Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Pakistan

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Pakistan”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 27 września 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Pakistan"

Fahim, Muhammad. "Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, the Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh". Journal of South Asian Studies 8, nr 2 (15.08.2020): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.02.3276.

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This article aims to study the estrangement between Pakistan and Armenia in light of the issue of Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh. Most Pakistanis are not aware of the fact that Pakistan does not recognize Armenia nor have any official diplomatic relations with her due to Pakistan’s principle stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Armenia occupied more than 20 percent internationally recognized Azeri territory during the 1992 war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. Pakistan has brotherly and cordial relations with Azerbaijan. Pakistan not only supports the Azeri stance over the Nagorno-Karabakh issue but goes out of the way to not recognize Armenia as a sovereign state. In turn, Azerbaijan supports Pakistan’s stance on the Kashmir dispute. On the contrary, Armenia not only refused to withdraw its forces from the internationally recognized Azeri land but supports Pakistan’s arch-enemy India on the Kashmir issue as a diplomatic move to counter Pakistan. This is the first-ever study conducted on Pakistan-Armenia relations. The article explores the reasons behind Pakistan's decision not to recognize Armenia in great detail. It discusses the estrangement between the two countries, especially in light of the Kashmir and Nagorno-Karabakh issue.

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Fahim, Muhammad. "Pakistan and the Question of Recognizing Armenia: Pakistan-Armenia Relations, The Issue of Kashmir & Nagorno-Karabakh". Journal of South Asian Studies 1, nr 1 (16.09.2020): ACCEPTED. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.01.3276.

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Azizv, Zohaib, i Javedv Iqbalv. "Testing the Dynamic Linkages of the Pakistani Stock Market with Regional and Global Markets". LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 22, nr 2 (1.01.2017): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2017.v22.i2.a4.

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This article examines the dynamic linkages between Pakistan’s emerging stock market and (i) the US market and (ii) the regional markets of India and Japan. Using data for the daily returns and volatility spillovers of three market pairs (Pakistan-US, Pakistan-Japan and Pakistan-India), the study estimates a series of bivariate asymmetric VARMA(1,1)-GARCH(1,1) models. It also fits multivariate asymmetric VARMA(1,1)-GARCH(1,1) models for two groups of markets: Pakistan-India-US and Pakistan-India-Japan. Based on the mean spillovers, the results suggest that the global and regional equity markets (Granger) cause the Pakistani market. There are unidirectional volatility spillovers to Pakistan from the US and Japan, while India is the only regional market with a significant cross-asymmetric effect on Pakistan. In the multivariate case, the regional and global markets have significant joint mean and variance spillovers and asymmetric effects on the Pakistani market. This indicates a weak degree of integration between the Pakistani market and the global and regional markets, implying that local risk factors – either firm-specific or country-specific – explain the expected returns on investment in the Pakistani stock market.

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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration". Pakistan Development Review 56, nr 2 (1.06.2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.

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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State

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Tassadduq, Sobia, i Sadia Sulaiman. "PAK-US ALLIANCE ON WAR OF TERROR: EVOLUTION OF PAKISTANI CONTEMPORARY ART IN THE WAKE OF INCREASED VIOLENT EXTREMISM". Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, nr 02 (30.06.2022): 770–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.529.

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This paper presents the findings of exploratory research that attempts to establish the relationship between the Pakistan-United States of America alliance in the post-9/11 era and increased violent extremism in Pakistan. Moreover, its efforts to link the rise of violent extremism with the evolution of Pakistani contemporary artwork – demonstrate greater political activism. Pakistan emerged as a frontline state and key non-NATO ally of the US and the West for the War of Terror. The study offers a perspective on changes in the artwork in terms of themes and messages. The study findings suggest that Pakistan’s participation in the US-led War on Terror did work to transform the political and religious sentiments, having security implications across Pakistan. The most profound changes are evident in terms of violent extremisms in particular suicide bombing and the State’s response in waging military operations against extremist elements. The changing landscape did influence the societal sentiments and heightened skepticism of the Pakistan-US partnership. The mounting skepticism and antagonism worked to influence the artistic expressions with the rise of political activism in contemporary artwork. The artists used the visual artwork (of painting) to express their political ideas, which demonstrates a marked departure from pre-9/11 artwork. The study’s findings suggest that the artwork became more critical of the changing realities and questioned both the government and the extremist elements, including Pakistan's relationship with the US. The study concludes that the Pakistan-US partnership did result in hardening the extremist views and as a consequence rise of violent extremism. And in turn, it changed the contemporary artwork in terms of themes and messages and the emergence of political artwork in Pakistan. Keywords: War on Terror, Violent Extremism, Pakistani Contemporary Art, Political Imageries.

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Makarevich, Gleb G. "Pakistan’s defense industry amid "pivot to the East" and "saving traditional strategic ties"". USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, nr 11 (15.12.2023): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s268667302311007x.

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With Pakistan having succeeded in developing relevant industries, it has taken a firm place in the second tier of weapons and military equipment producers. However, the Pakistan’s defense industry is still based on Chinese-Soviet and Western engineering thought. Such an equilibrium stems from both the country's capabilities in the sphere and traditional foreign policy imperatives of Pakistan's military elites. This logic is expected to remain relevant and will manifest itself in future Pakistani foreign and military-industrial policies.

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YAŞAR, Mahmut. "Pakistan Talibanı ve Pakistan’ın Ulusal Güvenliğine Etkileri". International Journal of Social Sciences 6, nr 26 (19.09.2022): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.12.

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Pakistan has a common history with the Indian Sub-continent, which has a geostrategic location and natural richness and is home to many civilizations, cultures and states. It was founded in 1947 after Britain left the region, but due to the border conflict with India, it faced many problems as conflicts occurred. The invasion of Afghanistan by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Twin Tower attacks on September 11, 2001 are two events that deeply affected Pakistan as well as neighboring Afghanistan. Pakistan had to deal with many problems after these two events, which were the main reason for the ongoing active problems in the region, and went through a period of civil war. The main reason for these conflicts is the foreign fighters who immigrated from Afghanistan and took shelter in the tribes region of Pakistan after the military operation carried out by the USA in Afghanistan, and the Pashtun people hosting these fighters and Pakistan's conflict. As a matter of fact, as a result of this conflict, the Pakistani Taliban was established, and then there was a series of events that affected Pakistan's national security. Keywords: Pakistan, 9/11, Pakistani Taliban, al-Qaeda, USA

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van Alebeek, Rosanne, i Ursula E. A. Weitzel. "List of Current Proceedings: Update". Leiden Journal of International Law 13, nr 2 (czerwiec 2000): 333–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000224.

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On 22 September 1999 the Islamic Republic of Pakistan instituted proceedings against India before the International Court of Justice concerning the shooting down of a Pakistani aircraft by Indian air force planes on 10 August 1999. In its Application filed in the Registry on 21 September 1999 Pakistan contends that the “unarmed Atlantique aircraft of the Pakistan navy was on a routine training mission with sixteen personnel on board” when “while flying over Pakistan air space it was fired upon with air to air missiles by Indian air force planes, without warning”, resulting in the death of all 16 personnel, “mostly young naval trainees”. It maintains that the aircraft, when shot down, was in an area situated approximately 70 to 90 miles east of Karachi and that it was “carrying out various training exercises and manoeuvres of instrument.” According to Pakistan, after radar contact was lost with the aircraft at 10.55 a.m., an intensive search was undertaken by Pakistani aircraft and helicopters and the wreckage was discovered around 2.55 p.m. 2 kilometres inside Pakistan territory. Pakistan further maintains that in the two and a half hours which elapsed between the shooting down and the discovery of the wreckage, “Indian helicopters […] sneaked into Pakistan's territory to pick up a few items from the debris […] in order to produce ‘evidence’ for [India's] initial claim that the Atlantique had been shot down over Indian air space.” However, according to Pakistan, because of the “overwhelming evidence […] Indian officials were obliged to admit that the Atlantique had indeed been shot down over Pakistan's air space.”

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Uzma Munir i Memoona Asif. "Racism and Alienation in Postcolonial Context: A Study of Tariq Rehman’s Short Story “BINGO”". ANNALS OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PERSPECTIVE 5, nr 1 (29.03.2024): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/assap.v5i1.347.

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Referring to the phenomenon of racism and alienation in Pakistani literature, it is first advantageous to examine Pakistan’s Postcolonial democracy. Pakistan was colonized under British rule for 90 years and got its independent recognition in 1947. In 1971, the political and social conflicts fueled the armed forces to start a third war between India and Pakistan. Consequently, East Pakistan (i.e., present Bangladesh) formally separated from West Pakistan. This paper focuses on two major dimensions of postcolonialism i.e., Racism and Alienation, in Tariq Rehman’s short fiction Bingo. Postcolonialism is used as a theoretical framework to postulate the formation and fragmentation of East and West Pakistani nations in 1971. The conventional treatment of colonial hegemony by West Pakistan to East Pakistan is analyzed through the characters of Tajassur and Safeer. The outcome of the hegemonic scenario gives birth to some toxic substances of civil war such as brutality, mass destruction, deprivation, hatred, and family loss, which are couched through the diction and style opted by Tariq Rehman. This study is exclusive in a way that it elucidates the social and emotional estrangement of the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) towards a minority (i.e., Bengalis) before the independence of Bangladesh. This work further examines the text to mediate all the scenarios of West Pakistan’s power shift from being under British raj to rule over Bengalis. To interpret the orientation and worthiness of data; thematic analysis is used as a more flexible yet influential tool; to discuss the hegemonic foundation after partition in Pakistan

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Ahmad, Sohail, Inayat Kaleem i Hajra Nasir Satti. "Special Economic Zones: A Comparison of the Economic Policies of China and Pakistan". Global Economics Review III, nr II (30.12.2018): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2018(iii-ii).02.

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China established Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in the late seventies and eighties which later became major drivers of their economic development. Now China is replicating the same phenomenon in Pakistan under CPEC. China, through the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the flagship project of One Belt One Road, has pledged to invest sixty-two (62) billion US dollars in Pakistan. The development of SEZs in Pakistan is divided into two phases. Phase one started in 2012, and the main focus in this phase was on Dhabeji, Rashakai Faisalabad. In phase two nine SEZs will be developed. If Pakistan successfully manages the SEZs it will shift the country towards industrialization in the long run and stabilize the Pakistani economy in the short run. However, many inconsistencies have originated due to Pakistans weak economic policies. This paper will provide a comparison between the SEZs in Pakistan and China, and how Pakistan can capitalize on the SEZs and pave the way for industrialization.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Pakistan"

Qureshi, Akhtar. "War in Pakistan the effects of the Pakistani-American War on Terror in Pakistan". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/497.

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This research paper investigates the current turmoil in Pakistan and how much of it has been caused by the joint American-Pakistani War on Terror. The United States' portion of the War on Terror is in Afghanistan against the Al-Qaeda and Taliban forces that began after the September 11th attacks in 2001, as well as in Pakistan with unmanned drone attacks. Pakistan's portion of this war includes the support to the U.S. in Afghanistan and military campaigns within it's own borders against Taliban forces. Taliban forces have fought back against Pakistan with terrorist attacks and bombings that continue to ravage the nation. There have been a number of consequences from this war upon Pakistani society, one of particular importance to the U.S. is the increased anti-American sentiment. The war has also resulted in weak and widely unpopular leaders. The final major consequence this study examines is the increased conflict amongst the many ethnicities within Pakistan. The consequences of this war have had an effect on local, regional, American, and international politics.
B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

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Tamana, Aazar. "US-Pakistan cooperation and Pakistan's security post 9/11". Thesis, Curtin University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/501.

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The thesis addresses the implications of US-Pakistan cooperation post 9/11 for Pakistan’s security. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 on World Trade Center and Pentagon necessitated US-Pakistan cooperation to combat terrorism, which had mixed consequences for Pakistan’s security. At the domestic level, on the one hand, US-Pakistan collaboration helped strengthen the wide consensus in Pakistani society opposed to terrorism. Further, the US encouraged and supported Pakistan’s transition to democracy in 2007-2008. On the other hand, political violence grew in Pakistan, in part due to Pakistan’s close alliance with the US, especially in Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Balochistan which eroded Pakistan’s domestic security. At the regional level, US-Pakistan cooperation post 9/11 enhanced Pakistan’s security in two significant ways. First, during India-Pakistan military standoff in 2001/2002, the US played a vital role in averting a war between the two adversaries. Second, the US encouraged composite dialogue between India and Pakistan that played a major role in ensuring peace between the two hostile states post 9/11.

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Leben, Anke. "Länderbericht Pakistan". Universität Potsdam, 2002. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5486/.

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Hippler, Jochen. "Krise in Pakistan". Universität Potsdam, 2008. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2327/.

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Hippler, Jochen. "Dauerkrise in Pakistan". Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/2936/.

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Ist Pakistan das gefährlichste Land der Welt? Jochen Hippler, ein exzellenter Kenner dieses Landes, analysiert die innenpolitische Dauerkrise. Der Staat wird immer fragiler und die Politik immer mehr durch Gewalt geprägt. Große Teile des Staatsapparates sind deformiert. Gelingt es nicht, diesen Zerfall zu stoppen, wird Pakistan mittelfristig für die Welt bedrohlicher als das krisengeschüttelte Afghanistan.

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Sharif, Mohammad Muazzam. "Hamlet in Pakistan". Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/417235/.

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This thesis tests and questions the concept of revenge in Hamlet against the context of Pukhtun culture in the Khyber Pukhtunkhwa (KP) province of Pakistan. As this study seeks to understand the emotive meaning of revenge in a range of cultural contexts, I explore the way in which Hamlet is read and interpreted in a culture where revenge, as in the debased form of badal, is both current and pervasive. The KP universities‘ students who belong to the culture, where revenge is considered obligatory, tend to identify themselves with various characters of the play, particularly Hamlet. This study seeks to ascertain the experience of the play as a dramaturgical construct which questions the revenge ethos capable of modifying entrenched beliefs among young Pakistanis engaged in reading the play at KP universities. As a result, I explore the role and use of Hamlet as an educational tool to combat revenge practices in Pakistan. This research contributes to the growing work on Shakespeare criticism and performance in different cultures around the world by presenting the relevant appropriations of the play in Pakistan and worldwide.

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Collinet, Annabelle. "Au prisme de la céramique : le Sind et l'islam : culture matérielle du sud du Pakistan, IIe-XIIe / VIIIe-XVIIIe siècles". Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010563.

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Cette thèse présente une céramique inédite, provenant des recherches archéologiques menées par la MAFS (Mission Archéologique Française au Sind) et sous la direction de M. Kervran, entre 1989 et 2002. La céramique étudiée a été découverte lors des fouilles de la forteresse de Sehwan Sarif dans le Sind central, des fouilles des établissements portuaires de Lahorl Bandar et de Ratto Kot, et en surface de 23 sites de la zone deltaïque de I'Indus. Ce matériel a permis de dresser une première chrono-typologie de la céramique du Sind, des débuts de la période islamique (VIIIe siècle) jusqu'a I'époque mogole. A cette approche chronologique s'ajoutent I'étude de cette céramique du point de vue technologique d'une part et en termes de production, de distribution et d'échanges régionaux d'autre part. La céramique du Sind à la période islamique se caractérise par des assemblages constitués de céramiques rouges communes et ornées de décors peints, de céramiques rouges estampées, moulées ou encore gravées, de céramiques a pâtes grises ou noires et de céramiques argileuses glaçurées. Ces types sont a la fois issus de très anciennes traditions spécifiquement régionales, appartiennent a I'aire culturelle indienne et enfin, a la culture céramique spécifique a l'Islam et caractérisée par I'utilisation de céramiques glaçurées

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Woodland, Andy. "A grammatical description of the Kachi Gujerati language of Sindh, Pakistan". Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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Feixas, Vihé Montserrat. "Migration Movements between Pakistan and South Western Europe: Pakistani migratory networks in Catalonia". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/5529.

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Entre les moltes comunitats migratòries existents al món, aquesta tesi doctoral estudia fonamentalment la comunitat dels ciutadans i ciutadanes pakistanesos que viuen a Catalunya, i també sobre les xarxes que han establert per consolidar i expandir la seva presència.
Aquesta tesi a més a més, estudia la situació de les famílies i de les comunitats d'origen al Pakistan per entendre millor els processos que han conduit cap a aquest fenomen migratori, la situació actual de la població pakistanesa a Catalunya, l'impacte de la migració en les famílies dels migrants al Pakistan i les perspectives a curt i mitjà termini d'aquest moviment de població.
La comunitat pakistanesa a Catalunya presenta un cas d'estudi interessant, no pel fet migratori en sí mateix, sinó perquè aquest moviment migratori té lloc sense que existissin lligams culturals, històrics i lingüístics previs entre el Pakistan i Catalunya, i perquè l'expansió ha estat molt ràpida en aquests darrers anys.
Un segon objectiu d'aquesta tesi és donar veu als participants en el projecte d'investigació i, a través d'ells, a la comunitat pakistanesa a Catalunya i a les seves famílies i comunitats d'origen.
Durant la segona meitat del segle vint, es van desenvolupar vàries teories, models i sistemes per intentar explicar la migració internacional. La realitat social i econòmica de la població pakistanesa a Catalunya i de les seves famílies en el Pakistan però, no s'hi ajusta gaire. Ara bé, totes elles contenen elements que poden ajudar a la comprensió del fenomen migratori i per tant convé considerar-les com un conjunt d'instruments que ajuden a capturar (no és incorrecta però la trobo un pèl forçada: copsar? captar? comprendre? ) una realitat complexa i constantment canviant.
La investigació ha permès de concloure que l'emigració pakistanesa a Catalunya està fonamentada en el diferencial econòmic entre els dos països, un diferencial que compensa els costos de la migració. La gran majoria de la població pakistanesa a Catalunya hi tenien una "àncora" abans de venir. L' origen comú de molts d'ells indica l'existència de xarxes migratòries basades en la relació familiar i/o social.
L'objectiu principal dels migrants és poder oferir una vida millor a les famílies, un objectiu a mitjà i llarg termini, atès que l'objectiu inicial consisteix en recuperar la inversió que suposa per a cada família enviar un dels seus a Catalunya. Facilitar l'arribada de nous immigrants no sembla ser un objectiu, sinó que és un fet que succeeix sense que es busqui.
Catalunya no és pas la destinació preferida dels migrants. La seva arribada és més aviat el resultat d'una curosa anàlisi cost/benefici en el sentit que Catalunya constitueix una destinació "fàcil" i "bé de preu".
En resum, es pot dir que la migració pakistanesa a Catalunya continuarà augmentant en els propers anys amb l'arribada principalment d'homes, però també de dones i nens i nenes, sempre i quan les condicions econòmiques i polítiques continuïn més o menys igual. Aquest creixement farà que els enclavaments pakistanesos a la ciutat de Barcelona s'enforteixin. Alhora, sorgiran altres enclavaments a la mateixa ciutat i a la zona metropolitana, i possiblement també a Girona i Tarragona, i més tard a Lleida. Aquests enclavaments funcionaran com un pol d'atracció per a nous migrants pakistanesos.
És molt possible que, seguint el model de migració pakistanesa a altres països europeus, els migrants pakistanesos s'esforcin per integrar-se en el món econòmic, però només els individus amb un nivell educatiu alt estaran disposats a desenvolupar lligams culturals i socials amb els catalans. La majoria de la població pakistanesa preferirà viure al marge de la societat catalana.
Tot i que molts voldrien tornar al Pakistan, és probable que la majoria romangui a Catalunya definitivament i amb la seva presència contribueixi a l'expansió continuada del moviment migratori pakistanès a traves de l'enfortiment de les xarxes migratòries i dels enclavaments pakistanesos.
Among the many migrant communities in the world, this doctoral dissertation focuses on the Pakistani community in Catalonia and the networks they have established to consolidate and expand their presence there.
In addition, this thesis studies the situation of families and the communities of origin in Pakistan to try to understand the processes that have led to this migratory phenomenon, the present situation of the Pakistani population in Catalonia, the impact of migration on their families in Pakistan, and the short and medium term prospects for this migratory movement.
The Pakistani community in Catalonia presents an interesting case study not because of the migratory movement itself, rather because the movement takes place in the absence of cultural, historical or linguistic links between Pakistan and Catalonia, and because of its fast expansion. A second objective is to give voice to the participants in the research and through them, to the Pakistani community in Catalonia and their families and communities of origin.
During the second half of the 20th century, many theories, models and systems were developed to try to explain international migration. However these theories fail to explain the social and economic reality of the Pakistani population in Catalonia and their families in Pakistan. Nonetheless, they may help understand the migratory phenomenon, and therefore they may be used as a set of instruments that help capture a complex and constantly changing reality.
The research shows that Pakistanis migrate to Catalonia prompted by the economic differential between the two countries and the perceived low risks/costs attached to it. The great majority of Pakistanis in Catalonia had an anchor before proceeding, be it a friend, a relative or even an acquaintance, that was crucial in facilitating their arrival and initial introduction. The common geographical origin of most of them shows the existence of migratory networks based on family and social relations.
The overall objective is to provide more and better for their families. But this is a medium or long term objective. Initially most of them need to recoup their or their family's initial investment to send them abroad, and only afterwards they can start saving for their families. Facilitating the arrival of other migrants is not an objective per se, bur rather an unintended effect.
Catalonia is not the migrants' preferred destination. The research findings indicate that the choice was made on the basis of a cost benefit analysis, i.e. they selected the destination which was the least costly and which brought the greatest benefits in the short term.
In summary, in the coming years Pakistani migration to Catalonia will continue and will probably grow exponentially through the arrival of mostly men, but also women and children, as long as economic and political conditions remain the same, or experience only minor variations. This growth will lead to the strengthening of existing Pakistani enclaves in Barcelona city, and the emergence of new ones in Barcelona and in the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona, and to a lesser degree in Girona, Tarragona and eventually Lleida. These enclaves will function as a pull factor attracting many more Pakistanis to Catalonia.
Based on the research findings and the experience of Pakistani migratory movements to other European destinations, Pakistani immigrants are likely to remain separate from the local population. Their desire to integrate will focus on the economic sphere, and only a few, better educated individuals, will be ready to establish and develop cultural and social links with the Catalan society. There is likely to be a strong resistance to adopt any mores of the host society and particularly to merge with it.
Despite their longing for Pakistan and Pakistani society, the majority of them will remain in Catalonia and will settle here, thus sustaining the Pakistani migratory movement and contributing to its expansion through the strengthening of existing enclaves and the emergence of new ones.

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Boni, Filippo. "Civil-military relations in Pakistan : an analysis of Sino-Pakistani ties, 2001-2016". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/43618/.

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This thesis assesses the extent of military prerogatives in Pakistan’s domestic politics, by focusing on Sino-Pakistani relations in the post 9/11 period. The study departs from the coup-centric approach largely adopted in the literature on civil-military relations and develops a continuum of civil-military relations which identifies four different intensities of civilian control over the military. Such a scale is deployed to gauge empirically the military’s sway in four decision-making areas: internal security, foreign policy, economic policy and elite recruitment. This structure is used to analyse the three case studies presented in the thesis: 1) the development of the port of Gwadar; 2) the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor; and 3) Sino-Pakistani relations in the Afghan scenario. The empirical chapters are organised around elite interviews conducted during fieldwork in Pakistan and triangulated with primary and secondary sources. From the analysis conducted in the thesis emerges a new pattern of civil-military relations in Pakistan, a situation in which the civilians and the military are sharing power to the benefit of both parties. The military have found it in their interest to exercise power less overtly and to retain control of internal security and foreign policy behind the curtain of a democratic dispensation. The civilians, on their side, have managed to erode military influence in the areas of elite recruitment and economic policy, in their attempts to tackle the energy crisis and to win the 2018 general elections. Such a pattern starts taking shape in the 2008-2013 period, but it becomes more crystallised in the post-2013 time frame. The thesis assesses specifically military prerogatives in the context of Pakistan’s relations with China, but also extends the picture in the final chapter to the wider developments in civil-military relations in Pakistan, in order to provide a comprehensive and solid analysis of the issue under examination.

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Książki na temat "Pakistan"

Tahir, M. Athar. Pakistan colours. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001.

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Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, red. Pakistan-Afghanistan relations: A Pakistani narrative. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2011.

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Azam, Ikram. From Pakistan to Pakistan: From Jinnah's Pakistan to today's Pakistan. Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 1992.

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Punjab, University of the, red. Geopolitik Pakistan: Pakistan's Weltanschauung , world view. Lahore: University of the Punjab, 2013.

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Halliday, Tony. Pakistan. (London): APA, 1990.

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Amjad, Rashid, i Shahid Javed Burki, red. Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781316271711.

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Crompton, Samuel Willard. Pakistan. Wyd. 2. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 2007.

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Irfan, Husain, red. Pakistan. London: Stacey International, 1997.

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APA Publications (Firm). Singapore Branch. Pakistan. Singapore: APA, 2007.

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Bank, Barclays, red. Pakistan.. London: Barclays Bank, 1996.

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Części książek na temat "Pakistan"

Abbasi, Arshad Mehmood, Munir Hussain Shah i Mir Ajab Khan. "Pakistan and Pakistani Himalayas". W Wild Edible Vegetables of Lesser Himalayas, 1–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09543-1_1.

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Mumtaz, Khavar, i Yameema Mitha. "Prelims - Pakistan". W Pakistan, 1. UK and Ireland: Oxfam Publishing, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9780855988135.000.

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Mumtaz, Khavar, i Yameema Mitha. "1. Pakistan". W Pakistan, 2–72. UK and Ireland: Oxfam Publishing, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9780855988135.001.

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Hoodbhoy, Pervez. "The British Reinvent India". W Pakistan, 43–74. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003379140-4.

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Hoodbhoy, Pervez. "Founder I: the lonely modernizer". W Pakistan, 77–101. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003379140-6.

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Hoodbhoy, Pervez. "Jinnah Trounces His Muslim Opponents". W Pakistan, 171–96. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003379140-9.

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Fair, C. Christine. "The Genesis of Indo-Pakistan Security Competition1". W In Their Own Words, 21–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190909482.003.0002.

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Understanding the tortured history of Pakistan's revisionist agenda with respect to India is critical to appreciating the utility of LeT and other militants to Pakistan's deep state. For this reason, this chapter provides a brief history of the independence movement, the inherent communal ideologies that Pakistan's proponents mobilized to achieve an independent state, and a precis of the disastrous Partition process that gave rise to India and Pakistan. Three particular issues remain significant in contemporary Pakistan. First, many Pakistanis continue to pass onto their descendants these tales of communally motivated murder, rape, and mayhem that accompanied the countries' births. Second, Pakistanis continue to assert that the way in which the British parsed the districts of the Punjab was inherently unfair and prejudicial to Pakistan's interests. Third, Pakistanis believe that the princely state of Kashmir should have gone to Pakistan and that the way in which the British carved up the Punjab enabled India to mobilize troops against Pakistani invaders, thus thwarting Pakistani efforts to secure the state by force.

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Lau, Martin. "Pakistan". W Elgar Encyclopedia of Comparative Law. Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839105609.pakistan.

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Taylor, David. "19. Pakistan". W Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0019.

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This chapter examines Pakistan’s history of regime change and the military’s persistent influence on the country’s political process. Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has struggled to develop a system of sustainable democratic government. It has experienced a succession of regime changes, alternating between qualified or electoral democracy and either military or quasi-military rule. Underlying apparent instability and regime change in Pakistan is the dominance of the military in domestic politics. Ironically, the reintroduction of military rule has often been welcomed in Pakistan as a relief from the factional disputes among the civilian political leaders and accompanying high levels of corruption. The chapter first traces the history of Pakistan from independence to its breakup in 1971 before discussing government instability from 1971 to 1999. It then describes General Pervez Musharraf ’s rule from 1999 to 2008 and concludes with an assessment of the armed forces’ continuing involvement in Pakistani politics.

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Głogowski, Aleksander. "The Arab Spring in Pakistan?" W North Africa in the Process of Change: Political, Legal, Social and Economic Transformations, 71–91. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386553.05.

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Pakistan, although it is not an Arab state, has long lasting contacts with the Arab World. They are based on the same religious and cultural foundations and deep economic contact as well. Many Pakistanis work in the Gulf States. Pakistani military has been training and supporting armed forces of such countries as e.g. Jordan. So the ideas of The Arab Spring have influenced young elites of Pakistani society somehow. The goal of the article is to show similarities and certain differences between the political situation in Pakistan and Arab states (esp. Egypt as comparable by the size and population, and role of military in politics too). The Author tries to answer the question whether something like the Arab Spring possible in Pakistan and/or maybe something like that just has happened.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Pakistan"

Hışırlı, Serhat, Emine Fırat i Gülay Tamer. "Belt-Road Project: Pakistan Example". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c15.02726.

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In our study, we will try to bring an overview of the relationship between Western and Eastern societies in terms of power struggle through China's road and belt project and Pakistan's situation in this project in today's world, which is rapidly moving towards bipolarity. In our study, Pakistan and Debt Diplomacy will be examined within the scope of the Belt-Road project. It will be tried to evaluate how the process works in Pakistan and to analyze the results of this process and the possibility of encountering similar results for other countries. As a result of debt diplomacy, the concessions and gains of Pakistan will be interpreted within the scope of cost-benefit analysis, and it will be tried to reach conclusions for other countries.

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Mehmood, Khalid, Natalja Lace i Irena Danilevičienė. "Comparative efficiency analysis of conventional banks and Islamic banks: in evidence of Pakistan". W 11th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2020“. VGTU Technika, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2020.583.

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The study evaluates the comparison and efficiency of Pakistani Islamic and conventional banks. Data are collected from the reports of banks website and state bank of Pakistan for the period 2013−2017. Used financial ratios for methodology and descriptive summary, correlation and Trend for analysis technique. The analysis shows conventional banks are more liquid, solvent and less risky. According to profit-ability ratio, Islamic banks are more profitable. Trend analysis shows, both banks have positive trends, but the conventional banks disclose more efficiency and positive trend. Conventional banks are technologically advanced and extensive, but the future of Islamic banks looking bright in case of Pakistan.

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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" W SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.

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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.

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Akbar, Sajjad, i Shahab Khusnood. "Solution to Pakistan Electrical Power Crisis". W 16th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone16-48207.

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Electricity is the engine for the growth of economy of any country. Total installed electricity generation capacity of Pakistan is presently approx 20,000 MW as given in Table-1. Despite this, almost 40% of the population is without electricity. Pakistan has been blessed with tremendous resources for electrical power generation with hydel, coal, renewable energy resources and Nuclear power. Hydel, coal potential of more than 40,000 MW and 10,000 MW are available but only 15% of hydroelectric potential has been harnessed so for where as only 150 MW power plant on indigenous coal has been set up. To exploit Pakistan hydel and coal resources for power generation large investments are needed which Pakistan economy can not afford. Govt. of Pakistan has created an organization of private power and infrastructure board (PPIB) to facilitate private sector in the participation of power generator. PPIB is tapping the resources and facilitating the private sector for establishment of power projects. Pakistan is collaborating with China for establishment of Nuclear Power Plants and plan to generate up to 10,000 MW by year 2025. Renewable energy resources are also required to be tapped. This paper will focus on the Pakistan power generation potential by utilizing local resources keeping in view the next 20 year supply and demand position.

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Aun Ali, Syed Muhammad, Syeda Fardees Zaidi, Clifford Louis, Muntaha Anjum, Syed Imran Ali, Javed Haneef, Shaine Muhammadali Lalji i Shabeer Ahmed. "Sustainable Economic Strategies for Corporate CEOs: AI-Driven Leadership in Driving Innovation, Growth, Safety, Sustainability, and Climate Change Resilience to Save Lives and Our Planet -A Comprehensive Comparative Policy Analysis on Unlocking Pakistan's Geothermal Potential". W ADIPEC. SPE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/216413-ms.

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Abstract This research investigates pressing need for sustainable practices, and examines the current state of geothermal energy development in Pakistan, despite its significant untapped potential. Through comparative analysis of policies and regulations prevalent in geothermal-rich nations like Iceland, the United States, and Kenya, valuable insights emerge. These insights can provide a roadmap for promoting geothermal energy growth within Pakistan. Furthermore, the paper discusses about sustainable economic strategies tailored for corporate CEOs, centered around AI-driven leadership. It also illuminates the potential of artificial intelligence in steering innovation, promoting growth, enhancing safety measures, ensuring sustainability, and fortifying climate change resilience. By harnessing AI's capabilities, corporate leaders can play a pivotal role in safeguarding lives and the planet. In addition the research addresses upon utilizing a comparative policy analysis methodology. The study evaluates institutional frameworks and arrangements of leading geothermal nations. By identifying challenges and opportunities specific to geothermal energy advancement in Pakistan, the research suggests strategic steps for progress. These include the formulation of regulatory frameworks, provision of investor incentives, and support for research and development. The study's outcomes contribute to energy security and sustainability, while its innovative perspective serves as a benchmark for Pakistan's geothermal initiatives. Moreover, these findings extend to other countries aspiring to harness their own geothermal resources.

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Amber, Khuram Pervez, i Naila Ashraf. "Energy outlook in Pakistan". W 2014 International Conference on Energy Systems and Policies (ICESP). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icesp.2014.7346996.

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Shah Yousafzai, Mukammil. "Childhood education in Pakistan". W the International Conference on Future of Teaching and Education. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icfte.2019.03.195.

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Malik, Asif Zafar. "Telemedicine Country Report-Pakistan". W 2007 9th International Conference on e-Health Networking, Application and Services. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/health.2007.381611.

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Qamar, Anisa, i Aziz Fatima Hasnain. "Country report for Pakistan". W WOMEN IN PHYSICS: 6th IUPAP International Conference on Women in Physics. AIP Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.5110104.

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LODHI, MALEEHA. "ABDUS SALAM AND PAKISTAN". W Proceedings of the Conference. PUBLISHED BY IMPERIAL COLLEGE PRESS AND DISTRIBUTED BY WORLD SCIENTIFIC PUBLISHING CO., 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9781848161917_0005.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Pakistan"

Yilmaz, Ihsan, i Kainat Shakil. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf: Pakistan’s Iconic Populist Movement. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0004.

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Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) used to be an activist party at a time when civil society was highly subdued under a military regime. Through modest civil disobedience, it has graduated to the status of a formidable opposition party. It has used populist rhetoric and tactics to delegitimize and “otherize” the conventional parties and position itself as the ideal voice and hope for “the people.” It has used a wide array of ideologies to support its populism, which tapped into deep-rooted anxieties in the public’s psyche.

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Kelly, Luke. Lessons on Disaster Resilience Pogramming in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies, luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.057.

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This rapid literature review finds that lessons drawn from disaster resilience programmes in Pakistan are focused on the best ways to co-ordinate between different resilience work in different sectors. This can be difficult because of the number of NGOs with different sectoral expertise, short time frames for intervention, and the differing capacities of levels of Pakistani government. More generally, although the benefits of linking disaster risk reduction (DRR) to climate change adaptation (CCA) and development work are advocated in many policies, the fact that they are often undertaken by different actors limits synergies. The report also finds that most DRR work is focused on reducing risk from hazards rather than social vulnerabilities. Pakistan is vulnerable to climate change and a range of natural disasters. Following the earthquake in 2005 and floods in 2010, the Pakistani government and international donors have sought to increase the country's resilience to natural hazards. This literature review focuses on disaster risk reduction (DRR) efforts, as these constitute a significant portion of the resilience work in Pakistan. It first defines resilience, DRR and the related concept of CCA, as these all aim to improve resilience. It then surveys lessons learned in implementing resilience and DRR programmes in Pakistan. It focuses on lessons relating to sectoral focus, target populations, as well as strategic framework and operating models. It is mainly based on evaluations written by NGOs, UN bodies and international financial institutions. NGO reports are typically focused on specific programmes, although some point to broader features of the landscape for resilience programming in Pakistan. Academic papers charting the trends and issues in resilience programming have also been consulted.

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Rizwan, Maleeha, i Kiyoshi Taniguchi. Strengthening School Teaching in Pakistan. Asian Development Bank, grudzień 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/brf230611-2.

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This brief outlines how Pakistan could boost teacher numbers and enhance teaching quality by strengthening merit-based career progression and using technology to help improve student learning. Underscoring the disparities between rural and urban schooling, it looks at teacher recruitment, attendance, and training. It explains why Pakistan should focus on bolstering teaching quality, building institutional capacity, and enhancing teacher development in subjects including science and maths. It looks at the need to better incentivize Pakistan’s teachers and assesses how introducing e-learning into the education system may provide cost-effective and affordable ways to strengthen the quality of teaching.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Nutrition history in Pakistan. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/1041943677.

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Boyce, Tucker. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), styczeń 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1344537.

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Abbas, Malik N. Energy Crisis In Pakistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, grudzień 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1009049.

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Loureiro, Miguel, Maheen Pracha, Affaf Ahmed, Danyal Khan i Mudabbir Ali. Accountability Bargains in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), maj 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.046.

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Poor and marginalised citizens rarely engage directly with the state to solve their governance issues in fragile, conflict and violence-affected settings, as these settings are characterised by the confrontational nature of state–citizen relations. Instead, citizens engage with, and make claims to, intermediaries some of them public authorities in their own right. What are these intermediaries’ roles, and which strategies and practices do they use to broker state–citizen engagement? We argue that in Pakistan intermediaries make themselves essential by: (1) being able to speak the language of public authorities; (2) constantly creating and sustaining networks outside their communities; and (3) building collectivising power by maintaining reciprocity relations with their communities. In doing so, households and intermediaries engage in what we are calling ‘accountability bargains’: strategies and practices intermediaries and poor and marginalised households employ in order to gain a greater degree of security and autonomy within the bounds of class, religious, and ethnic oppression.

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Mohammad, N. Rangeland Management In Pakistan. Kathmandu, Nepal: International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.53055/icimod.42.

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Mohammad, N. Rangeland Management In Pakistan. Kathmandu, Nepal: International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.53055/icimod.42.

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Batool, Fizza, Ihsan Yilmaz i Kainat Shakil. Contest between leaders of the Ummah: Comparing civilizational populisms of PTI and TLP in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), luty 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0020.

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With the recognition of populism emerging in varied forms across the Global South, the lacuna of research on populism in Asia is gradually filling. Yet, research on populism in Pakistan is still limited and focused mostly on the singular case of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his political party Pakistan Tahreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). There is much lesser attention to the populism of Tahreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP), a far-right movement-turned-party. This paper addresses this gap by comparing the two cases of populism in Pakistan – PTI and TLP – to outline the similarities and differences in their characterization of “the people,” “the elite” and “the others,” using the framework of civilizational populism. The comparative analysis of public discourse of the leadership of two parties shows an extensive use of civilizational rhetoric by both parties, with varying degrees of religious sloganeering, to cater public support. Civilizational dimension forms an overlay over the vertical-horizontal dimensions of populism. Given that 2023 is the election year in Pakistan and both parties are planning to contest elections, this is a timely piece to warn about the treacherous trajectory taken by Pakistani politics.

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