Three Cultures from the "Inside": or, A Jew, a Lawyer and a Dyke Go into This Bar..." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/country.php>. Chicago style: Felicity Newman, Tracey Summerfield & Reece Plunkett, "Three Cultures from the "Inside": or, A Jew, a Lawyer and a Dyke Go into This Bar...," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 2 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/country.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Felicity Newman, Tracey Summerfield & Reece Plunkett. (2000) Three cultures from the "inside": or, a jew, a lawyer and a dyke go into this bar... M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(2). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/country.php> ([your date of access]).

In September 2008, the Lord Mayor of Perth announced her vision for Perth to be more ‘gayfriendly’. Her vision aroused some dissonance from the ultra conservatives. The aim of this thesis is to determine the attractiveness of Perth as a lesbian destination. The significance of this study is to understand local lesbian residents’ perceptions of Perth as a ‘lesbian-friendly’ destination, and to evaluate the motivation and satisfaction of lesbian-tourists to Perth. The methodology used included participation observation at the 2009 Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras Parade; a semi-structured focus group interview of 4 self-identified lesbian Perth residents, and a purposive sample, using snowball effect, of 112 self-identified lesbians for an on-line survey. The data was analysed using content and statistical analysis. The findings were interpreted using a social constructivist approach, within a male feminist framework. The findings indicated that slightly over a quarter of lesbian Perth residents felt that Perth is ‘lesbian-friendly’ (27%). Whilst ‘culture and sights’ was the top motivator for a lesbian vacation (94%), ‘visiting friends and family’ was the top motivator for lesbian tourists visiting Perth (71%). Slightly over a tenth of lesbian tourists were satisfied with lesbian attractions in Perth (13%). Overall, only a small number of respondents found Perth to be their first-choice ‘lesbian-friendly’ destination (6%), with an overwhelming majority wanting to see more lesbian attractions (85%), and 5% agreeing that there are sufficient lesbian venues. These results strongly suggest that Perth is not ‘lesbian-friendly’, and lacks attractions and venues as an attractive lesbian tourist destination. Recommendations for further research arising from these findings include undertaking a comparison between Perth and other Australian cities in terms of lesbian tourism.

[Truncated abstract] Perth is the capital city of Western Australia (WA) and the home of more than three quarters of the population in the state. It is located in the southwest WA (SWWA), a low to moderate seismic region but the seismically most active region in Australia. The 1968 ML6.9 Meckering earthquake, which was about 130 km from the Perth Metropolitan Area (PMA), caused only minor to moderate damage in PMA. With the rapid increase in population in PMA, compared to 1968, many new structures including some high-rise buildings have been constructed in PMA. Moreover, increased seismic activities and a few strong ground motions have been recorded in the SWWA. Therefore it is necessary to evaluate the seismic risk of PMA under the current conditions. This thesis presents results from a comprehensive study of seismic risk of PMA. This includes development of ground motion attenuation relations, ground motion time history simulation, site characterization and response analysis, and structural response analysis. As only a very limited number of earthquake strong ground motion records are available in SWWA, it is difficult to derive a reliable and unbiased strong ground motion attenuation model based on these data. To overcome this, in this study a combined approach is used to simulate ground motions. First, the stochastic approach is used to simulate ground motion time histories at various epicentral distances from small earthquake events. Then, the Green's function method, with the stochastically simulated time histories as input, is used to generate large event ground motion time histories. Comparing the Fourier spectra of the simulated motions with the recorded motions of a ML6.2 event in Cadoux in June 1979 and a ML5.5 event in Meckering in January 1990, provides good evidence in support of this method. This approach is then used to simulate a series of ground motion time histories from earthquakes of varying magnitudes and distances. ... The responses of three typical Perth structures, namely a masonry house, a middle-rise reinforced concrete frame structure, and a high-rise building of reinforced concrete frame with core wall on various soil sites subjected to the predicted earthquake ground motions of different return periods are calculated. Numerical results indicate that the one-storey unreinforced masonry wall (UMW) building is unlikely to be damaged when subjected to the 475-year return period earthquake ground motion. However, it will suffer slight damage during the 2475-return period earthquake ground motion at some sites. The six-storey RC frame with masonry infill wall is also safe under the 475-year return period ground motion. However, the infill masonry wall will suffer severe damage under the 2475-year return period earthquake ground motion at some sites. The 34-storey RC frame with core wall will not experience any damage to the 475-year return period ground motion. The building will, however, suffer light to moderate damage during the 2475-year return period ground motion, but it might not be life threatening.

Venous thromboembolism (VTE), comprising deep venous thrombosis (DVT) and pulmonary embolism (PE), is a common and preventable cause of morbidity among individuals and hospital in-patient mortality. Further, it imposes a substantial burden upon the community and its health care system and economy. Studies performed in Western societies suggest that the annual incidence of DVT is about 0.8 to 1.2 per 1,000, PE about 0.3 to 0.6 per 1,000, and VTE about 1.0 to 1.8 per 1,000. However, it is not known if these estimates can be generalised to the Australian population because of differences in ethnic composition and other risk factors for VTE among the different populations. In this thesis, I undertook a prospective, community-based cohort study over a 13-month period in 2003 – 2004 to determine the incidence and crude event rate of symptomatic, objectively verified VTE in north-east metropolitan Perth. The study population was broadly representative of the national Australian population in terms of age, sex and ethnic distribution. Cases were identified through multiple overlapping sources. The incidence of DVT, PE and VTE in the community were 0.52 (95% confidence interval, CI: 0.41 – 0.63), 0.31 (95% CI: 0.22 – 0.40) and 0.83 (95% CI: 0.69 – 0.97) per 1000 per year, respectively. The annual incidence of DVT, adjusted to the World Standard population, was 0.35 (95% CI: 0.26 – 0.44) per 1000, PE 0.21 (95% CI: 0.14 – 0.28) per 1000 and VTE 0.57 (95% CI: 0.47 – 0.67) per 1000. The crude event rate for VTE was 0.85 (95% CI: 0.71 – 0.99) per 1000 per year. These findings suggest that the incidence of DVT, PE and VTE are lower than in other Western societies studied. Possible reasons include a lower prevalence of exposure to causal risk factors (genetic and environmental) and incomplete case ascertainment. Knowledge of the local incidence and event rate allows health planners to allocate appropriate resources and evaluate cost-effective preventive measures.

The present thesis examines the themes of ‘shared history,' ‘place-making,' and ‘reconciliation' to assess how these come together in the establishment of an Aboriginal identity in Perth, Western Australia. Focusing on individuals who do not represent the common stereotypes associated with Aboriginal Australians, it will be demonstrated that these individuals are forced into an in-between place where they have to continually negotiate what Aboriginality means in the twenty-first century. Taking on this responsibility they become mediators, stressing a ‘shared history' in order to create a place for themselves in the non-Aboriginal landscape and to advance reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australia by fighting the dominant discourse from within. Beginning with the State and Government's Native Title appeal premiss that Nyungar never existed, this thesis will examine this claim by first presenting an account of the history of southwest Western Australia to establish the place Aboriginal people have been forced into by the colonists during early settlement, and the processes of which extend into the present day. From there on in the focus will be on individual Aboriginal people and their careers and businesses, examining how they attempt to redefine what is perceived and accepted as Aboriginality through different interaction and mediation ‘tactics' with non-Aboriginal Australians. Finally, this thesis will take a closer look at the reconciliation movement in Australia and the people involved in it. It will determine different approaches to reconciliation and assess their possibility and meaning for the construction of a twenty-first century Aboriginal identity. The thesis will conclude that although Nyungar are forced into the dominant discourse, their resistance from within credits a new kind of Aboriginality that is just as valid as the ‘traditional' and ‘authentic' Aboriginality imagined by non-Aboriginal Australia.

This thesis establishes the concept of affective form as a means of examining urban design – being the intersection of architecture, planning and landscape – in relation to techniques of governance. Affective form broadly describes a built environment where people are encouraged to amend, or govern, their actions according to particular socio–political ideas. Exploration of the concept’s application as a theoretical tool is undertaken here in order to generate a means of discussing the ethical function of urban design. The emergence of notions of affective form will be located in the eighteenth century, alongside the growing confidence in the ability for humankind to effect social and cultural progress. In a series of examples, stretching throughout the twentieth century, the implicit relation of planning, architectural and landscape form to social effect is discussed. The language, and design models, used to delineate affective form are described, alongside discussion of the level of intentionality apparent in the conceptions of urban form’s social effect. Critique through affective form allows an analysis that brings together the underlying utopian elements of projects – the traces of ideology and sociological theories – with an evaluation of the formal concepts projected. As the second area of investigation, the city of Perth in Western Australia provides a contextual focus for the examination of concepts of affective form. Through a series of appropriations of urban design models a suburban archetype emerged in Perth of a planned, homogenous field of low–rise, single–family, detached dwellings within a gardenesque landscape. The process of appropriation is described as a continuing negotiation between local expectations and the implicit conceptions of affective form within the imported models. Connecting the two primary concerns of the thesis, the ability of form to influence social change and the evolution of Perth’s garden suburb ideal, is the association of that developing garden suburb model with notions of affective form. The associations are outlined through three case studies. The first is an account of the planning of the City of Perth Endowment Lands Project during the 1920s. The second describes the planning and architecture of the athlete’s village built for the VIIIth British Empire and Commonwealth Games held in Perth in 1962. The third study details the development in the 1990s of Joondalup, a satellite city in the Perth metropolitan region. The account of Perth’s garden suburb ideal is intertwined with the consideration of the varying ways in which the conceptualization of affective form has been expressed. Each case study is contextualized by a preceding chapter that discusses the particular conceptions of affective form used in its examination. Thus the main body of the thesis comprises three parts – each associated with a case study, each containing two linked chapters

National measures of achievement among Australian school children suggest that Aboriginal students, considered as a group, are those most likely to end their schooling without achieving minimal acceptable levels of literacy and numeracy. In view of the fact that many Aboriginal students dwell in metropolitan areas and speak English as a first language, many educators have been unconvinced that linguistic and cultural difference have been significant factors in this underachievement. This study explores the possibility that, despite intensive exposure to non-Aboriginal society, Aboriginal students in metropolitan Perth may maintain, through a distinctive variety of English, distinctive conceptualisation which may help to account for their lack of success in education. The study first develops a model of conceptualisations that emerge at the group level of cognition. The model draws on the notion of distributed representation to depict what are here termed cultural conceptualisations. Cultural conceptualisations are conceptual structures such as schemas and categories that members of a cultural group draw on in approaching experience. The study employs this model with regard to Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal students attending schools in the Perth Metropolitan area. A group of 30 Aboriginal primary school students and a matching group of non-Aboriginal students participated in this study. A research technique called Association-Interpretation was developed to tap into cultural conceptualisations across the two groups of participants. The technique was composed of two phases: a) the 'association' phase, in which the participants gave associative responses to a list of 30 everyday words such as 'home' and 'family', and b) the 'interpretation' phase, in which the responses were interpreted from an ethnic viewpoint and compared within and between the two groups. The informants participated in the task individually. The analysis of the data provided evidence for the operation of two distinct, but overlapping, conceptual systems among the two cultural groups studied. The two systems are integrally related to the dialects spoken by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians, that is, Aboriginal English and Australian English. The discrepancies between the two systems largely appear to be rooted in the cultural systems which give rise to the two dialects while the overlap between the two conceptual systems appears to arise from several phenomena such as experience in similar physical environments and access to 'modem' life style. A number of responses from non-Aboriginal informants suggest a case of what may be termed conceptual seepage, or a permeation of conceptualisation from one group to another due to contact. It is argued, in the light of the data from this study, that the notions of dialect and 'code-switching' need to be revisited in that their characterisation has traditionally ignored the level of conceptualisation. It is also suggested that the results of this study have implications for the professional preparation of educators dealing with Aboriginal students.

[Truncated abstract] Within the State of Western Australia, from its early years, education has been provided not only by the State, but also by religious denominations, particularly the Catholic Church, the Anglican Church and other Christian groups. This thesis is concerned with Anglican education in the State from the years 1917-92. The particular focus is on the structures established for the provision of Anglican education in the Diocese of Perth throughout the period. The central argument of the thesis is as follows. During the period 1917-92, the structures established for the provision of Anglican education in the Diocese of Perth changed across four subperiods: 1917-50, 1951-60, 1961-80 and 1981-92. During the first subperiod, provision was made under structures which allow for the schools which existed to be classified according to three ‘types’: ‘religious-order schools’, ‘parish schools’, and ‘schools of the Council for Church of England Schools’. The first two types continued during the second subperiod and were joined by two new types, namely, ‘Perth Diocesan Trustees’ schools’ and ‘synod schools’, while ‘schools of the Council for Church of England Schools’ceased as a type. During the third subperiod ‘synod schools’ continued as a type, but the other three types ceased to exist. At the same time, one new type emerged, namely, ‘schools of the Church of England Schools’ Trust’. During the fourth subperiod there were also two types of schools within the Diocese, but the situation was not the same as in the previous subperiod because while ‘synod schools’ continued as a type, ‘Perth Diocesan Trustees’ schools’ ceased to exist. Furthermore, a new type was established, namely ‘schools of the Anglican Schools Commission’. This two-type structure for provision which was established during the sub-period 1981-92, is still that which exists to the present day for the provision of Anglican education within the Diocese of Perth.

Australia is a suburban nation. Today, with increasing concern regarding the sustainability of cities, an appreciation of the complexities of Australian suburbia is critical to the debate about urban futures. As a built environment and a cultural phenomenon, the Australian suburbs have inspired considerable scholarly literature. Yet to date, such scholarly work has largely overlooked the changing environmental values and visions of those shaping and residing within suburban landscapes, and the practices through which such values and visions are materialised in the processes of suburban development. Focusing on the post-war suburban landscapes of Canberra and Perth, this thesis centralises the environmental, political and economic forces that have shaped human action to construct suburban spaces, paying particular attention to the extent to which individual understandings and visions of 'environment' have determined the shape and nature of suburban development. Specifically, it examines how those operating within Australia’s suburbs, including planners, developers, builders, landscape designers and residents have imagined the 'environment', and how such imaginaries have shifted in response to varying spatial, temporal and ideological contexts. Tracing the shifting nature of environmental concern throughout the mid-to-late twentieth century, it argues that despite the somewhat unsustainable nature of Australia's suburban landscapes, the planning and development of such landscapes has long been influenced by and has responded to differing understandings of 'environment', which themselves are the product of changing social, political and economic concerns. In doing so, this thesis challenges a number of perceptions concerning Australian suburbs, environmental awareness and sustainability. In particular, it contests the assumption that environmental concern for Australia's suburban development emerged with the urban consolidation debates of the 1980s and 1990s, and analyses a range of environmental sensibilities not often acknowledged in current histories of Australian environmentalism. By examining, for example, how the deterministic and economic concerns of differing planning bodies, along with the aesthetic and ecological concerns of various planners, are intertwined with the housing and domestic lifestyle preferences of suburban homeowners, this history brings to the fore the often conflicting environmental ideas and practices that arise in the course of suburban development, and provides a more nuanced history of the diversity of environmental sensibilities. In sum, this thesis enhances our understandings of the changing nature of environmental concern and illuminates the complex, still largely misunderstood, environmental ideas and practices that arise in the processes of suburban development.

[Truncated abstract] Background: A review of the literature indicated there was a need for more long-term randomised controlled studies on the effects of BRCA counselling/testing on high risk women, including improved strategies for risk communication. Reviews have also shown women are confused about the significance of inconclusive or non informative results with a need for more research in this area. Aims: The general aim of this study was to evaluate the impact of breast cancer genetic counselling on psychological distress levels, perception of risk, genetic knowledge and understanding of BRCA testing/test results in a cohort of 207 women from high risk breast cancer families who were referred for genetic counselling in Perth during the period 1997 to 2001. Short- and long-term impact of BRCA genetic counselling/testing was determined in women with and without cancer in a randomised controlled trial as part of which women were randomised to either receive immediate versus delayed genetic counselling. This included family communication patterns before BRCA testing, anticipated outcomes of testing on oneself and family including intentions for result disclosure. Comprehension of index and predictive BRCA testing with possible results was assessed both in the short- and the long-term and understanding of individual or family BRCA test results was evaluated at long-term. The effect of genetic counselling on breast cancer risk perception in unaffected women was evaluated. This study considered a theoretical framework of educational learning theories to provide a basis for risk communication with possible relevance for future research. ... Only 25% of the original study population (52/207) reported BRCA results and women's understanding of results is concerning. Key findings were: 1. The majority of affected women received an inconclusive result. 2. Out of twelve unaffected women who reported results, seven were inconclusive which are not congruent with predictive testing. This implies that these women did not understand their test result. 3. A minority of untested relatives did not know whether a family mutation had or had not been found in their tested family member or what their actual test result was. This implies either a lack of disclosure or that woman did not understand the rationale for and significance of testing for a family mutation. 4. Three relatives did not understand a positive result was a mutation. Conclusion: The implication of this research for breast cancer counselling and testing services is that women who wait for counselling are no worse off in terms of short- or long-term general psychological distress than women who receive the intervention early. There is a suggestion that unaffected women without the disease found counselling more advantageous than affected women. The meaning of BRCA results as reported by women is concerning particularly women's understanding of negative and inconclusive results and further research is needed in this area. Too much information presented at counselling may affect women's comprehension of risk, BRCA testing and future test results and further research is required to evaluate the effects of information overload.