Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Parliamentarians”

In this study, I examine how women Parliamentarians understand their political influence within the South African Parliament and what environmental factors contribute to this understanding. Currently, South Africa is a global leader for the amount of women in Parliament and has been since the 1994 democratic transition. This study examines the formal and informal factors that South African women parliamentarians discuss as helping and hindering their political effectiveness.

Aside from the work of Hassim (2003) and Pandor (1999), little academic research explores the experiences of women within South Africa&rsquo
s Parliament. Considering this lack of research regarding women&rsquo
s experiences within government, I selected a research method that would allow an open space for communication: semi-structured interviews with a qualitative feminist analysis. This study explores the opportunities and obstacles that the women perceived as affecting their political influence.
The participant&rsquo
s responses indicate that they perceive a high level of political influence, with some reservations. Four themes emerged as the leading environmental factors in contributing to the participant&rsquo
s political efficacy: the 1994 democratic transition, the Parliament structure (formal and informal), the political party, and the role of gender.

The informal structures of Parliament, such as socializing spaces, and gender stereotypes, such as the responsibility of women Parliamentarians for &lsquo
women&rsquo
s issues&rsquo
, were discussed as the primary obstacles that hinder the women Parliamentarian&rsquo
s political influence.

The participants felt that the attitudes of political parties regarding women&rsquo
s role in Parliament was critical in facilitating their influence on the political agenda. The women Parliamentarians credited primarily the African National Congress (ANC) political party for framing and developing an atmosphere that mandated women&rsquo
s strong participation in government and their positive perceptions of political influence.

This study provides a case study of women’s political representation in the National Parliament of Pakistan, where a particular form of the quota approach has been adapted in a highly gendered political context. By examining the experiences of Pakistani women parliamentarians, this thesis contributes to key academic literature on gender quotas and political representation that has received a considerable attention from feminist scholars. The aim of this thesis is to explore the extent to which women’s formal representation is translated into substantive change for women. This is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analyses of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of 20 women parliamentarians (out of 76) and proceedings of the parliament of the last three years (2008-11). By adapting Anne Phillips’s (1995) The Politics of Presence in entirely new and novel way, one of the major contributions this study claims to make to the theoretical literature is to analytically examine the effects of quotas from various aspects of political representation: descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation and from a broader perspectives than has hitherto been seen. It also addresses a major gap in the literature on the reasons why some quota women act more often than others in legislatures, and what factors contribute to the silence and suppression of Pakistani women leaders. It is argued that women’s presence in the political spheres is important, but that it is vital to take the particular context into account when judging whether women can and do act for women. This thesis shows that representation depends on various factors which can positively or negatively contribute towards substantive change. It also demonstrates that quotas may challenge existing gender dynamics and have various effects on women’s representation within and outside parliament. However, some gender and human rights issues may be difficult to tackle, especially those challenging the powerful feudal and tribal political elite (mainly men).

This biography of Irene Longman is the story of a remarkable woman. A woman of integrity, intelligence, courage and compassion. It is also the story about the period in which she lived and how her life was inevitably interwoven with the lives of others and with the social structure and culture of the times. What made Irene Longman unique was that she became the first woman to sit in the Queensland Parliament. Irene Longman was elected to the Queensland Parliament in 1929, defeating the sitting Labor member in Bulimba. She was nominated by the Queensland Women’s Electoral League and endorsed by the Country Progressive National Party, but held the seat for only one term as Labor swept back into power in 1932. Longman’s career in the Moore government coincided with a brief interruption of continuous Labor rule in Queensland (1915-1957). No other woman was elected to State Parliament in Queensland until after Irene Longman’s death in 1964 at the age of 87. Though her parliamentary career was short, Irene Longman was active in public life for over thirty years. This thesis brings to light her early childhood in Tasmania, her education and development while living in Sydney and will describe her career and the associational networks which shaped her political ideas. In 1904 at Toowoomba, Irene married Heber Longman and they made Queensland their permanent home. Although this study investigates a particular historical period in Australia, a wider account of Queensland life is incorporated to give a political context to Irene Longman’s experiences in the decades after Federation. Irene Longman was involved in a wide range of social issues including town planning and the preservation of flora and fauna. But her professional and voluntary work was principally in the field of the welfare of women and children. Therefore, this thesis is not only a historical study but it also examines other discourses related to Irene Longman’s experience and interest, such as feminism and women’s reproductive function. I consider how the strength of maternal citizenship influences the way women lived their lives and understood their positions in the world.

This biography of Irene Longman is the story of a remarkable woman. A woman of integrity, intelligence, courage and compassion. It is also the story about the period in which she lived and how her life was inevitably interwoven with the lives of others and with the social structure and culture of the times. What made Irene Longman unique was that she became the first woman to sit in the Queensland Parliament. Irene Longman was elected to the Queensland Parliament in 1929, defeating the sitting Labor member in Bulimba. She was nominated by the Queensland Women’s Electoral League and endorsed by the Country Progressive National Party, but held the seat for only one term as Labor swept back into power in 1932. Longman’s career in the Moore government coincided with a brief interruption of continuous Labor rule in Queensland (1915-1957). No other woman was elected to State Parliament in Queensland until after Irene Longman’s death in 1964 at the age of 87. Though her parliamentary career was short, Irene Longman was active in public life for over thirty years. This thesis brings to light her early childhood in Tasmania, her education and development while living in Sydney and will describe her career and the associational networks which shaped her political ideas. In 1904 at Toowoomba, Irene married Heber Longman and they made Queensland their permanent home. Although this study investigates a particular historical period in Australia, a wider account of Queensland life is incorporated to give a political context to Irene Longman’s experiences in the decades after Federation. Irene Longman was involved in a wide range of social issues including town planning and the preservation of flora and fauna. But her professional and voluntary work was principally in the field of the welfare of women and children. Therefore, this thesis is not only a historical study but it also examines other discourses related to Irene Longman’s experience and interest, such as feminism and women’s reproductive function. I consider how the strength of maternal citizenship influences the way women lived their lives and understood their positions in the world.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)
School of Humanities
Full Text

Tese (doutorado)—Univerdidade de Brasília, Institute of Psychology, Graduate Program in Social, Work and Organizational Psychology, 2015.
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O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi comparar a influência de Estereótipos sobre os Parlamentares, Educação Política e Contágio Comportamental sobre a Participação Política entre Brasil e Suécia, para construir um modelo teórico-explicativo e oferecer evidências de validade. A tipologia de Ekman e Amnå (2012) embasou o uso de um conceito abrangente de Participação Política, que varia da não participação, passando pela atenção (stand by) até a participação manifesta. Estereótipos sobre parlamentares foram definidos em duas esferas: Informação Crítica a que os eleitores prestam atenção e Predição de Comportamento, i.e., como os eleitores pensam que os parlamentares se comportam. Educação Política se refere ao quanto cada esfera da vida de uma pessoa contribui para sua aprendizagem política. Itens de Contágio Comportamental aferiam a influência do participante sobre outros e a influência exercida por outros sobre ele/ela. O questionário foi elaborado através do Painel Délfico, conduzido simultaneamente com especialistas brasileiros e suecos, tendo o inglês como língua comum. O questionário resultante foi retro-traduzido para o Português Brasileiro e Sueco. Estas duas versões foram administradas aos participantes, via internet. Participaram 984 brasileiros, 37,4% do sexo feminino e com idade média de 43,95 anos (DP 15,64). Suecos totalizaram 879, sendo 46,5% mulheres e a idade média foi de 49,57 anos (DP 16,64). Análises Fatoriais Exploratórias e Confirmatórias foram realizadas. Médias das respostas de participantes brasileiros e suecos foram comparadas através de teste-t. Empregou-se a Modelagem de Equações Estruturais (MEE), precedida de regressão múltipla exploratória, a fim de determinar como as variáveis independentes (exógenas) poderiam predizer a Participação Política. Discutiram-se as implicações metodológicas. As equivalências de Estrutura Fatorial e Métrica foram alcançadas, entre Brasil e Suécia, para Participação Política, Estereótipos sobre Parlamentares e Contágio Comportamental. Os fatores de Educação Política não se mostraram consistentes, portanto seus itens foram considerados separadamente. Os testes-t indicaram que os brasileiros se envolvem em ação política mais frequentemente do que os suecos. Quanto aos Estereótipos, suecos percebem a Qualidade da Representação de seus parlamentares mais positivamente do que os brasileiros; a Corrupção, por outro lado, foi percebida como maior no Brasil. Suecos prestam mais atenção a informações críticas relacionadas a Partidos e Tendências de Representação dos parlamentares, enquanto os brasileiros se preocupam mais com Informações Pessoais do que os suecos. Os modelos de previsão SEM evidenciaram que, embora a corrupção seja uma preocupação primária para os brasileiros, ela não ajuda a prever Participação Política no Brasil, mas sim na Suécia. Embora suecos prestem mais atenção às diferenças entre Partidos e às Tendências de Representação, estes fatores tiveram maior importância para prever Participação Institucional no Brasil. Conclui-se que aquilo que é senso comum (como a corrupção no Brasil e diferenças entre partidos na Suécia) não ajuda a distinguir as pessoas que participam daquelas que não o fazem. Itens de Educação Política tiveram efeito muito pequeno. Contágio Comportamental desempenhou um papel central, a ponto de embaçar a fronteira entre ação política individual e coletiva. O engagamento político está, enfim, fortemente ligado ao envolvimento em uma rede politicamente ativa.
The general objective of this research was to compare the influence of Stereotypes about Parliamentarians, Political Education and Behavioral Contagion on Political Participation between two countries (Brazil and Sweden) to build and offer evidence of validity for a theoretical-explanatory model. Ekman and Amnå’s (2012) typology was the base for a comprehensive concept of Political Participation, as it ranges from nonparticipation, through attention (stand by) and manifest participation. Stereotypes about Parliamentarians were defined in two spheres: Critical Information to which voters pay attention and Behavior Prediction, i.e., how voters expect parliamentarians to behave. Political Education intended to assess how each sphere of a person’s life contributes to his/her political learning. Behavioral Contagion assessed the influence the participant exerted on others and how much other people influenced him/her. The questionnaire was elaborated via Delphic Panel, ran simultaneously with Brazilian and Swedish experts, using English as a common language. The resulting questionnaire was backtranslated to Brazilian Portuguese and to Swedish. These two versions were administered to participants through electronic formularies, distributed via internet. Participants from Brazil numbered 984, 37.4% women and the mean age was 43.95 (S.D. 15.64) years. Swedes numbered 879, 46.5% women and the mean age was 49.57 (S.D. 16.64) years. Exploratory and Confirmatory Analyses were performed, in order to determine Factor Structures and to evaluate their equivalence between the two countries. Means from the Brazilian and Swedish participants were compared through t-test. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), preceeded by exploratory Stepwise Multiple Regression, mas performed in order to stablish how the independent (exogenous) variables predicted Political Participation. Methodological implications are discussed. Factor Structure and Metric equivalences were met for Brazil and Sweden, for Political Participation, Stereotypes about Parliamentarians and Behavioral Contagion. Political Education factors were not consistent, so its items entered the prediction models as standalones. T-tests indicated that Brazilians engage political action more often than Swedes. Regarding Stereotypes, Swedes perceive the Quality of Representation of their parliamentarians as better than Brazilians evaluate theirs; Corruption, on the other hand, was perceived as higher in Brazil. Swedes pay more attention to Critical Information related to the Parties and Representation Trends of parliamentarians, while Brazilians worry more about Personal Information than Swedes. The SEM prediction models evidenced that, though Corruption was a major issue to Brazilians, it did not help predict Political Participation in Brazil, but it did in Sweden. Though Swedes pay more attention informations about Parties and Representation Trends, these had greater importance to predict Institutional Participation in Brazil. It is concluded that commonsense information (such as Corruption in Brazil and Party differences in Sweden) does not help to tell the difference between those people who participate and those who do not. Political Education items had disappointingly low effect. Behavioral Contagion played a pivotal role on explaining Political Participation. “Being influenced” and “influencing others” was so importantly related to Political Participation that it is considered that the boundaries of individual and collective action are blurred. Engaging politics is, at last, strongly intertwined to being a part of a politically active network.

Elected multi-party assemblies have existed in Africa on average for no more than two decades. Consolidating democracy and improving the lives of ordinary citizens demands guardian parliaments. Parliaments are comprised predominantly of politicians and, interconnected with citizens and executives, are perceived as core institutions of representative democracies. This dissertation seeks to contribute to a better understanding of African multiparty parliaments and their role in consolidating democracy. The study seeks to comprehend the links between citizens and their elected parliaments in 18 African countries, in the process attempting to predict the prospects of these new democracies. It also focuses on the Assembly of Mozambique to attempt an understanding of the evolution, capacity and functioning of an emerging parliament. The study investigates the perceptions of Mozambican civil leaders toward their parliament, and it looks at the perceptions of Mozambican parliamentarians concerning their roles and their relations with the electorate, and concerning the Assembly’s capacity and powers. This is critical to understanding how democracy has been and will be exercised, since parliamentarians are at the forefront of the process. Each parliament has distinctive characteristics. However, there are common features based on their age and origin. The development of the Mozambican Assembly since the monoparty regime illustrates the challenges and achievements that African parliaments have undergone in the transition to democracy. The findings reveal that African citizens distinguish between presidents and parliaments, which is important given the legacy in Africa of strong executives led by dominant presidents. They also reveal that citizens value the gains made by the multiparty regimes and that parliaments as lawmakers are preferred to presidents. In most countries surveyed, citizens, on average, gave positive evaluations of their parliaments, especially concerning their trustworthiness. Political characteristics outweigh socio-economic status in influencing how citizens perceived parliaments. Party allegiance and perception of electoral fairness are the factors that most influenced how citizens perceived their parliaments. Interviews with Mozambican MPs revealed their frustration over the influence of the Assembly over the national budget. In the MPs’ opinions, direct foreign aid to the budget reduced parliament’s role to that of a rubber stamp, weakening the role of MPs. Mozambican civic leaders saw parliament as an indispensable and critical institution, and they expressed frustration with the extreme party-centricity of MPs, which is perceived as normal by MPs. Distrust between these groups reinforces the sentiment among ruling party members that the party deserves protection. In democracies, MPs from different parties are political opponents and not enemies. In Mozambique, the transition from enemy to adversary is not yet complete. While fragile, parliament has been the only space in Mozambican society where political parties can interact.

Previous studies on the Civil War in Lancashire have tended to concentrate on social and economic issues with emphasis on the gentry. No attempt has been made to examine the war in the county in a wider context. Here the integration of political, socio-economic, administrative, and military elements, that is war effort, is analysed over the period 1642-1651. Unusually the thesis treats the war effort of both sides, thereby aiming to illuminate the reasons for the conflict's eventual outcome. A wide range of sources is utilised with an emphasis on the extensive collection SP 28 in the Public Record Office and a database of over 770 Civil War officers. Recent scholarship-has suggested that the cohesive nature of Parliament's approach to the war left it well placed to employ local resources as part of a wider war effort. In contrast, it has been thought that the weight Royalists placed on personal service due to Charles I denuded the localities of resources and fatally undermined their capability to make a meaningful, sustained contribution to the king's cause. Lancashire's experience endorses the general thrust of these arguments, yet modification is needed. Parliament's policy of encouraging co-operation between centre and county was only occasionally apparent, largely during times of extreme danger. At other periods the attempts to introduce administrative and financial innovation and maximise the county's involvement were delayed by popular intransigence, the moderate county committee's reluctance to endanger county security and Royalist resistance. After Parliament's initial triumph in 1646 popular resistance grew over the continuance of war-inspired financial impositions and the depredations of unpaid soldiery. The war of 1648 represented a temporary hiatus in the process by which the ruling traditional elite, largely identified with Presbyterianism, was eradicated by centralisation and the rise of local radicals. For the Lancashire Royalists the loss in October 1642 of some 1,100 men to the main army was a handicap. Just as serious was incompetent leadership, the failure to establish meaningful association, and financial weakness. The scale and significance of further departures, mainly of Roman Catholics, has been largely ignored. The early collapse of independent Lancashire Royalism was crucial in that subsequent military activity was pursued by a few irreconcilables and hard-nosed professional soldiers, insensitive to local Royalists. The Lancashire Royalists made a great contribution to the national war effort but the consequence was the woeful feebleness of Royalism in the county itself. Parliament's victory in Lancashire was based upon support from the centre, superior manpower and logistics, substantial sequestration receipts administered by a mix of army officers and plebian officials and a measure of organisational modernisation. The patent weakness of the Lancashire Royalists, for whom the support of Roman Catholics was a mixed blessing, enabled Parliament, despite a multiplicity of problems, to emerge victorious.

Puritans entered a novel position of power in the early 1640s. Their attempts to ‘combat’ heretics and further reform in the 1640s/50s were impeded by the dismantling of legal and ecclesiastical apparatus previously employed against them. Influential Presbyterians and Independents in Parliament, the Westminster Assembly, and the New Model Army, were also divided over defining orthodoxy, enforced conformity to a national Church and liberty of conscience. Chapter one addresses crucial developments in defining and punishing heresy, in the Early Church, and in England, from the first noted burning of a heretic under Henry IV up until the outbreak of Civil War. Existing fractures within Puritanism intensified as lapsed censorship produced an explosion of new or public heterodox ideas. Chapter two explores disagreements over legitimate means of reform and establishing ‘truth’, by examining the case of anti-Trinitarian Paul Best which initiated a Parliamentary Ordinance to enable execution of obstinate heretics. This legislation generated public controversy, especially in print. Chapter three addresses the significance of preaching, fasting and prayer as spiritual means to oppose heresy, and emphasis on collective national responsibility and repentance. Particular attention is paid to the Humiliation for heresy on 10 March 1647. Chapter four compares the differing political and ecclesiological contexts which produced the Heresy Ordinance and the 1650 Blasphemy Act, especially a shift from Presbyterian to Independent dominance in positions of government. The Rump settlement was predominantly shaped by a magisterial Independent vision of reform. Chapter five addresses Interregnum problems with enforcing the Blasphemy Act and upholding liberty offered in the Instrument of Government. The cases of Socinian John Biddle and Quaker James Nayler reveal fears of unrestricted definitions of heresy, and rigidly defined orthodoxy. Overall across these decades, concerns to avoid establishing precedents which could endanger the godly prevented systematic suppression of heresy and blasphemy.

Aquesta dissertació es centra en trobar plausibles i refutables explicacions a les interaccions dels partits catalans i els seus representants a Facebook i a Twitter. Intenta donar resposta a una pregunta clara i simple: estan les xarxes socials desafiant la Política? La dissertació vol donar resposta a aquesta pregunta mitjançant l'ús de mètodes estadístics i d'anàlisi de xarxes. La tesis mostra que les interaccions dels partits i dels seus representants a les xarxes socials depenen de factors contextuals, organitzatius, ideològics, electorals i de xarxa. A més a més, els resultats de la dissertació apunten que les xarxes socials estan obrint una nova arena política en la que apareixent nous líders d'opinió que competeixen amb els líders dels partits polítics. En definitiva, aquesta tesis corrobora que les xarxes socials estan desafiant la Política al obrir una nova arena política en xarxa en la que els partits polítics i els seus representants maniobren per garantir la seva supervivència política.
This dissertation focuses on sorting out plausible and refutable explanations of Catalan parties' and their representatives' interaction on Facebook and Twitter. It tries to answer a simple and clear question: Are social media challenging Politics? The dissertation proposes to answer that question by bridging statistical and social network methods. The dissertation shows that parties and their representatives' interactions on social media depend on contextual, organizational, ideological, electoral and network factors. Also, the dissertation's findings points to the fact that social media are opening a new political arena in which new opinion leaders are taking the floor and competing with parties' leaderships. In short, this thesis corroborates that social media are challenging Politics by opening a new online political arena within which parties and their representatives' are maneuvering to guarantee their political survival.
Esta disertación se centra en hallar plausibles y refutables explicaciones a las interacciones de los partidos catalanes y sus representantes en Facebook y en Twitter. Intenta dar respuesta a una pregunta clara y simple: ¿están las redes sociales desafiando la Política? La disertación quiere dar respuesta a esta pregunta mediante el uso de métodos estadísticos y de análisis de redes. La tesis muestra que las interacciones de los partidos y de sus representantes en las redes sociales dependen de factores contextuales, organizativos, ideológicos, electorales y de redes. Además, los resultados de la disertación apuntan que las redes sociales están abriendo una nueva arena política en la que aparecen nuevos líderes de opinión que compiten con los líderes de los partidos políticos. En definitiva, esta tesis corrobora que las redes sociales están desafiando la Política al abrir una nueva arena política en red en la que los partidos políticos y sus representantes maniobran para garantizar su supervivencia política.

In the summer of 1643 a series of catastrophic defeats brought the parliamentarian war effort to the brink of disaster. The scale of the emergency precipitated a political crisis in which the House of Lords attempted to orchestrate a negotiated surrender. This thesis sets out to understand the reasons for parliament's military collapse and to examine in detail the dynamics of the ensuing political crisis. It will be argued that the events of summer 1643 came much closer than is generally recognised to bringing the civil war to an end, and that the unexpected survival of the parliamentarian cause fundamentally shaped the subsequent course of the conflict. At the heart of this thesis is a day-by-day analysis of events at Westminster during the first week of August 1643. Parliament's military disintegration prompted the House of Lords to draw up a series of peace proposals amounting to capitulation. Fear that the king would accept these terms induced militant activists in the City of London, led by Lord Mayor Isaac Pennington, to unleash an unprecedented campaign of threats and intimidation aimed at their defeat. The battles that raged in the House of Commons to decide the fate of the peace proposals marked the high watermark of parliament's crisis. Had the proposals been carried it was rumoured that leading members of the peace party would be arrested and the City would take control of the war effort. These truly extraordinary developments indicate the enormity of parliament's military failure and the pivotal nature of the resulting political struggle. This is a new interpretation of a neglected moment in the history of the English Civil War, one that seeks to re-establish the true significance of parliament's 1643 crisis.

Orientador: Bruno Wilheilm Speck
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata dos atores, iniciativas e processos envolvidos na concepção de legislação participativa implícita no referencial empírico trabalhado nesta dissertação, a Comissão Permanente de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (CLP). Comissões permanentes são órgãos colegiados, compostos por deputados, integrantes do processo legislativo, que têm por finalidade apreciar os assuntos ou proposições submetidos ao seu exame e sobre eles deliberar. Com efeito, foi atribuída à CLP, como principal competência, a capacidade de i) receber diversos tipos de sugestões legislativas - leia-se, de iniciativas - oriundas de associações civis legalmente constituídas; ii) deliberar sobre as sugestões acatadas, manifestando-se por meio de parecer; iii) encaminhar as sugestões de iniciativas de leis aprovadas para iniciarem a tramitação no processo legislativo. A investigação procurou responder, por um lado, qual a capacidade do mecanismo de incluir iniciativas de lei no processo legislativo. Por outro lado, elaboramos uma discussão, sem pretender uma análise exaustiva, sobre um dos possíveis efeitos do modelo institucional do mecanismo em ter credenciado organizações civis para proporem iniciativas de lei no âmbito federal. Os resultados em relação ao primeiro ponto sinalizam para uma real e alta capacidade de inclusão de iniciativas no processo legislativo. Porém, ao iniciarem a tramitação, essas iniciativas encontram uma série de entraves que escapam à alçada da comissão e que se inserem em um problema maior, da relação entre legislativo e executivo mesmo no que diz respeito à produção legislativa no Congresso. Em relação ao segundo ponto, a discussão levantada sugere que organizações civis estão a exercer função de representação no lócus que, por excelência, é o da representação política tradicional. Ademais, e anterior a essas discussões, intentamos fornecer interpretações analíticas sobre o surgimento de um mecanismo como a CLP no interior do processo legislativo. Para tanto, observou-se, em meio a uma recente onda de reformas institucionais, possíveis processos de abertura das instituições tradicionais mundo afora; além de um contexto nacional de crescente proliferação das chamadas instituições participativas
Abstract: This research deals with the actors, initiatives and processes involved in the concept of participatory legislation implicit in empirical referential used in this dissertation, the Standing Committee of Participatory Legislation the House of Representatives. Standing committees are collegiate bodies, composed of deputies, members of the legislative process, which aim to analyses the issues or proposals submitted for its examination and deliberate on them. Indeed, it was attributed to CLP, as major competence, the ability to i) receive various types of legislative suggestions, in other words, initiatives, deriving from civil associations legally constituted ii) deliberate on the suggestions accepted, manifesting by through sight iii) submit the initiatives of laws suggestions approved to started the conduct in the legislative process. The research sought to answer the one hand, which include the ability of the mechanism of law initiatives in the legislative process. Moreover, we intended discuss, without attempting an exhaustive analysis about the possible effects on a model institutional of mechanism having allowed civil organizations to propose initiatives under federal law. The results from the first topic point to a real and high capacity inclusion initiatives in the legislative process. However, as they start the conduct in the legislative process a great number of obstacles are found, that cannot be misled by CLP and part of a bigger problem, of relationship between the legislative an executive powers even as regards the legislative production in Congress. Regarding the second topic, the raised discussion suggests that civil organizations seem to be exerting the function of representation that locus par excellence is the one of traditional political representation. Moreover, prior to those discussions, we seek analytic interpretations about the emergence of a mechanism like the CLP within the legislative process, noting, amid a recent wave of institutional reforms, opening processes of traditional institutions, worldwide, plus a national context of growing proliferation of so-called participatory institutions
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

XI. S a n t r a u k a Tema: “Moterys šiuolaikiniame parlamentarizme: socialinio – politinio portreto Lietuvoje kontūrai ir jų pokyčiai” . Nagrinėjama problema: šiuolaikinių moterų politikių požiūris į moteris politikes, jų asmenybę, vertybes, politinės veiklos motyvaciją, moterų vietą politikoje bei valstybės. Darbo tikslas : atlikti 2004-2008 m. Seimo moterų anketinę apklausą. Ištirti 20 a. pr. moterų visuomenininkų – Steigiamojo Seimo parlamentarių bei visų kitų tarpukario ir Nepriklausomybės metų - nuo 1990 m. Seimų moterų politikių socialinio - politinio portreto kontūrus bei nustatyti jų pokyčius. Darbo uždavinys : pateikti Steigiamojo Seimo, 1 – ojo, 2 - ojo, 3 – iojo Seimų laikotarpyje nuo 1920 m. iki 1926 m. moterų parlamentarių socialinio – politinio portreto pokyčius, atskleidžiant jų asmenybes, vertybes, politinę motyvaciją, tikslus, požiūrį į visuomenės procesus, moterų vietą tuometinėje politikoje, jų indėlį valstybės kūrime. - Pateikti 1990 m. Auk��čiausiosios Tarybos - Atkuriamojo Seimo, 1992 m., 1996 m., 2000 m, 2004 m. Seimų moterų politikių socialinio - politinio portreto kontūrus, atskleidžiant jų asmenybes, vertybes, politinę motyvaciją, tikslus, indėlį valstybės bei moterų vietą šiandieninėje politikoje. - Išnagrinėti ir pateikti empirinės apklausos tyrimo metodu surinktą medžiagą apie šiuolaikinės politikės požiūrį į moterį politikę, politinės veiklos perspektyvas, moters vietą bei indėlį politikoje. Iškėliau hipotezes: 1. Moterys, eidamos į... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
X. S u m m a r y The topic of the thesis is Women in Modern Parliamentarianism: Outline of the Lithuanian Socio-political Picture and its Developments. The paper analyses the problem of the attitude of modern women politicians to other women politicians, their personality, values, a motivation of political activity, women’s place in politics as well as social and state problems. The aim of the work is to question current and former women Members of the Seimas, to analyze the socio-political portrait of women public activists and members of the Reconstituent Seimas of the beginning of the 20th century as well as women politicians from the interwar Seimas and the Seimas after the restoration of the independence in 1990. The task of the thesis is to examine the socio-political picture of women members of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Seimas in the period of 1920-1926, to establish their personalities, values, political motivation, objectives, the attitude to social processes, women’s place in the politics of the time and their contribution to the formation of the state. To present the socio-political picture of women politicians of the Supreme Council – the Reconstituent Seimas of 1990, the Seimas of 1992, 1996, 2000 and 2004, to establish their personalities, values, political motivation, objectives, as well as the contribution in establishing the status of the state and women in today’s politics. The paper also aims at analyzing and presenting the material collected using an... [to full text]

Addressing the military organisation of both Royalists and Parliamentarians, the subject of this thesis is an examination of war effort during the mid-seventeenth century English Civil Wars by taking the example of Shropshire. The county was contested during the First Civil War of 1642-6 and also saw armed conflict on a smaller scale during the Second Civil War of 1648. This detailed study provides a comprehensive bipartisan analysis of military endeavour, in terms of organisation and of the engagements fought. Drawing on numerous primary sources, it explores: leadership and administration; recruitment and the armed forces; military finance; supply and logistics; and the nature and conduct of the fighting. The extent of military activity in Shropshire is explained for the first time, informing the history of the conflict there while reflecting on the nature of warfare across Civil War England. It shows how local Royalist and Parliamentarian activists and 'outsider' leaders provided direction, while the populace widely was involved in the administrative and material tasks of war effort. The war in Shropshire was mainly fought between the opposing county-based forces, but with considerable external military support. Similarly, fiscal and military assets were obtained locally and from much further afield. Attritional war in Shropshire from 1643 to 1646 involved the occupying Royalists engaging Parliamentarian inroads, in fighting the garrison warfare characteristic of the period. Although the outcome of both wars in Shropshire was determined by wider national events, in 1646 and again in 1648 the defeat of the county Royalists was due largely to their local Parliamentarian adversaries. Broadening this study to 1648 has provided insight into Parliamentarian county administration during the short interwar period.

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.
Title from screen (viewed on July 29, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Kevin Cramer, Daniella Kostroun, Giles R. Hoyt. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 83-94).

Wesentliche Funktion der sich aus Art. 42 Abs. 1 und 3 GG ergebenen Öffentlichkeitsfunktion des Deutschen Bundestages ist die Gewährleistung einer umfassenden und effektiven Teilhabe, Kontrolle und Repräsentation des Volkes. Abzuleiten ist dies insbesondere aus dem Demokratieprinzip und dem Prinzip der Volkssouveränität. Ausgehend vom Wortlaut von Art 42 Abs. 1 GG sowie § 19 GOBT („Bundestag“) und unter Berücksichtigung des Wechselspiels zwischen öffentlichen Lesungen im Plenum und nichtöffentlichen Ausschussberatungen erstreckt sich die verfassungsrechtlich zu gewährleistende Parlamentsöffentlichkeit grundsätzlich nur auf das Plenum und nicht auch auf die (grundsätzlich nichtöffentlich tagenden) Ausschüsse des Deutschen Bundestages. Der Bundestag verhandelt im Sinne von Art. 42 Abs. 1 GG nur dann im Sinne einer allgemeinen Zugänglichkeit öffentlich, wenn der Bundestag dem deutschen Staatsvolk sowie der Presse als relevantes Publikum einen allgemeinen, freien und auch tatsächlichen Zugang zu seinen Verhandlungen ermöglicht. Die Parlamentsöffentlichkeit gemäß Art. 42 Abs. 1 und 3 GG umfasst neben einer formellen, auch eine materielle Komponente im Sinne einer hinreichenden Vorlaufzeit, Verständlichkeit und Nachvollziehbarkeit. Schließlich verlangt eine materielle Parlamentsöffentlichkeit eine hinreichende Beratung und Erörterung der Verhandlungsgegenstände sowie Einbeziehung der verschiedenen Interessen und Bedürfnisse des Volkes. Die Öffentlichkeitsarbeit des Bundestages ist ebenfalls Teil der Öffentlichkeitsfunktion des Bundestages gemäß Art. 42 Abs. 1 und 3 GG. Dem Bundestag ist es insofern grundsätzlich gestattet, alle Arten von Kommunikationsmitteln (Printmedien, Rundfunk, Telemedien bis zu modernen Kommunikationstechniken wie Chats, Twitter oder Facebook) für seine Öffentlichkeitsarbeit zu verwenden.
The essential function of the public function of the German Bundestag arising from Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG is the guarantee of effective participation, checks and representation of the people. Based on the wording of Art. 42 (1) GG and § 19 GOBT ("Bundestag"), parliamentary committees are in principle not obliged to meet in public. Only the meetings and negotiations of the plenary have to be public. Within the meaning of Art. 42 (1) GG, the Bundestag is obliged to give the German people and the press free access to his negotiations and meetings. Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG Basic Law includes not only a formal but also a material component of public in the sense that meetings and negotiation of parliament have to be comprehensible, transparent and include timewise a reasonable lead time. Next to this, there is a material parliamentarian public which requires parliament to reasonably negotiate the topics placed on the agenda. In this sense parliament is obliged to consider the various interests and needs of the people. Also, public relations of the Bundestag is part of the public function of Art. 42 (1) and (3) GG. The Bundestag may use all kinds of communication for its public relations.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T02:58:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rubiatti_BrunodeCastro_M.pdf: 1015209 bytes, checksum: bd556d5ee1627dc755cc5268172d8116 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros em 1961, se instaura uma crise político-militar sobre a sucessão ao cargo de presidente: constitucionalmente deveria tomar posse o vicepresidente, porém os ministros militares tentam impor um veto a essa posse. Para solucionar essa crise, o Congresso aprova uma Emenda Constitucional que mudava o sistema de governo de presidencialista para parlamentarista. É o período de vigência dessa Emenda o objeto desse estudo. Buscamos analisar como se deu o funcionamento dos poderes de Estado sob o novo sistema, ou seja, como o presidente, o gabinete e o Legislativo atuaram no parlamentarismo instaurado. Ao analisar a atuação desses atores políticos buscamos evidenciar a influência do arcabouço institucional anterior, isto é, como que as práticas e relações típicas do presidencialismo instaurado em 1946 sobrevivem sob o parlamentarismo
Abstract: After the resignation of Jânio Quadros in 1961, is established a crisis politician-military on the succession to the president position: constitutionally the vice-president would have to take ownership, however the military ministers try to impose a veto to this ownership. To solve this crisis, the Congress approves an Emendation Constitutional that changed the system of government of presidentialist for parliamentarist. The object of this study is the period of validity of this Emendation. We search to analyze as if it gave the functioning of being able them of State under the new system, that is, as the president, the cabinet and the Legislative one had acted in the restored parliamentarism. When analyzing the performance of these actors politicians we search to evidence the influence of institutional framework preceding, that is, as that practical and the typical relations of the residentialism restored in 1946 survive under the parliamentarism
Mestrado
Estado, Processos Politicos e Organização de Interesses
Mestre em Ciência Política

Ayant vécu de 1771 à 1841, Édouard Bignon incarne la génération d’hommes qui a traversé, non sans encombre, la Révolution, le Directoire, le Consulat, l’Empire, la Restauration et la monarchie de Juillet. Sa carrière est le reflet des changements politiques français. Précepteur à la fin de l’Ancien Régime, il s’enrôle dans l’armée en 1793 pour fuir les proscriptions de la Terreur. Sous le Directoire, en 1797, il intègre la carrière diplomatique au sein de laquelle il reste dix-neuf années, jusqu’en 1815 : il y connaît une progression continue, passant du rang de second secrétaire de légation en 1797 à celui de ministre plénipotentiaire en Pologne en 1813. Après avoir participé aux Cent-Jours, il se retire de la vie publique. Deux ans après Waterloo, il est élu député et siège dans les rangs de l’opposition libérale jusqu’à la chute de la monarchie bourbonienne. Indépendamment de ses mandats de députés, il se lance dans une carrière de publiciste et d’historien qui lui assure une notoriété grandissante. En effet, dans son testament, Napoléon Ier lui a commandé une histoire diplomatique de la France à laquelle Bignon s’attelle dès 1821. Divisée en quatorze tomes, cette Histoire de France paraît à partir de 1829. L’année suivante, Bignon participe à la chute de Charles X et devient proche des gouvernements de Louis-Philippe : il est nommé pair de France en 1837, couronnement d’une longue carrière au service de la France. Cette étude biographique, qui embrasse la totalité de sa carrière, entend mettre à l’honneur le parcours d’un diplomate napoléonien à l’envergure secondaire, les activités d’un parlementaire sous la Restauration et la monarchie Juillet, et l’originalité d’un historien de l’Empire
Born in 1771 and died in 1841, Édouard Bignon embodies the generation who has live, with some trouble, through the French Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate, the First Empire, the Restoration and the July Monarchy. His career reflects all the French political changes. A private tutor, he enlisted in 1793 while trying to avoid being arrested. During the Directory, in 1797, he joined the Foreign Office and stayed in this departement until 1815 : he was constantly promoted, from the position of 2nd secretary in 1797 to minister plenipotentiary in Poland in 1813. As he joined the ranks of Napoleon during The Hundred Days, he had to retire from public life once Louis XVIII came back. Two years after Waterloo, he became a member of Parliament and sat among the liberals until the Bourbons fall. Separately from his political activities, he published several historical books which rose his popularity. In his will, Napoleon asked him to write the diplomatic history of his reign. Begun in 1821, the Histoire de France was issued from 1829 to 1850 and split into 14 volumes. In 1830, he contributed to the July Monarchy’s birth and became one of its support in Parliament : Louis-Philippe rewarded him and appointed him as peer of France in 1837, as a public recognition for his duties. This study which tackles all Bignon’s activities, aims to emphasize a medium scale diplomatic experience, parliamentarian’s occupations during the Restoration and the July Monarchy and Napoleon historian’s originality

Au fil de sa trajectoire, Maurice Barrès offre des visages très divers, pourtant complémentaires, et finalement indissociables les uns des autres : il sera ainsi, dans le même temps, écrivain, journaliste,député. Cette étude s’intéresse en particulier à sa destinée d’homme politique. De sa vision critique du parlementarisme à son rayonnement international, l’écrivain lorrain s’engage avec passion dans de grandes campagnes (La Grande Pitié des églises de France, La défense de la science et Une enquête aux pays du Levant) toutes guidées par l’idée d’un mieux être possible de l’Homme. Barrès montre ainsi une pensée sans cesse en mouvement. À travers diverses stratégies de communication que nous examinerons, le parlementaire de la Troisième République, également académicien de grand renom, donne à voir une gestion organisée de sa parole publique dans une nouvelle ère médiatique. Il invente dès lors une figure inédite de l’homme de lettres et du parlementaire
Over the course of his career, Maurice Barrès offers very different faces, yet complementary, and ultimately inseparable from each other : he will be, at the same time, writer, journalist, MP. This study focuses in particular on his destiny as a politician. From his critical vision of parliamentarism to its international influence, the writer from Lorraine engages with passion in great press and political campaigns — La Grande Pitié des églises de France (The Great Mercy of the churches of France),the defense of science, Une enquête aux pays du Levant (An investigation to the countries of the Levant) — all guided by the idea of a better being possible of Man. Barrès shows a thought constantly moving. Through various communication strategies that we will examine, the parliamentarian of theThird Republic, also academician of great renown, gives to see an organized management of hispublic speech in a new media era. He invents an unprecedented figure of the man of letters and the parliamentarian

Thesis (M. Dev.) -- University of Limpopo, 2017.
Education is indeed essential for the improvement of the performance, competence and effectiveness of parliamentarians. Many countries in the world including South Africa do not require specific minimum qualifications or skills to qualify to be a parliamentarian. As a result, parliamentarians come into the legislature with varying levels of skills and qualifications, which has an impact on their competence and effectiveness. The purpose of the study was to assess the training needs of parliamentarians focusing on the case of the Limpopo legislature. Mixed research method comprising both qualitative and quantitative methods was applied in this study. A survey questionnaire was used to collect quantitative data from thirty-six respondents. In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted to collect the qualitative data from seven respondents. The study found that seventy-eight percent of parliamentarians had a bachelor degree and post-graduate. Parliamentarians identified FAMPPLA, PFMA, research analysis, standing rules and orders, presiding over meeting, strategic management, interpersonal skills, speech writing, computer literacy, negotiations, facilitations skills, monitoring and evaluation as their priority training needs. The study further found that parliamentarians prefer two to three day workshops as a mode for training.

What are the conditions under which terrorist groups turn to party politics? Under what conditions do political parties turn to terrorism? What types of political groups are more likely to turn to or from terrorism? Answers to these questions provide new insights into explanations for the formation of linkages between political parties and terrorist groups. While political parties and terrorist groups are often differentiated by the tactics they employ, empirical evidence shows that these political groups sometimes shift tactics, making use of violent and nonviolent tactics either concurrently or consecutively. Shifts between violent and nonviolent tactics occur when a political party supports, creates, or becomes a terrorist group and when a terrorist group supports, creates, or becomes a political party. Cases in which terrorist groups turn to party politics have been addressed in the literature, most often in the form of case studies. Less attention has been paid to the more numerous cases of political parties forming linkages with terrorist groups. Both types of tactical shifts are under-studied and under-theorized. This dissertation fills a gap in the largely separate literatures on political parties and terrorism through an analysis of international-, state-, and group-level factors associated with the formation of party-terror linkages and a discussion of the implications of these factors for the construction of a more general theory of political group adaptation.
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Scholars generally agree that corruption hinders economic development (Johnston, 1997; Hellman, Jones, and Kaufmann, 2000; Tanzi and Davoodi, 1997; Mauro, 1997; RoseAckerman, 1975, 1978). There are two main schools of thought regarding the causes of corruption. The first focuses on structural causes, including a country's history, sociopolitical context, culture and norms, values, and loyalties. This view is reflected in the work of Rose-Ackerman (1975), Kaufmann and Dininio (2006), Yao (2002), Johnston (1997), and Knack (2000), among others. While this body of work helps explain the drivers of corruption, as well as the extent and types of corruption, it is "...often difficult to translate into policy solutions for the reduction of corruption (Thomas and Meagher, 2004, p. 4). The second school, exemplified inter alia by Klitgaard (1998), Rose-Ackerman (1998), and Polinsky and Shavell (2001), focuses on behavioral causes and draws on new institutional economics, in particular the principal-agent theory, to explain corruption. Until recently, research has tended to overlook the role of legislatures in influencing corruption. However, recent work suggests that one of the principal factors determining a country's level of corruption is its form of government; that is, whether a country has a presidential or a parliamentary system. Yet there is no consensus on what exactly these factors are, nor on how they operate. Gerring and Thacker (2004) and Lederman et al. (2005) demonstrate that countries with presidential forms of government have higher levels of corruption than those with parliamentary forms. This runs counter to corruption theories that stress the importance of checks and balances and independent "institutions of accountability" (Doig and Theobald, 2000; Hope, 2000; Persson, Roland and Tabellini, 1997; Treisman, 2000). This latter group of authors asserts that the legislature is better able to hold the executive to account in presidential systems, in which the two branches of government are independent of each other, than in parliamentary systems, in which the two branches are fused. They argue that greater accountability reduces corruption. Pelizzo and Stapenhurst (2004) found that one of the differentiating factors between presidential and parliamentary forms of government is the number of oversight tools available to the legislature-legislatures in parliamentary systems tend to have more tools at their disposal than those in presidential systems. However, researchers have not considered whether more, and which, oversight tools result in better oversight and less corruption. In this thesis, I explore the issues raised by the studies mentioned above. I examine and answer (i) whether countries with parliamentary forms of government (Gerring and Thacker, 2004; Lederman et aI., 2005) are less corrupt than countries with presidential forms of government, or countries with presidential forms of government are less corrupt (Doig and Theobold, 2000; Hope, 2000; Persson, Roland and Tabellini, 1997; Trieisman, 2000); (ii) whether the availability of legislative oversight tools is a determining factor (Pelizzo and Stapenhurst, 2004) of legislative oversight itself, and lower corruption; and (iii) what other factors may explain differences in the degree of oversight and corruption. The overall objective of this thesis is specified in the following research question: Does legislative oversight reduce corruption and, if so, how and why? In particular, what are the differences regarding oversight in countries with parliamentary and presidential forms of government-and do these explain the lower levels ofcorruption in countries with parliamentary systems? The general question I ask is: "Is corruption reduced when the level of legislative oversight is raised?" In answering this question, I assume that the relationship between legislative oversight and corruption is a policy process; the desired policy outcome is reduced corruption and the input is legislative oversight. The underlying question is: how does the input affects the outcome? I also believe that legislative oversight comprises specific tools used by legislatures in a particular context; in other words, I examine oversight tools and contextual factors. To facilitate cross-country comparisons of legislative oversight, and to enable me to answer this overall research objective, I developed a comprehensive Legislative Oversight index. I then conducted statistical analyses to see to what extent this index could explain variations in corruption levels across countries. I found that the index is positively associated with lower corruption and that the relatively better score on oversight tools for countries with parliamentary forms of government is somewhat offset by the slightly better score- on contextual factors for countries with presidential forms of government. However, even allowing for this, I found that countries with parliamentary forms of government have greater oversight, and lower corruption, than those with presidential forms of government. In summary, this thesis has added to our knowledge in three ways. First, I have developed a set of useful methodological tools which enables more rigorous cross-country comparisons of legislative oversight and its components than was previously possible. The tools comprise an index of Oversight Tools, an index of Contextual Factors, and the combined index of Legislative Oversight, noted above. Second, using these tools, I have demonstrated that legislative oversight is an important determinant of corruption. I have shown that contextual factors are relatively more important, although oversight tools are relevant as well. Finally, I have developed a comprehensive conceptual framework which synthesizes different neo-classicist theories and explains the policy process between legislative oversight and corruption.

博士
中國文化大學
中山學術研究所
94
【Abstract】 This study tries to understand and reconstruct the political theory of Chinese Constitutionalism, and further explains the reason why ‘Parliamentarism’ is hardly established. Because the thought of democratic constitution was formed in late Chin Dynasty, the political system proposed by elites in late Chin Dynasty became the starting point of this paper. This study was divided into seven chapters, whose topics follow the historical proceedings. The first chapter, ‘Introduction’, tries to generally introduce the background, meaning, research question of this paper. It stresses the importance to adopt a Chinese culture-based approach, and describes the research methodology and analytical structure. The second chapter, titled ‘Conceptual clarification for Yi-Yuan and Kuo-Huei’ (parliament), tries to analyze the meanings of ‘Yi-Yuan’ and ‘Kuo-Huei’ by linguistic analytical approach. It is obviously too oversimplied to consider Yi-Yuan as the same as Kuo-Huei in previous literature. Basically, there will be no big mistake to consider the above two terms as legislative organs. However, the original meaning of Yi-Yuan should be a government organ for discussion, rather than a legislative one. Therefore, the meanings of the two terms should be different. The third chapter is ‘Establishing a Yi-Yuan or Kuo-Huei’s perspective of constitutionalism’. This chapter shows that the original meaning of ‘constitutional government’ or ‘constitutionalism’ is the basic system of how to assemble a meeting. Therefore, this chapter further points out that our Constitution does not include the intents of ‘limited government’, ‘checks and balances’ and ‘rule of law’. The fourth chapter focuses on the topic of ‘The construction and practice of transitional Constitutional Government’. The research purpose of this chapter is to analyze the reasons that caused the legislative system failed. Besides, this study adopts a political historical approach to explain that the parliamentarism was to check and balance the power of a president. In the mean time, this paper will elaborate what role and function that the Kuo-Huei is expected to play, for whom it is responsible. The fifth chapter is ‘Dr. Sun Yat-Sen’s Political Tutelage and Constitutional Planning’. This chapter emphasizes the core concept of Dr. Sun’s ‘people’s right’ which lies in people’s contribution to our country. Further, this chapter will explain how Dr. Sun understands constitution, and reconstruct the theory of ‘Division between Political Right and Governmental Power’ and ‘Five- Powers Constitution’. The sixth chapter is ‘Limitation and constrain of our constitutional choices’. By adopting historical neo-institutionalism, the study tries to discuss the original intent of our constitutional choice. It further explains that the historical event and political culture have a lock-in effect which determines the constitutional choice and institutional change. This chapter will trace the development of the constitutions, explore the content of our constitutionalism and describe the political theory of the constitution. Due to the previous choice, it is difficult for us to choose ‘parliamentarism’ again. The seventh chapter is conclusion. This paper proposes different points of view about parliamentarism, executive-legislative relationship, and the role of a president. Besides, this paper also discusses why it is hard to establish parliamentarism in China by reference to the western democratic and constitutional experiences.

碩士
淡江大學
亞洲研究所數位學習碩士在職專班
104
This historical documentary thesis presents a summary of parliamentary relations between the Legislative Yuan of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the National Assembly of the Republic of Nicaragua during 2010-2015. The information was in different Taiwanese and Nicaraguan media. Information on historical diplomatic relations between the Republic of China and the Republic of Nicaragua is also provided; the definition of parliamentary diplomacy is explained. Also there is a summary of both legislative powers as well as their respective parliamentary diplomacy; a chronology of diplomatic relations between the two countries, speeches and congressional resolutions on parliamentarian diplomacy are presented in Annex. It is intended that all information provided in this research will be useful for strengthening parliamentary relations between the two countries.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This thesis examines a group of German intellectuals and politicians who, during World War I, formulated and proposed a democratic ideology based on their interpretation of the German Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant and integrated his ideas with those of Karl Marx, the father of modern socialism. Their theory was an attempt to legitimize democracy in Germany at a time when democratic reforms came to the forefront of German politics. These thinkers advocated a non-revolutionary foundation for social democracy by emphasizing the role of human reason and agency in the process of democratization. Because they had abandoned the need for revolution, which most early nineteenth-century socialists believed was socialism’s ‘final goal,’ these thinkers were known as revisionists. The revisionists’ primary medium through which they espoused their views of social democracy was the journal Sozialistische Monatshefte, which ran from 1893 until 1933. The timeframe on which this argument focuses is the last two years of World War I, when Germany’s failure achieve a victor’s peace opened new avenues for the center-left of the political spectrum to achieve democratic reform. The revisionists sought to carry forward the process of democratization, and by doing so, reconnected with the ideas of the Enlightenment.