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1
Malik, Anas. "Pakistan in 2013". Asian Survey 54, nr 1 (styczeń 2014): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.177.
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Pakistan made history, with an elected civilian government completing a full five-year term in 2013 before turning power over to another elected civilian government. Elections saw high turnout, bringing Nawaz Sharif back as prime minister. Though former military ruler Pervez Musharraf was placed on trial, the Pakistani military remains politically powerful. Violent militancy, power shortages, and fiscal problems continued, but an IMF loan should provide some short-term relief.
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Ganguly, Sumit. "Pakistan, the Other Rogue Nation". Current History 103, nr 672 (1.04.2004): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.672.147.
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Zarychta, Stanisław. "Pakistan – w kierunku triady jądrowej". Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, nr 23 (31.08.2023): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.23.013.18159.
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Pakistan’s political history since independence has been marked by periods of political, military, and economic instability. The Kashmir conflict remains a major point of contention between Pakistan and India. Therefore, Pakistan’s main reason for building nuclear weapons was as a deterrent against Indian conventional forces and a desire to gain a leading role in the Islamic world. The assessment of Pakistan’s nuclear potential is very difficult due to limited information and lack of transparency on the part of military circles. While all nuclear-weapon states generally aim to lower their capabilities, Pakistan, on the contrary, is developing its nuclear capabilities and is currently projected to have around 165 nuclear warheads. Pakistan’s nuclear policy is to have a full spectrum of nuclear weapons from tactical nuclear weapons to strategic ballistic missiles. The main task of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal is deterrence. Pakistan’s nuclear doctrine is intended firstly to deter India from aggression against Pakistan and secondly to prevent India from being victorious in the event of war. The basis of the doctrine of the Pakistani armed forces is the current concept of offensive defense, which assumes conducting a counterattack, the purpose of which will be to transfer a possible armed conflict to the enemy’s territory.
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Shamim, Muhammad Usman, Saira Iqbal i Muhammad Shoaib. "Socio-Economic Requisites of Democracy: A Historical Analysis of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan". Global Economics Review VIII, nr I (30.03.2023): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2023(viii-i).02.
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This article thoroughly examines the socio-economic requisites of democracy in Pakistan in the context of history. It also discusses the social and economic difficulties faced by Pakistan's due to the uneven transition of democracy. The objective of the research is to evaluate the element related to democratic change and moreover, it investigates the variables connected with Pakistan's democracy decline. This article is descriptive and analytic in nature. Secondary sources such as books, research papers, newspaper articles and reports are used for the collection of data. The findings suggest that Pakistan’s democratic transition has been faced many socio-economic problems. This critical socio-economic condition challenges local security allows the military to take over Pakistan several times. The involvement of the army in government raises many issues related to socio-economic challenges. The patterns of continuous ascent in Islamic hostility have also been related with the military government. Pakistan promotes the religion-nationalistic institution worked as local armies to achieve foreign policies to come up with military governments; therefore, socio-economic development was neglected. As the result, Pakistan faced an uneven transition to democracy.
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Ahmad, Sajjad, i Muqarrab Akbar. "A Historical Review of Governance in Pakistan (1947-2012)". Global Regional Review IV, nr I (30.03.2019): 320–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).34.
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The present study attempts to make an understanding of the concept of governance and evaluation of its micromacro level of application on governance in Pakistan by using the model of McCawley theory 2005. In this article overall performance of governance regimes in the history of the country with the major focus on the administrative-economic results of their policies and decisions have been highlighted. Pakistans political stability, social development and industrial growth have always been victimized by its interest groups and elites. Pakistans weak political leaders always created a gap between civil and military bureaucracy and caused military regimes to rule the state. Today the countrys development is partial. The literacy rate is going better and active media have come up. Civil society has become assertive. The middle class is flourishing and Pakistanis are having the desire to have peace in the country.
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YAŞAR, Mahmut. "Pakistan Talibanı ve Pakistan’ın Ulusal Güvenliğine Etkileri". International Journal of Social Sciences 6, nr 26 (19.09.2022): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.12.
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Pakistan has a common history with the Indian Sub-continent, which has a geostrategic location and natural richness and is home to many civilizations, cultures and states. It was founded in 1947 after Britain left the region, but due to the border conflict with India, it faced many problems as conflicts occurred. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Twin Tower attacks on September 11, 2001 are two events that deeply affected Pakistan as well as neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan had to deal with many problems after these two events, which were the main reason for the ongoing active problems in the region, and went through a period of civil war. The main reason for these conflicts is the foreign fighters who immigrated from Afghanistan and took shelter in the tribes region of Pakistan after the military operation carried out by the USA in Afghanistan, and the Pashtun people hosting these fighters and Pakistan's conflict. As a matter of fact, as a result of this conflict, the Pakistani Taliban was established, and then there was a series of events that affected Pakistan's national security. Keywords: Pakistan, 9/11, Pakistani Taliban, al-Qaeda, USA
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Bibi, Ambreen, Saimaan Ashfaq, Qazi Muhammad Saeed Ullah i Naseem Abbas. "Ajoka Theatre as an Icon of Liberal Humanist Values". Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, nr 1 (31.03.2021): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i1.135.
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There are multiple ways of transferring human values, cultures and history from one generation to another. Literature, Art, Paintings and Theatrical performances are the real reflection of any civilization. In the history of subcontinent, theatres played a vital role in promoting the Pakistani and Indian history; Mughal culture and traditions. Pakistani theatre, “Ajoka” played significant role to propagate positive, humanitarian and liberal humanist values. This research aims to investigate the transformation in the history of Pakistani theatre specifically the “Ajoka” theatre that was established under the government of military dictatorship in Pakistan in the late nineteenth century. It was not a compromising time for the celebration of liberal humanist values in Pakistan as the country was under the rules of military dictatorship. The present study is intended to explore the dissemination of liberal humanist values in the plays and performances of “Ajoka” theatre. The research is meant to highlight the struggle of “Ajoka” theatre for enhancing the message of love, tolerance, peace and other humanist values in such crucial time.
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Shabir, Sobia, i Amna Mahmood. "Political Struggle for Women Empowerment: A Comparative Study of General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf Era". Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 1, nr 1 (31.12.2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/1.1.2.
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Women are more than half of the Pakistan’s population, still they are discriminated in every field of life due to prevailing misinterpreted religious teachings, patriarchy, and feudalistic values, which are deep rooted in society. Alongside, since independence military role remain dominant in political that have strong impact in shaping women status in Pakistan. For this reason, in this article comparison of two military regimes General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf is made to explore how their policies shaped the women status in Pakistani society. General Zia was determined to Islamized the legal system of Pakistan, which limited the women within four walls of home; no practical political will was there to empower women. The introduction of Hadood Ordinance 1979, blocked women social, economic, and political liberation. Contrary to this, General Pervez Musharraf’s era seems a cure, as political efforts made, for instance, Women Protection Bill 2006 introduced, and vague legislation introduced in General Zia era redrafted. First time in history of Pakistan women quota that much increased in National Assemblies of Pakistan, their political struggle to get rights encouraged, which resulted in women-oriented legislation. All this effort, remained very helpful to enhance the women social, economic, and political position at national level, and portrayed soft image of Pakistan internationally.
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Parray, Tauseef Ahmad. "UNDERSTANDING PAKISTAN THROUGH LITERATURE: AN APPRAISAL OF SOME RECENT WORKS". Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 4, nr 01 (1.08.2019): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v4i01.778.
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Pakistan, the second most populous Muslim country after Indonesia, came into existence on 14th August, 1947, after the division of ‘British ruled’ India (into India and Pakistan). From its inception to present, Pakistan covers a tumultuous history of over seven decades (1947-2019). Among the South Asian countries, no quantum of scholarship has been produced on any country—its history, religion (and religious ideology), politics, society, economy, and other inter-related issue—than Pakistan. This has continued in the last as well as present century. From 2010 onwards, numerous works have been published on religion, politics, military, and other aspects of Pakistan. This review essay, in this framework, presents an assessment of three (3) important works, published in between 2012 and 2014, so that to get clues of the various aspects of Pakistan. Following a descriptive-cum-comparative methodological approach, the books assessed and examined are: Ian Talbot, Pakistan: A New History (2012); Faisal Devji, Muslim Zion: Pakistan as a Political Idea (2013); and Aqil Shah, The Army and Democracy: Military Politics in Pakistan (2014). This assessment helps us in understanding the diverse scholarly approaches adopted (by different scholars) in studying Pakistan. The major argument put forth is that such an appraisal helps us not only in understanding the history of Pakistan, but in analyzing the issues and challenges Pakistan has faced, and is facing—be they religious, political, or related to military and security, etc.
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f, f. "The Relations Between Pakistan and China". Asia Social Science Academy 11, nr 2 (31.10.2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.11.2.1.
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Pakistan and China are exemplary friends and their friendship has laid down indelible imprints on the sand of time. the geographical proximity and mutuality of interest are the key features to promote bilateral relations. Pakistan and China assisted each other in different sectors to strengthen their friendship bond. Pakistan and China have a deep-rooted strategic partnership that spans several decades. This partnership is based on shared interests and mutual trust. Both countries have consistently supported each other on various international issues. Economic cooperation is a cornerstone of the Pakistan-China relationship. China has invested significantly in Pakistan through various infrastructure projects, including the China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which aims to connect China's western region to Pakistan's Gwadar Port through a network of roads, railways, and pipelines. This project is seen as a game-changer for Pakistan's economy. Pakistan and China have a growing trade relationship. China is one of Pakistan's largest trading partners, and the two countries have signed several agreements to enhance trade and reduce trade barriers. Pakistan exports various products to China, including textiles, agricultural goods, and seafood. Pakistan and China have a long history of military cooperation. they conduct joint military exercises and have a history of arms sales and technology transfers. the collaboration in the defense sector is an important aspect of their relationship. Both countries often support each other diplomatically in international forums. there are cultural exchanges and cooperation in education and tourism between the two countries. This helps foster people-to-people connections and a better understanding of each other's cultures. the Pakistan-China relationship has significant geopolitical implications, particularly in the context of South Asia. It provides China with a strategic foothold in the region and access to the Arabian Sea through Gwadar Port. It also has implications for the balance of power in the region, particularly in relation to India.
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Bandyopadhyay, Drona. "Partition, Migration and a ‘New Class’ in Pakistan: 1947-1958". Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, nr 02 (2022): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3203.
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In 1947 Pakistan was carved out of India. The creation of Pakistan had a long invisible history and short and fast paced visible history. Both these historical forces helped the separatist Muslim leadership in India to realise Pakistan. After the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim refugees went to their cherish homeland in large numbers. Most of them were socially forward and economically stable. This class helped the new state to have a strong foundational base in all the state controlled and private sectors including bureaucracy and military. But the Punjabi ethnicity native to Pakistan, which is also Muslim, started to develop a sense of despair and difference towards them, though in crucial military and bureaucracy they played an equally dominating role in tandem. This reality started to evolve in the early 1950s and up to the first military takeover in 1958. It continued thereafter, but variegated regional and ethnic issues started to begin. The ethnic fissures threatening the unity and integrity of Pakistan in the current times have deep-rooted origins in its formative years, meriting an in-depth analysis of its ethno-political history. The aim of this paper is to analyse the course of first ten years of Pakistan in order to understand its ethno-political dynamics. By looking into its history with the help of secondary sources available on Pakistan, this paper attempts to facilitate greater understanding of Pakistan as a state and thereby indicating avenues to address its strife.
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Qasim, Muhammad, i Ahmad Ali. "History of Coalitions in Pakistan (1947 To 1973) and the Factors Shaping it". Global Political Review IV, nr IV (30.12.2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iv).03.
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A political alliance is a temporary combination of groups or individuals formed to pursue specific objectives through joint action. Pluralist democracies are characterized by alliances and coalitions by diverse political parties. Political parties, desiring to exercise powers in democracies having parliamentary setups, naturally have to come in coalition with the major political party in parliament. Political parties sometimes make preelection alliances while some make coalitions in the post-election era with the ruling party. Alliance political culture has deep-rooted impacts on Pakistani politics. These alliances gave tough times to military dictators throughout the history of Pakistan and contributed towards strengthening democracy in Pakistan. For instance, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) was formed on 30th April 1967against Ayub Khan and the Movement for Restoration of Democracy on 8th February 1981. This paper enunciates and explores the politics of coalition in Pakistan before the dismemberment of Bangladesh and its impacts on the consequent events.
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Adhikary, Ramesh Prasad. "Pakistan, Rushdie and Shame". Academia Research Journal 2, nr 1 (13.02.2023): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/academia.v2i1.52332.
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The objective of this research paper is to investigate the fragments of historical reality regarding the military coup in Pakistan. In Salman Rushdie's novel Shame, the concept of shame refers to the national shame caused by an attack on democracy. From the standpoint of New Historicism, the work contains several traces and pieces of history relating to the military takeover during Bhutto's government in Pakistan. In Rushdie's Shame, physical details and cruel and horrible acts cover numerous historical truths. Suffiya is a representation of the shame she experienced. She first expresses the shame through her normally ashamed expression. Later, the internal guilt manifests as disease. She keeps feeling more and more ashamed. In this study, a fragment of historical truth about the military coup and the ensuing loss of democracy in Pakistan is indirectly examined beneath the literary specifics of Salman Rushdie's novel Shame. In order to show how Zia's military coup overthrows democracy, the study claims that Rushdie makes many allusions to historical truth that are concealed under fiction and fantasy. The researcher uses the theory of New Historicism, particularly those interpretative tools advanced by Michel Foucault and Stephen Greenblatt, to interpret the text. As part of a qualitative research project, Salman Rushdie’s novel Shame was analyzed using the literary device of new historicism. The study came to the conclusion that Rushdie's Shame uses fiction and fantasy to depict the traces of historical fragments. By fictionalizing official history, it reveals the historical truth that lies behind historical actuality.
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Chatterjee, Souvik. "Democratic Conundrum: Introspecting Complexities and Dynamics in Pakistan's Political Landscape". Religion and Policy Journal 1, nr 2 (31.12.2023): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/rpj.v1i2.627.
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Research Problem: This research aims to explore the main obstacles hindering Pakistan's democratic transition, including weak economic policies, structural imbalances, and military interference, all of which have led to insecurity, conflict, and the oppression of civilian rule. In addition, this research also aims to understand Pakistan's political culture which combines autocratic and democratic ideologies, as well as how political satisfaction with different regimes impacts the acceptance of military regimes and the inability of marginalized groups to express their opinions under authoritarian rule. Research purposes: The aim of this research is to identify and analyze the main challenges facing Pakistan's democracy, including issues of partisanship and segregation practices, as well as to understand historical and current issues that can help identify changes needed to strengthen democracy in Pakistan. Research methods: This research uses a descriptive-analytical approach by collecting data through literature reviews and analysis of official documents, such as government reports and international agency reports. Interdisciplinary analysis is used to understand the impact of historical and socio-cultural factors on the development of democracy in Pakistan. Results and Discussion: The research results show that the main challenges to Pakistan's democracy include fraudulent electoral processes, political centralization, segregation, and biased party politics. The lack of a dynamic civil society and military domination of civilian government are contributing factors to the failure of democracy in Pakistan. Discussions of history and current issues also provide insight into the changes needed to improve democracy in the country. Research Implications and Contributions: This research has important implications for policymakers and stakeholders interested in improving democracy in Pakistan. By understanding and identifying the challenges faced, this research can provide guidance for developing appropriate strategies and measures to strengthen democracy and promote political inclusion in Pakistan.
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Mehsood, Mobina, Fawad Khan i Raza Ullah Shah. "Analysis of the Independence of Superior Judiciary Under Civilian Governments in Pakistan: From 1947 till 2009". Global Educational Studies Review II, nr I (30.12.2017): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gesr.2017(ii-i).03.
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The political history of Pakistan is divided into two phases: military regimes and political/civilian governments. The military ruled over Pakistan more than half and civilian governments remained in power less than half of its entire history. This paper studies and examines the function of the judiciary and effect of executive on independence of the superior courts during civilian governments in Pakistan from 1947 till 2009. Violation of judiciary independence of through executive are examined under several domains like its undue role in judicial appointments and removal; its undue influence during the case proceedings and decisions; the abuse of judicial proceedings due to political considerations.
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Huma, Zil e., Saniya Moazam i Naveeda Irum Warsi. "Mushrooming of Media under Musharraf Regime and its Impacts on the Functioning of Democracy". Global Digital & Print Media Review VI, nr I (30.03.2023): 234–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2023(vi-i).18.
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The political elite, bureaucracy and establishment had not played their expected role in Pakistani society. Pakistan's establishment is always overshadowing the political landscape. This study analyses the role of media during the Musharraf regime in Pakistan. It also aims to figure out the factors which are playing a role in the promotion or degradation of democracy. In this study, the qualitative research technique is applied. This research proved that Pakistan's ex-military rule has remained worst in initiating change, opinion building and betterment of society. It also played an inverse role in social change and to support and strengthening democracy. Pakistani Journalist has demonstrated an unprecedented ability to act as a catalyst in connection with the efforts by the civil society in strengthening democracy during the Musharraf regime. Musharraf's regime is one of the darkest eras in Pakistan's media history in terms of the subjugation of media and journalists.
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Islam, Rafaqat, Sarfraz Hussain Ansari i Shahzad Hussain. "Foreign Debt and its Implications for Pakistan’s National Security". Global Regional Review III, nr I (30.12.2018): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).08.
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National security implications of the rising government debt in Pakistan increase concerns about military powers such as the USA and industrial giants such as Japan. This paper examines the unprecedented rise and abundant use of debt by governments since 2008. Apart from economic sustainability risks of the debt, the paper also traces history of Pakistan’s search for national security since 1947. Pakistan achieved nuclear capability in the face of opposition from the USA. There are fears that in the presence of huge external debts and low capacity to service them, Pakistan may not be able to take independent decisions regarding national security. The paper offers recommendations to overcome the threats
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Ayres, Alyssa. "Musharraf's Pakistan: A Nation on the Edge". Current History 103, nr 672 (1.04.2004): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.672.151.
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Imran, Rahat. "Locating the Storyteller in Silent Waters: Sabiha Sumar’s Cinematic Tale of Shared Histories and Divided Identities". CINEJ Cinema Journal 9, nr 2 (14.12.2021): 231–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2021.426.
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In her multi award-winning feature film Silent Waters (2003), Pakistani woman filmmaker Sabiha Sumar connects the socio-political traumas of the Partition of India and creation of Pakistan (1947) with the onset of military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization period (1977-1988) in Pakistan. Presenting a story based on real-life events, the film focuses on the impact of religious fundamentalism and nationalism on women in particular. Examining Silent Waters as an example of “history on film/film on history” (Rosenstone 2013), and film as an “agent, product, and source of history” (Ferro 1983), the discussion identifies and analyzes the filmmaker’s own tacitly embedded location and participation in the filmic narrative as an experiential ‘auto/bio-historiographer’, arguing for the value of this new paradigm in Cinema Studies.
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Shaukat, Zahir Shah i Afzaal Amin. "Governance and Recurrent Military Takeover Prospects: A Case Study of Pakistan". Global Political Review IV, nr I (30.03.2019): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-i).07.
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Civil-military relations in developing countries are at the heart of a central concern of democracy. In Pakistan, the same has not only been turbulent throughout our history; it has also been an uneasy relationship with frequent military interventions. However, in Pakistan military has come to identify itself with the state rather than just one of the key components of a constitutional state. The Agency Theory, based on Principal-Agent relation, has been applied by many to explain the 1999 Musharraf takeover in Pakistan. The intervention is justified on many grounds. But what is more interesting is the fact it is welcomed in a country where people at large long for democracy and cherish democratic ideals.
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Rustam, Hinna, Muhammad Umar Dogar i Ayesha Alam. "Impacts of Domestic Factors on the Foreign Policy of Pakistan (2008-2018)". Global Foreign Policies Review VI, nr I (30.03.2023): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-i).02.
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Since its foundation, Pakistan's foreign policy has gone through many stages. Political leadership, location, economic strength, philosophical viewpoints, history, ideology, and cultural values all had a big impact on Pakistan's decision-making process when it came to its foreign policy. Due to financial and military support from other nations, Pakistan's foreign policy was reliant on them. Priorities for foreign policy are determined at every stage in accordance with the national interests of major nations. Pakistan's foreign policy was impacted by internal considerations. Due to political and economic instability, Pakistan faced a number of threats from its close neighbours and foreign powers between 2008 and 2018. In addition to domestic considerations, effective foreign policy was also hampered by political clashes among political leaders. Relationships with a rival state (India) and the sole superpower of the world (USA) were hampered by the military establishment and civilian administrations' lack of collaboration.
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Shah, Ali Shan, Muhammad Waris i Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Independence of Judiciary: An Assessment of Lawyers Movement and its Impact on Civil Society of Pakistan". Global Regional Review III, nr I (30.12.2018): 402–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2018(iii-i).30.
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Lawyers are important part of Pakistani society. They actively participated in the movement against the military regimes. Social movement are necessary for the renewal of the society. These movements help to make a society vibrant and prone to democratization. All the fractions of the society took keen interest in this movement. This historic movement gave youth the initial lessons of democracy and students took part in this movement as they were active in the first two decades of Pakistani political history. Students are the educated and informed part of the society and remained on forefront in the movements in the country. In recent years lawyers, media, students unions, military and ulema played important role in restoring of judiciary and played important role for Lawyers Movement in Pakistan 2007-09.Rule of law issue educated Pakistani civil society and the society became more vibrant about the democratization in the country.
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Abenante, Diego. "EVOLUTION OF THE CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONSHIP IN PAKISTAN IN THE POST-COVID ERA". Il Politico 258, nr 1 (6.06.2023): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/ilpolitico.2023.815.
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Pakistan has been ruled by military regimes for almost half of its history. Since the first coup in 1958, the military has experimented with a variety of political strategies and models of civil-military relations, including purely military rule and various forms of hybrid regimes. The military's attitude toward Islam has also evolved over time. Since 1947, the military has recognized the role of religion as the basis of national identity and has sought to integrate it into official propaganda despite the diversity of conceptions. The nature of the relationship between political parties and the military underlies recent political evolution. The 2018 general elections saw Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf (PTI) prevail in large part due to the support it received from the military establishment. The military chose to support PTI as an alternative to the two main national parties, the Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N) and the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), with which the military has been at odds for nearly two decades. However, the 2018 elections showed that the military's ability to control the political scene is limited. Indeed, the PML-N and PPP have maintained their traditional strongholds in Punjab and Sind. Despite the support of the military, the PTI only managed to prevail in the elections with a slight majority. The crisis of Imran Khan's government between 2020 and 2022 was due to three main factors: divisions between the parties in the ruling coalition; mismanagement of the emergency caused by the Covid-19 pandemic; and the PTI and military's differing view of economic cooperation with Beijing and particularly the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. This situation led to a conflict between PTI and the military and the no-confidence vote in parliament in April 2022 that ousted Imran Khan from power.
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Ganguly, Sumit. "What if Pakistanis Strike India Again?" Current History 109, nr 726 (1.04.2010): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.726.170.
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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, i DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction". Modern Asian Studies 45, nr 3 (28.04.2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
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Chakravorty, B. C., i Rajendra Nath. "Military Leadership In India: Vedic Period to Indo-Pakistan War." Journal of Military History 55, nr 2 (kwiecień 1991): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985902.
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Khan, Iltaf, Safina i Attia Quresh. "The Politics of Alliances During Ayub's Era of Controlled Democracy (1958-1969)". Global Social Sciences Review VII, nr II (30.06.2022): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2022(vii-ii).25.
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The political system of Pakistan is comprised of a multi-party system; therefore, the formation of alliances and counter alliances by the political parties is a common feature of its political culture. Pakistan's political history reveals that alliances are formed against authoritarian military regimes.The alliances were also formed to cope with the civilian administration of popular leaders, as they are accused of benefiting from rigged elections, and authoritarian policies and being responsible for the economic crisis. During the military regime of Ayub Khan, the opposition alliances succeeded in removing Field Marshal Ayub Khan from the presidency as he failed to cope with its pressure in the late 1960s. The purpose of this study is to determine the role of these political alliances during the martial law regime of Ayub Khan.To what extent are they sincere in their cause of developing a viable political system in the country? What circumstances led to the formation of these alliances? What was the impact of these alliances on the Pakistani political spectrum? The present study has attempted to answer some of these questions.
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Ullah, Ihsan, Hira Khurshid, Iftikhar Ahmed, Romisa Rehman i Saad Atiq. "Forensic Age Estimation from Lower Third Molar Maturity Index". Pakistan Armed Forces Medical Journal 73, nr 2 (3.05.2023): 531–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51253/pafmj.v73i2.7364.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Objective: To estimate age from mandibular third molar maturation stages in the patient presenting to the Combined Military Hospital, Peshawar Pakistan.
Study Design: Cross-sectional.
Place and Duration of Study: Department of Dentistry, Combined Military Hospital, Peshawar Pakistan, from Jun to Jul 2021.
Methodology: One hundred and fifty participants of either gender, ages 14 to 24 years, with good quality orthopantomogram (OPG) showing mandibular third molar tooth germs and Pakistani nationals were included. Participants with hypodontia, oligodontia, Amelogenesisimperfecta, Dentinogenesisimperfecta, history of trauma /fracture in the third molar region and any systemic disease were excluded. Data like age, gender and tooth maturation stages of right mandibular molars were recorded.
Results: The mean age was 16.76±2.19 years. In 111(74.9%) cases, the variation in chronological age can be explained by mandibular third molar maturation stages. The only statistically significant predictor for age was Demirjian's stage of lower third molar (p=0.002,95% CI=3.643-15.442), while gender was not a significant predictor.
Conclusion: The age can be estimated from the mandibular third molar with reliability in our population.
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Khan, Iltaf, Farman Ullah i Bakhtiar Khan. "Democracy and Federalism in Pakistan: An Analysis of PPP Government (2008-2013)". Global Regional Review VI, nr I (30.03.2021): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-i).05.
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Pakistan adopted a federal democratic system with a parliamentary type of governance. However, the political history of Pakistan reflects a deviation from parliamentary democracy and the least concern towards the institutionalization of its political system. The centralization of power, authoritarianism, the power thirst of political parties and the imbalance of civil-military relations always affected the democratic course of Pakistan. As a result of the 2008 elections, a power transition occurred from the military to the civilians. Pakistan People Party, after assuming power, restored the 1973 constitution to its original shape under the landmark 18th constitutional amendment. It reinforced parliamentary democracy and revisited federalism with complete autonomy for provinces abolishing the concurrent list. Steps were taken to ensure the independence of the judiciary and transparency of the election commission of Pakistan. This paper analyses the political and constitutional development during the PPP led government (2008-2013) and its role in establishing a viable federal democratic system based on participatory governance.
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Qazi, Muhammad Saleem, i Javed Akhtar. "Political Parties’ Contribution to the Changing Political Climate in Pakistan". Bulletin of Business and Economics (BBE) 13, nr 2 (1.06.2024): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.61506/01.00333.
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In any defined political system with sustained democracy, the political parties act as basic solid pillars that contribute in the right direction, exact nature, and level of political development. The history of political development is so deeply stained by military interference but the major political parties such as PMLN, and PPP played a significant role in maintaining a stable democracy though they were lacking in their commitments at many points in economic and social levels. In the constantly changing and unpredictable political climate of Pakistan, the smooth changeover of power is so rare and the history of Pakistani politics is compromised by political parties' rivalries that affect the democratic development and its sustenance on larger bases. The following survey was conducted to evaluate the contribution of political parties to the development of the democracy in changing political climate. Data was collected by using a simple convenient sampling technique through different secondary sources and then analyzed by using content analysis. The survey concluded that political intolerance among different political parties at different stages affects the political climate so drastically and also is a major factor for poorly sustained democracy along with unnecessary military interference.
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Waheed, Seemi. "Sartaj Aziz. Between Dreams and Realities: Some Milestones in Pakistan’s History. Karachi: Oxford University Press. 2009. Pak. Rs 595.00." Pakistan Development Review 49, nr 1 (1.03.2010): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i1pp.73-75.
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The geo-strategic location of a country gives it advantage or disadvantage in its relation with the comity of nations and addressing its domestic challenges. The vision, acumen and capacity of political leadership, however, determine the maximisation of advantages from geo-strategic location in attaining the national interests. Interplay of domestic political power, geo-strategic location and global power dynamics are aptly reflected in the political history of Pakistan as narrated in “Between Dreams and Realities”. “Between Dreams and Realities” is both an autobiography and dispassionate account of Pakistan’s chequered history as the author puts it “watched the political drama as ring side observer.” The author was actively engaged in roles, confronting formidable challenges to improve policy coordination and implementation. A sequenced political, economic, and foreign relations history of Pakistan is described illustrating turning points, milestones, and debacles in her existence as a country. The political scenario of Pakistan, marred by intermittent military takeovers, with disregard, and mutilation of the constitution, mainly served personal interests. The rulers, irrespective of whether elected or otherwise, conjoined survival of their rule with that of the country. Thereupon, usurpation of power is legitimised by engineered elections or putting in place pliable judiciary. The indiscipline in political parties, absence of vision, political inexperience, self-centered, and headlong political leaders, increased the vulnerability of parliament to complete its tenure. Weak organisation of political parties is, thus easily maneuverable to the wheeling, dealings, and gaming of ‘establishment’. This is amply visible in all military takeovers of elected governments, right from throwing of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s government to dissolution of Nawaz Sharif’s government in 1999.
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Author, Amjad Mahmood and Adil Sultan. "Impact of India’s ISR Capabilities on South Asian Security Dynamics". Strategic Studies 41, nr 4 (3.04.2022): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.041.04.0040.
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Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities have grown exponentially over the past two decades. Almost all major powers are building their ISR potential for commercial and military purposes which has provided incentive for the other emerging powers such as India to follow suit and develop its own cross-domain ISR network. This is likely to adversely impact South Asian security environment where India and Pakistan, the two nuclear armed states, remain embroiled in a military competition and have experienced several serious military crises over the past many years. Acquisition of new ISR technologies could also provide incentive to India to exploit its apparent conventional military advantage against Pakistan and venture into a limited armed conflict in pursuit of its political objectives under a nuclear overhang. Owing to a long history of distrust such an attempt could quickly escalate conflict with the possibility of an all-out war including the potential for a nuclear exchange. This paper aims to discuss India’s ambitious plan to upgrade its ISR capabilities in all the four domains of warfare, i.e. space, land, sea and air; the evolving India-US cooperation in sharing of data and its implications for Pakistan.
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Saiyid, Dushka H. "Iftikhar H. Malik. State and Civil Society in Pakistan: Politics of Authority, Ideology, and Ethnicity. Macmillan (in association with St. Anthony’s College). 1997. 347pp.Hardbound. £45.00." Pakistan Development Review 35, nr 3 (1.09.1996): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i3pp.285-287.
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Iftikhar H. Malik has taken on a daunting task in trying to write on the state and society of Pakistan. He examines the “triangle of authority, ideology, and ethnicity” and attempts to provide a theoretical and historical framework for the study of Pakistan’s chequered political history. Much in view is the role of the important ruling classes and groups, including the military, the bureaucracy, and the feudals, in the state formation of Pakistan. The author then goes on to discuss the problems of national integration, ethnicity, gender, and the role of the intelligence agencies. The book has obviously required and is based on a great deal of research involving both primary and secondary sources. Wide reference and erudition are fully in evidence.
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Zuberi, Kaukab Jamal. "The Attacks on the Critical Infrastructure of Pakistan". International Journal for Electronic Crime Investigation 5, nr 3 (1.12.2021): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ijeci.2022.050383.
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It's the broadband networks beneath us and the wireless signals around us, the local networks in our schools and hospitals and businesses, and the massive grids that power our nation. It's the classified military and intelligence networks that keep us safe, and the World Wide Web that has made us more interconnected than at any time in human history
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Rahman, Mahmudur. "Evaluation of Pakistani Challenge to Indian Hegemonic Ambition: A Look into History". Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 5, nr 2 (26.04.2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v5n2p1.
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South Asia is the largest region in the world in terms of population and India is the most dominant power among the eight member states that comprise the region, two of which possess nuclear weapons. The region is widely regarded as potential conflict zone because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. As the British exited from the subcontinent, India aspired to inherit the hegemonic pole position of the colonial power as its successor. But refusal of nuclear Pakistan, the second most powerful state in South Asia to surrender to the Indian material superiority resulted in the conflict formation during the last seven decades. The enmity between India and Pakistan commenced from the violent partition of British India in 1947. In addition to the three wars that India and Pakistan fought since the British relinquished colonial occupation, there were many other conflicts that could have ignited full-fledged armed confrontation. One of the core reasons for tension in South Asia is the unresolved Kashmir problem. Pakistan’s possession of nuclear arms has further dented Indian ambition to establish unchallenged regional hegemonic stability. The nuclearization of the subcontinent in the 90’s has benefitted much smaller Pakistan by elevating it to a more potent challenger to the Indian military might. The failure of India to rise above the perennial Indo-Pak confrontation not only has acted against fulfilling its dream of achieving the great power status, but also proven to be a formidable barrier in the creation of favorable environment needed for regional cooperation in order to maintain socio-economic development in the poverty-stricken South Asia. This paper focuses on the root causes of the conflict with chronological history of events.
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Rahman, Mahmudur. "Evaluation of Pakistani Challenge to Indian Hegemonic Ambition: A Look into History". Journal of Research in Philosophy and History 5, nr 2 (26.04.2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jrph.v5n2p1.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
South Asia is the largest region in the world in terms of population and India is the most dominant power among the eight member states that comprise the region, two of which possess nuclear weapons. The region is widely regarded as potential conflict zone because of the historic rivalry between India and Pakistan. As the British exited from the subcontinent, India aspired to inherit the hegemonic pole position of the colonial power as its successor. But refusal of nuclear Pakistan, the second most powerful state in South Asia to surrender to the Indian material superiority resulted in the conflict formation during the last seven decades. The enmity between India and Pakistan commenced from the violent partition of British India in 1947. In addition to the three wars that India and Pakistan fought since the British relinquished colonial occupation, there were many other conflicts that could have ignited full-fledged armed confrontation. One of the core reasons for tension in South Asia is the unresolved Kashmir problem. Pakistan’s possession of nuclear arms has further dented Indian ambition to establish unchallenged regional hegemonic stability. The nuclearization of the subcontinent in the 90’s has benefitted much smaller Pakistan by elevating it to a more potent challenger to the Indian military might. The failure of India to rise above the perennial Indo-Pak confrontation not only has acted against fulfilling its dream of achieving the great power status, but also proven to be a formidable barrier in the creation of favorable environment needed for regional cooperation in order to maintain socio-economic development in the poverty-stricken South Asia. This paper focuses on the root causes of the conflict with chronological history of events.
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Makarevich, Gleb G. "Pakistan’s Military Elites in Search of «Strategic Depth»: The Concept’s Evolution and Prospects". Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, nr 6 (2023): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080026493-9.
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The article deals with the concept of “Strategic Depth” that allegedly determines Pakistan’s military elites’ course of action. The author gives a definition to “Strategic Depth” and points out the issues relating to the term, analyzes the roots of Pakistan’s military elites’ perception of the Frontier and traces the evolution of the issues considered. The author invoked elite theory to identify certain social groups involved in prioritizing defense and security policies. The historical sociology of international relations makes it possible to assess the influence of the past on the essence of the social groups’ decisions, and to consider their attempts to construct outer threats for domestic purposes. The concept of “Strategic Depth” could be divided into three aspects: the demarcation and delimitation of the Pakistani-Afghan border, control over the Frontier area in Pakistan, and the possible usage of instability in these territories by other countries. None of “Strategic Depth”’s aims has ever been achieved after the Taliban takeover. The Taliban government in Kabul is not ready to recognize the Durand line, the confrontation between the TTP and the Centre has only escalated, New Delhi and Kabul are resuming their dialogue. The Pakistani military elites equally perceive the threats from India and Afghanistan, which allows them to justify their special mission to repel external threats and preserve statehood. It can be assumed that the whole range of problems will remain on the agenda in the long term, since the domestic dimension of “Strategic Depth” is of greater importance than the foreign and strategic one.
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Adib Abbiya Qowiyyudin i Moh. Azmi Fauzi. "SEJARAH ISLAM DAN POLITIK DI PAKISTAN". Batuthah: Jurnal Sejarah Padaban Islam 2, nr 2 (28.09.2023): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.38073/batuthah.v2i2.1097.
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This research aims to explain the history of Islam and politics in Pakistan. This type of research is descriptive using a qualitative approach. The main sources for this research are books and literature on the history of Islam and political policies in Pakistan. The source analysis process begins by reviewing data obtained from various sources or information. Data collected through documentation and literature study after being read, studied and then analyzed. Next, analyze the text of the document used as a reference in the research, so that keywords and flow are found that explain what is behind a political policy phenomenon. So that in accordance with the objectives to be achieved in this research, the analysis method used is qualitative using relevant sources for the analysis process. Political dynamics in Pakistan are quite high because there were upheavals, crises and military coups that often occurred in the first few years of its formation and in the following years. The incompetence of leaders in managing government has resulted in riots in various regions and ever-changing political movements. During the leadership of Ali Butto, the government system was changed from Islamic to secular, resulting in people being disappointed with Butto's leadership and ending in a military coup. In the subsequent dynamics of Zia Ul-Haq's government, there was development of all aspects of life which could improve government and change to an Islamic ideological system.
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Saragih, Hendra Maujana. "True Agreement Between India and Pakistan Regarding Disputes for The Kashmir Territory". International Journal of Scientific Research and Management (IJSRM) 12, nr 03 (4.03.2024): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v12i03.ps.01.
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Kashmir is an area located around the Himalayas which is located in northern India and Pakistan. Kashmir has been a trigger for conflict between India and Pakistan as both countries claim the Himalayan region. India and Pakistan have fought two wars over the Kashmir region, namely the India-Pakistan War in 1947 and the Kargil War in 1999. In 2019 tensions between India and Pakistan flared up again after India revoked the autonomy of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The military leadership of India and Pakistan in February 2021 announced a truce agreement along the disputed border region in Kashmir. This was done after the exchange of fire between the militaries of the two countries in recent months.
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Muhammad Usman, Dr Sahibzada. "Pakistan in the Crosshairs and the Rising Stakes of Strategic Information Warfare". Journal of Research in Social Sciences 12, nr 1 (11.01.2024): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52015/jrss.12i1.235.
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Over the past two decades, information and communication technologies (ICTs) have reaped significant attention from security experts, computer scientists, intelligence agencies, and governments for their potential applications in conflict scenarios. Using ICTs for offensive or defensive purposes to instantly invade, disrupt, or control the opponent's resources is known as strategic information warfare (SIW). Although SIW is as ancient as military history, the communication sciences revolution has altered its character. It has evolved into a double-edged weapon that is equally crucial for strong nations, technically underdeveloped states, non-state entities, and individual software experts. Some nations, most notably the US, Russia, and China, have taken the SIW technology seriously and compared it to the danger posed by WMDs. In the south Asian context, Pakistan faces a direct threat from India, which collaborates closely with Israel, by the use of SIW.
Additionally, the Western media portrays a highly negative picture of Pakistan's administration, law and order, and economy. The national media, suitably supported by foreign players, has begun a propaganda warfare effort against Pakistan's military forces and intelligence institutions. However, SIW is now a global danger, necessitating a worldwide response. Pakistan must create a proactive national strategy to prepare for the problems erupted from SIW strike on the communication network, which is crucial for the operation of its nuclear facilities.
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Duncan, Philip T. "The discursive protection of national interests". Journal of Language and Politics 11, nr 3 (26.11.2012): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.3.03dun.
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This article combines methodology from the discourse-historical approach with critique from Indigenous feminism and postcolonial theory to examine the “update” feature of Internet news and its potential impact on knowledge. The notion of text becomes abstract as authors produce neo-texts labeled “updated,” leading to opacity in editorial processing. From a case study analyzing an Associated Press article discussing Pakistani responses to U.S. drone attacks, we observe negative (re)presentation of Indigenous peoples in Pakistan as authors use rhetorical strategies to achieve erasure in subsequent revisions. I interpret the authors as employing such strategies to legitimize United States’ power under the axiological guise of protecting “democracy.” The revisions silence tribal leaders’ and women’s voices, substituting elements that interdiscursively appeal to “terrorism” in a post-9/11 context. The authors dissolve the distinction between tribal peoples in Pakistan and “terrorists.” U.S. military aggression is linguistically realized as defensive, and Pakistani disapprobation framed as offensive attack.
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Syed, Areeja. "Non-Military Confidence Building Measures and their Failure in Indo-Pak History (2001-2019)". Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review V, nr III (30.09.2020): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2020(v-iii).02.
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In international relations, an act of demonstrating cooperation and goodwill with an adversary is known as the Confidence-Building measure. The motive behind these measures is to alleviate misapprehension, tension, fear, and angst between two or multiple parties by emphasizing trust and restricting acceleration in a conflict. India and Pakistan share a prolonged history of mistrust and animosity. The repercussions of this acrimonious relations are profound and extensive. In the past, numerous measures have been initiated by both states to stabilize peace and rekindle the mutual working relationships. To accomplish the challenging task, numerous non-military CBMs have also been initiated from both sides intermittently. However, none of them delivered the desired outcomes and successfully triggered confidence as anticipated. Therefore, in this article, the author delves into finding out the fundamental reasons for the failure of these CBMs between India and Pakistan held in 2001 – 2019.
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MALIK, ANUSHAY. "Public Authority and Local Resistance: Abdur Rehman and the industrial workers of Lahore, 1969–1974". Modern Asian Studies 52, nr 3 (maj 2018): 815–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000469.
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AbstractIn 1968 a popular movement emerged on the streets of Pakistan which toppled the regime of General Muhammad Ayub Khan and ushered in the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). After a decade of military rule this movement was heralded as a turning point in the country's political fortunes. However, the war in 1971, the failure of the PPP to live up to its radical slogans, and Pakistan's eventual return to military rule in 1977 were seen as clear indications of the failure of both the movement and the PPP. This article focuses on the area of Kot Lakhpat in Lahore and the emergence of a worker-led court under Abdur Rehman to argue that this narrative of the failure of the movement does not leave space for local success stories which, while temporary, had an important impact on the role that the working classes imagined for themselves within the state. The Kot Lakhpat movement was part of a longer history of labour politics, and its story challenges the centrality of the PPP and shows how local structures of authority can be formed in response to the greater space for radical action opened up by a wider national resistance movement.
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Anwar, Tohid, Aftab Hussain Gillani i Muhammad Wasim Abbas. "Pakistan Russia Relation and its Effect on Regional Politics (1991-2008)". Global Political Review V, nr III (30.09.2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).01.
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Numerous ups and down has been observed in the relations between Pakistan and Russia. Their history is full of having virtuous associations as well as bitter memories among themselves. Russia is economically developed and a strong resource country, while Pakistan is still struggling hard to cover the success staircase. However, upright associations between Russia and Pakistan can open a window of mutual benefits for Pakistan as well as for Russia. Russia is self-sufficient in energy resources such as oil and gas, while Pakistan is an energy deficit country. Therefore, after smoothing the internal relations between Pakistan and Russia, a milestone can be covered exporting the Russian gas and oil to Pakistan. Pakistan is sanctified with the globally excellent military power, and Russia can learn a lot to eliminate terrorism and other relating dangers. Therefore, good sort of associations between Russia and Pakistan can revolutionize the regional politics of both countries.
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Ali, Sameen A. Mohsin, i Mariam Mufti. "Political Parties and Decentralization in Pakistan". Publius: The Journal of Federalism 52, nr 2 (10.11.2021): 201–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjab037.
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Abstract Why do politicians vote to decentralize power and resources? Drawing on structuralist and voluntarist approaches, we investigate why national party elites in Pakistan voted to devolve power to the provinces under the 18th Amendment to the 1973 Constitution but are hesitant to devolve meaningful fiscal and administrative power to the local level. We argue that the explanation for this disjuncture lies in Pakistan’s history of military experiments with local government, its candidate-centered party system, and the re-election incentives of politicians at the national, provincial and local levels. Using interviews with local government representatives, politicians, and bureaucrats, and archival research through National Assembly, Senate debates and newspapers, we show that devolution to the provinces was a means of holding a fragile federation together. However, Pakistan’s political parties, unable to elicit credible commitment from their legislators, feared that devolving power further could result in party defections, the rise of regional leaders, and inevitably, party fragmentation.
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Khan, Sarosh, Waris Imam i Sehar Ali. "Governance and public policy making in Pakistan: analysing colonial past and failures of political institutions". Asian Journal of Politicology and Allied Studies (AJPAS) 1, nr 1 (1.11.2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.ajpas/1.1.1.
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Public policy could be defined as a course of action of the government to address the problems of the public by taking rational measures while framing the direction of the country. Pakistan’s history has remained highly ambiguous in formulating public policy and governance as it has seen parliamentary democracies, military dictatorships, presidential democracies, and quasi-parliamentary democracies since its inception. Interestingly, the role of the legislatures, particularly the parliaments, has been overshadowed by the institution of bureaucracy and the military in terms of framing public policy and governance of the state. This paper reflects upon a holistic overview of the power structure dynamics in Pakistan and analyses the impact of the colonial past on the current power structure. It shall also investigate how the failure of political institutions has allowed other institutions to step in and play a significant role in governance and public policy-making.
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COOPER, RANDOLF G. S. "Afghanistan's Future as Seen from Hindustan's Military Past". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 24, nr 4 (9.06.2014): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186314000121.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
AbstractThis article stems from an informal inquiry into how military history was employed in British and North American centres for higher military education to prepare officers for deployment to Afghanistan. The discussions were conducted with professional military educators who were actively teaching in institutions tasked with educating middle and senior ranking officers. When questioned about course reading materials and texts, there was little commonality of approach between the three North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) allies. There was, however, a common working assumption that the only applicable military history lessons were those drawn from the three Anglo-Afghan Wars fought in 1839–1842, 1878–1880 and 1919 respectively.When asked about the linkages of Afghanistan to Pakistan and the wider South Asian region, there was a begrudging admission that the war in Afghanistan could not be fought in isolation and that any lasting peace had to be considered within a greater regional framework. Yet when it was posited that there may be benefit to a wider approach to the applicability of regional military history, those queried could see little to no benefit in considering any military history lessons but those derived from the three previously cited Anglo-Afghan Wars. This paper suggests that if military history has a useful role to play in contemporary conflict analysis and, more importantly, professional military education, then there is merit in considering a wider historic canvas and that the events of Hindustan's military past lend themselves to such an application.
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Shafqat, Saeed. "Democracy in Pakistan: Value Change and Challenges of Institution Building". Pakistan Development Review 37, nr 4II (1.12.1998): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v37i4iipp.281-298.
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Democracy as a system of governance and interest representation demands respect for dissent and opposition. It recognises the principle of majority rule and guarantees protection of minorities. Democracy also builds faith in electoral contestation to gain public office and gives legitimacy to political parties as primary instruments for acquisition and transfer of power from one set of individuals to another. Unfortunately, despite the significance of the above elements, no serious studies have been undertaken on Pakistan’s experimentation with democracy. Given a history of weak party system and prolonged military rule, most of the studies focus on the military, political parties, constitutional history, or in a descriptive way, attribute the failure of democracy to the inadequacies of the politicians [Ahmed (1987); Rizvi (1987); Callard (1957) and Afzal (1976)]. It is only recently that some theoretically meaningful and rigorous empirical writings have appeared on elections, procedures and practices of electoral contestation and on problems of transition from authoritarian regimes towards democracy [Waseem (1989); Wilder (1995); Talyor (1992); Rais (1997) and Shafqat (1997)].
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Khan, Muhammad Ikramullah, Muhammad Shafiq i Alia Tasleem. "Ruling Elites and Rational Democracy: An Analysis of Political System of Pakistan (1947-1993)". Global Regional Review VI, nr II (30.06.2021): 107–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).14.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This descriptive and analytical study aims to explore the ideology of ruling elites in Pakistan. Throughout the political and constitutional history of Pakistan, the governments, whether civilian or military, seem reluctant to politically mobilize the masses. The evolution of rational-democratic development in the country was tempered with undemocratic forces. Governing elite's lofty claims for the democratic and stable state are not fully materialized. This article highlights the reasons behind the reluctance of ruling elites to promote a rational democratic culture. The apparent reason is the lack of parliamentary culture in Pakistan. The representatives are elected by the people to present their demands in parliament. All policies, whether internal or external, should be originated within the parliament.Thus, the role of parliament is very important to introduce and promote the culture of rational, inclusive ideology. The governing elites,particularly the military regimes, introduced democratic reforms just to get political support for seemingly democratic legitimacy. The article investigates the causes of political instability and the patronage of political culture.
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Nawaz, Uzma, Mazher Hussain i Muhammad Bilal Nawaz. "WAR AND PEACE IN SOUTH ASIA: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF PAK-INDIA RELATIONS (2008-2018)". Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, nr 01 (31.03.2022): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.646.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This research aimed to investigate the War and Peace in South Asia: A Historical Analysis of Pak-India Relations (2008-2018). The aim was to analyze the relationships of both countries with regard to war and peace in connections with mutual disputes and negotiations efforts for peace process. Because of India and Pakistan's history of poor ties going back to 1947, discussions of collaboration have often occurred in the midst of threats of war and military confrontation. They have deployed their soldiers on several times as a consequence of a major threat of conflict. Diplomatic relations between India and Pakistan have been strained since the early 1990s as a result of turmoil in Kashmir and terrorist actions in other Indian states. After a series of high-profile terrorist strikes that took many lives, India's hostile spirit based on hatred against Pakistan has faded. Those opposed to the peace effort between India and Pakistan have established a pattern. Terrorist attacks have thwarted almost every Indo-Pakistani peace endeavor in recent years. As a consequence, belligerent minds dominate dialogues between India and Pakistan, constantly spreading negative narratives that condemn the adversary while creating virtue-based self-images in their own countries. Such negative narratives have been reinforced during a period of conflict, when there are numerous acts of violence, leading to an ongoing cycle of distrust, anxious to fight and violence that is difficult to escape. As a result, a positive cycle of trust and confidence growing between the two countries was never able to acquire traction or establish itself. Keywords: Pak-India Relations, Kashmir Issue, Kargil Conflict, Water Dispute.