Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Painting, european – 17th century – exhibitions”

В статье обосновывается атрибуция картины «Голландский пейзаж», хранящейся в музее-заповеднике «Дмитровский кремль» (г. Дмитров Московской области) и считавшейся работой неизвестного художника XVIII или XIX века. Будучи включено в постоянную экспозицию и опубликовано в альбоме о коллекциях музея (2004), произведение тем не менее до сих пор не привлекало внимания специалистов по западноевропейской живописи. В результате образно-стилистического анализа установлено, что его автором является голландский мастер, представитель итальянизирующего направления Абрахам Бегейн (1637–1697). Об этом свидетельствуют сюжет и типажи персонажей, композиционная схема и трактовка пространства, конкретные мотивы ландшафта. Весь образный строй полотна раскрывает характерные для творчества художника черты. А. Бегейн представлен в России сравнительно немногочисленными живописными произведениями (в коллекциях Государственного Эрмитажа, музея-заповедника «Павловск»), и обнаружение его ранее неизвестной работы имеет значение для исследования итальянизирующего течения в голландском искусстве. The article supports the attribution of the painting “Dutch Landscape” held in the Museum-Reserve Dmitrov Kremlin (Dmitrov, Moscow region). The picture is considered to be the work of unknown artist of the 18th or 19th century. It is presented in the permanent exhibition and published in an album about the museum collections (2004). However, it has yet to garner the interest of specialists in West-European art. In fact, its author is the Dutch master of Italianized line Abraham Begeyn (1637–1697). This is evidenced by the specificity of plot and types of characters, the composition scheme and interpretation of space, the specific motifs of the landscape. The whole structure of the image reveals the characteristic features of Begeyn's manner. This painter is represented in Russian museums by comparatively few works and the discovery of his previously unknown picture is important for investigation in the field of Italianized movement in the 17th century Dutch art.

The contribution of Evsei Rotenberg to the studies in history of the 17th century Dutch art is analyzed in this article. Investigations in Dutch art of the Golden Age were one of the main lines in scientific interests of Evsei Rotenberg, great specialist in classical West-European art, during all his activity. He also wrote about Italian Renaissance, especially Michelangelo and Titian, and about the most important esthetic and creative problems and tendencies of the 17th century art, the greatest masters of this epoch. The paper highlights his evolution as a researcher from point of view subjects and methodology of studies, analyzes the conceptual ideas explaining the specificity of the Dutch art, shows their place in Russian scientific tradition and their significance for the further development of art historian science. His professional formation was held under guidance of Prof. B.R.Vipper in Moscow University and in post-graduate course. Rotenberg’s PhD dissertation (1956) was devoted to realistic bases of Dutch art of the period of flourishing (Rembrandt and masters of genre painting). He is the author of works about Rembrandt and Vermeer, the monograph about development of the Dutch art including architecture, sculpture and decorative crafts. His most fundamental investigations — “West-European 17th Century Art” and “West-European 17th Century Painting. Thematic Principles” — were published in 1971 and 1989. Rotenberg analyzed Dutch school in aspects of style and non-style line and relationships between mythological and non-mythological creative conceptions in art of this epoch.

Is devoted to the comparative analysis of visual representations of scientific corporations in European painting and graphic art in the 17th century. The author reveals both organizational principles of scientific institutions and symbolic, cultural, political, scientific and social values which underpinned them.

Over three and a half centuries, the genre of flower still life created by Dutch artists experienced ups of interest and oblivion. There were the maximum assessment of society in the form of high fees of the 17th century artists; the criticism of connoisseurs and art theorists; the neglect in the 19th century and the rise of auction prices and close attention of art critics, manifested from the middle of the 20th century to the present day. In the middle of the 17th century, there was already a hierarchy of genres, based on both the subject and the size of the paintings, which was reflected in the price. Still lifes and landscapes were cheaper than allegorical and historical scenes, but there were exceptions, for example, in the works of Jan Brueghel the Elder and Jan Davidsz. de Heem. Art theorists Willem van Hoogstraten and Arnold Houbraken, resting upon academic tastes, downplayed the importance of still-life painting. Meanwhile, the artists themselves, determining the worth of their paintings, sought for maximum naturalism, and such paintings were sold well.In the 20th century, this genre attracted the attention of collectors in Europe and the United States. A revival of interest in Dutch still lifes in general, and in flower ones in particular, began in the 20th century, the paintings rose in price at auctions, and collecting them became almost a fashion. Art societies and art dealers of the Netherlands and Belgium organized several small exhibitions of still lifes. The course for studying symbolic messages in still lifes, presented by Ingvar Bergström, is continued by Eddie de Jong, who emphasizes the diverse nature of symbolism in Dutch painting of the 17th century. Svetlana Alpers, on the contrary, criticizes the iconological method and presents the Dutch painting of that period as an example of visual culture. Norman Bryson’s view of Dutch still lifes is formed against the background of the development of a consumer society, economic prosperity and abundance. Finally, there has been an increasing interest in the natural science aspects of flower still-life painting in the researches of the last twenty years. Curiosity, skill, and admiration for nature are the impulses that can still be felt in the images of bouquets and fruits.

To identify and analyze ways of depiction of clothing in the iconography of the Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv region in the second half of the 17th - the first half of the 18th centuries. The author conducted a field exploration of painted icon monuments from the mentioned period in the collections of Ukrainian museums. The data obtained was supplemented with information from published scientific papers and archival sources. The analysis performed made it possible to trace the peculiarities of the depiction of different fabrics in the iconography of the Left Bank Ukraine and Kyiv region in the second half of the 17th – first half of the 18th centuries, and to identify the aspects of the effects on it of Byzantine and Western European painting techniques. It is revealed that in the Ukrainian icon painting till the end of the 17th century was used a method for depicting fabrics, whose roots go back to the Byzantine system of tempera painting. Although white levkas remained dominant in Ukrainian iconography, by the beginning of the 18th century masters could tone grounds and make imprimaturas, which had their influence on the process of painting clothing and the icon in general. Since about the second quarter of the 18th century the use of grisaille underpaints has been encountered in some icons. These innovations demonstrate the impact of Western European painting at the technical and technological level. Gold and silver were widely used for decorating icons. In that time to decorate the icons were widely used leaf gold and silver and powdered gold and silver. For the first time, the subject of research is the process of painting the garment part of the icons of Left-Bank Ukraine and the Kiev region in the second half of the XVII - the first half of the XVIII centuries. The methods of depicting clothing and common techniques for decorating and depicting texture of fabrics are described and analyzed in detail. The study expands knowledge about Ukrainian icon painting and reveals the technique of its creation.

In the history of Chinese and European painting, landscape painting in the Northern Song Dynasty and Dutch landscape painting in the 17th century have achieved important artistic achievements. Generally speaking, the meaning of comparison is to compare the commonality, difference and mutual influence of paintings produced in different contexts. The purpose of studying and comparing the differences between the two is to take the painting forms of different countries and nations as reference, so as to have a thorough understanding of the forms and styles of the two arts in different times, different regions and different cultural backgrounds.

In this paper, the modification methods of the Chinese Christian painting created by the missionaries in the late Ming Dynasty (1573–1644) were analyzed with the Chinese Catholic studies of the “Song nianzhu guicheng” and the “Tianzhu Jiangsheng Chuxiang Jingjie”. After carefully studying the differences between the Chinese Christian painting and the original European version, the study shows that these Chinese Christian paintings were integrated with the Chinese literati paintings’ elements and literati symbols, which include the “Yudiancun” (raindrop texture stroke), “Pimacun” (hemp-fiber texture stroke), “landscape screen” (painted screens with natural landscapes), and the mark of Chinese famous literati such as Dong Qichang. These adjustments conducted by missionaries aimed to make religious paintings more in line with literati aesthetics, which could build connections between the missionaries and the literati community for proselytization. However, the missionaries neglected that the literati community certainly would not sacrifice the existing social order and the vested interest brought by the current Confucian culture to support new ideas of “liberty” and “equality” in the Catholic doctrine, which caused a huge setback in the missionary work since the Nanjing Teaching Case in 1616. This research makes significant contributions to the understanding of cultural exchanges in the 17th century through a detailed exploration of the adjustments made by missionaries in the visual representations within Chinese Catholic literature.

During the Baroque era ensemble music-making was a favorite pastime. For the nobility and the middle class “communication by means of music” was an inherent part of life: the musical language was the means of expressing respect, presenting “musical offerings” and confessions of love. In musical competitions virtuosi demonstrated their exceptional performing skills, and high-society ladies accompanied readings of poetical works with playing the harp or the lute. The desire to make music in the form of solo or ensemble performance was shared by players on various instruments endowed with different levels of preparedness. This “social demand” resulted in the appearance of the two-staff form of notation, endowed with traits of a quasi-score, which it was customary to call the keyboard urtext. However, this music can be termed as being for the keyboard only upon the condition of their performance on the organ or the harpsichord. The structure of the “two-staff scores” from the 17th and 18th centuries possesses immense possibilities, since it presents a universal form of notation for ensemble and orchestral compositions in convolved form. As the result of the traits of the quasi-score, the baroque urtext became a unique phenomenon, a peculiar “mirror of the epoch”, which registered numerous 17th and 18th century musical instrumental clichés, scenes of music-making in duos, trios, and even images of groups of the baroque orchestra — the solo and the continuo. A sort of mirror reflecting pictures of music-making and ensemble groups was provided by the art canvases of 17th and 18th century painters.

Compared to etching and its established visual traditions, some artists use mezzotint as a means of expression for original depiction. One of the reasons is probably that, since the time of its invention, this technique has been used especially for reproducing oil paintings in printed form. The use of tone rather than line as a characteristic means of expression and its remarkable ability to convey texture matched perfectly for its role. In addition, its velvety black and saturated shades of brown correspond to the strong contrast between light and shadow, which is characteristic of 17th-century oil painting, and to a technique that remains characteristic of European painting.

"The main Church of the Dragomirna Monastery has its nave and altar decorated mural paintings which date back to as early as the early 17th century. These were created in the affresco technique, with areas completed in mezzo fresco, and extensive gilded surfaces. There is a wide diversity of stone-carved elements– flowers, ribs, torsade embossing, sculpted and painted shields, which cannot be found in any previous mediaeval churches in Moldavia. These elements complete the iconographic programme of the painting, which spans over 22 registers, differentiating and defining the uniqueness of Dragomirna. A series of degradations due to infiltration, which occurred over time in the upper part of the nave and the base of the bell tower, led to the architectural restoration of the Church in the ‘60s. The mural painting is first restored 400 years after its creation. The complex works were possible through the implementation of a project funded by the European Union between November 10th 2010 and February 15th 2012.The ample restauration and conservation process of the 900 square meters of mural painting highlighted its amazing original appearance and its artistic elements influenced by the techniques and chromatics of miniature painting. The interventions have been carried out in accordance with the international standards of conservation and involved a team of 50 specialists. The project ‘Dragomirna Church’s 17th Century Frescoes,Suceava, ROMÂNIA’ has been among the winners of the 2014 EU Prize for Cultural Heritage / Europa Nostra Awards in the ‘Conservation’ category. The project has received the Grand Prix and the Public Choice Award. "

"Lipsius’ De constantia, 17th Century Still Life Painting and the Use of Constancy Today. The present article revisits the main ideas from Justus Lipsius’ De constantia in the light of the present ongoing pandemic. Through his interest for the Stoics, Lipsius was able to contribute to a more general and European interest towards this topic, reviving the Stoic philosophy under the name of Neostoicism. The influence of his ideas can be seen in some art production, especially the one that is connected to the places where Lipsius lived and it is a testimony to their popularity and the various ways of transmitting them. Even if the Stoic ideal remains an ideal, the Neostoicism of Justus Lipsius is meaningful in as much as any philosophy that deals with crises because it can help us view the text from both its relevancy and our recent general experience. The isolation, the anxiety, the uneasiness and fear are emotions that have been more or less present in our lives during this pandemic and they require a solution. Constancy is the solution that Justus Lipsius proposes. Keywords: Justus Lipsius, Neostoicism, Still Life Painting, Pandemic, Moral Philosophy, Crisis Philosophy."

In this article I follow the trails wich the famous anecdote of Anaxagoras, Pericles and the lamp (Plu., Per. 16.8-9) has let in European art of the last centuries. I will comment the details of different artistic pieces from the17th century emblematic and from Neoclassical painting and sculpture of the 18th and 19th Centuries, as well as some 19th French ‘pendules’, to put in value the importance that this anecdote has had in European art, due to its didactic strength and to its litterary plasticity.

The fact of the Dutch Bibles engravings by Borcht and Piscator (Visscher) use in Russian art in the 17th century well studied for a long time. But these ouvrages practically didn`t become the subject of Russian scientists’ research. The Borcht and Piscator Bibles have been reprinted many times with additions and corrections. At some point some of Borcht’s prints became part of the Piscator Bible, replacing earlier graphic cycles and one of them is the Apocalypse. It was the first cycle that Russian artists created by Western European engravings. Studies of Russian monumental painting rarely concern the type of Piscator edition that the artists used. The Piscator and Borcht-Piscator Bibles often serve as the prototype of the same monument, but they have significant differences in the number of scenes and the design of individual compositions. The identification of the differences between the apocalyptic engravings in the Borcht and Piscator editions can outline ways to solve the problem of identifying iconographic sources of apocalyptic cycles in Russian murals of the 17th century. Today this problem is not only not solved, but also insufficiently emphasized.

Garcilaso de la Vega el Inca, for several centuries doubtlessly the most discussed and most eminent writer of Andean America in the 16th and 17th centuries, throughout his life set the utmost value on the fact that he descended matrilineally from Atahualpa Yupanqui and from the last Inca emperor, Huayna Cápac. Thus, both in his person and in his creative work he combined different cultural worlds in a polylogical way.1 Two painters boasted that very same Inca descent – they were the last two great masters of the Cuzco school of painting, which over several generations of artists had been an institution of excellent renown and prestige, and whose economic downfall and artistic marginalization was vividly described by the French traveller Paul Mancoy in 1837.2 While, during the 18th century, Cuzco school paintings were still much cherished and sought after, by the beginning of the following century the elite of Lima regarded them as behind the times and provincial, committed to an ‘indigenous’ painting style. The artists from up-country – such was the reproach – could not keep up with the modern forms of seeing and creating, as exemplified by European paragons. Yet, just how ‘provincial’, truly, was this art?

The second half of the 15th century in the Russian Church history marked a strong decline of spiritual life, which naturally found its reflection in the icon painting. The feeling of integrity of an image, its depth were lost. At the same time, the weakening influence of the Orthodox Balkans and the Byzantine Empire gave way to the influence of the Catholic West with its profoundly different principles of religious art.In this transitional period of the Russian cultural life, characterized by the transformation of the medieval worldview and the formation of new artistic ideals, appeared parsuna (a rough Russian transliteration of the Latin word “persona”) - an early secular portrait of a lay person in the iconographic style that represents an important transition in Russia’s art history. The first pasruna were painted, most probably, by the iconographers of the Moscow Kremlin Armoury in the 17th century. The painters of these portraits were usually monks that tended to be anonymous, showing a humility.Although the stylized forms used in parsuna reveal a lack of concern with preserving the actual features of a person, but rather their overall image (special attributes and signatures allow to define represented), it still can be viewed as one of the very first attempts to look at person not only through the rigid iconographic canons, but also through a prism of psychological interpretation. Thus, this transitional image may be concerned as the initial fundamental step on the way to the further introduction fo the European portrait tradition in Russia.In this study, we would like to consistently trace how parsuna, thanks to its completely new stylistic value, can be considered one of the earliest stages on the way to the secularization of the Russian art in the early 17th century, which led to the separation from the strict iconographic religious canons and, consequently, to the rapprochement with the European art.

The peculiarities of the iconological method are considered in this article in connection with the topical issues of teaching art history at children's art school. It is impossible to adequately understand painting and graphics of the Middle Ages, Renaissance and the 17th century without iconological interpretations, however, from the point of view of pedagogy difficulties arise associated with the complexity of semantic interpretation, many aspects of which are extremely difficult to be explained to schoolchildren. Competent and dosed application of iconological techniques will enrich students' perception of art works, expand their cultural horizons, and update existing knowledge and skills. The author formulates a comprehensive view on the specificity of iconology, examines the methodological foundations of various interpretations of works of classical Western European art and offers some recommendations regarding the use of iconology in teaching art history at initial stage of art education.

El hallazgo de dos series de grabados flamencos del siglo XVII sobre el tema El Credo, de los artistas Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) y Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), permiten confirmar la importante presencia de los grabados europeos en los talleres de pintura de la América Hispana y su influencia decisiva en la formación de nuestros artistas. Se analizan entonces bajo esta perspectiva, las once pinturas al óleo que conforman la Serie de los Artículos de El Credo, obra del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) que se encuentran en la Catedral Primada de Bogotá desde la época colonial.Palabras clave: Grabados europeos, pintores coloniales, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá. From European Engraving to American Painting. El Credo Series From The Painter From Quito Miguel de Santiago AbstractThe discovery of two engraving Flemish series from 17th century about El Credo, from the artists Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) and Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), allows proving the presence of European engravings within the painting works in the Hispanic America and the great influence on our artists’ formation. Thus based on this, are analyzed the eleven oil paintings that constitute the Series of Goods from El Credo, from the painter from Quito Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) that are from the colonial time in the Catedral Primada de Bogotá.KeywordsEuropean engravings, colonial painters, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá

Foreign travellers provided important documentations about Hungary. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the image of the heroic Christian country fighting the pagan Turks took shape. This image was strengthened through the Hussars who distinguished themselves in the battles of Maria Theresia and played an important role in the war of independence in 1848–1849. The Great Hungarian Plain, a sandy steppe, appeared to the travellers as an exotic place with its sand dunes, sand storms, fata morgana, and its inhabitants: shepherds, hussars, and bandits. In the 19th century, Hungary became a beloved topic of the Western European exotic literature. Through his poetry Nikolaus Lenau brought a high contribution to the image of the exotic Hungary. Born in Hungary and a good violinist, Lenau drew a vivid image of the Gipsy musicians and their music. His poem Die drei Zigeuner (The Three Gipsies) was inspired by a painting of Ferenc Pongrácz, and did inspire another painter, Alois Schönn. Liszt purchased the copy of Schönn’s painting and composed a song on Lenau’s poem. His music proves a deep identification with Lenau’s ideas, with the romantic and yet realistic image of the Gipsies, the representatives of the Hungarian music.

Baroque trends, which have been extended in the Ukrainian religious art of the late 17th – early 18th centuries, contributed to the expansion of its thematic composition, stylistic changes and the emergence of new iconographic plots. The icons Theotokos Mother of Mercy, or the Cossack Intercession, as they are also called, are a clear example of the renewal of themes in Ukrainian religious art during the Baroque period. This iconographic version of the Intercession, apparently, is borrowed from Western European painting; it is correlated with the compositional type of the image of the Intercession of the Theotokos – Madonna della Misericordia – popular in Italian art. It is supposed, that the image of the Blessed Virgin, covering the parish with the mantle, has been inspired by the vision of the Cistercian monk, theologian and writer Caesar of Geisterbach, who describes it in his Dialogus Miraculorum (1221). Formation of the iconography Madonna della Misericordia in Western European art has started in the 13th century. The Virgin usually stands on the early images. The Christians staying under the protection of the Virgin Mary are depicted on their knees and in a much smaller scale. The icons Madonna della Misericordia have been often ordered by specific groups of believers, such as fraternities, professional guilds, monasteries and abbeys. The theme of the Intercession of Theotokos of the iconographic version Theotokos Mother of Mercy has taken a special place in the Ukrainian iconography of the Baroque period. The image of the Patroness, blessing and covering the faithful with her mantle, has attracted Ukrainian masters with the realism and majesty of the compositional plan. The popularity and rapid dissemination of this iconographic variety of the Intercession have been caused also by the fact that it presents individualized images of people from different layers of the that time society with special penetration. Contemplating the icons of the Intercession in the temples, the believers have seen obviously a powerful and merciful patroness in the image of the Mother of God. Ukrainian icons Theotokos Mother of Mercy of the 17th – early 18th centuries are filled with the search for a new artistic expressiveness, reveal the nature of the transition period and the peculiarities of the process of formation of a new stylistic system of sacred painting.

Under the somewhat different, certainly intentionally punning title, Unter Druck: Mitteleuropäische Buchmalerei im Zeitalter Gutenbergs / Under Pressure / Printing […] in the Age of Gutenberg, this volume first appeared in German (Lucerne: Quaternio, 2015) to accompany a series of twelve different exhibitions of largely fifteenth-century book illumination across Central Europe. The exhibitions in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland were held, in part overlapping, from September 2015 – March 2017. They were bookended by exhibits in Vienna and Munich (for the latter, see Bilderwelten. Buchmalerei zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit. Katalogband zu den Ausstellungen in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek vom 13. April 2016 bis 24. Februar 2017, ed. Jeffrey F. Hamburger et al. Buchmalerei des 15. Jahrhunderts in Mitteleuropa, 3 (Lucerne: Quaternio, 2016). For each of ten somewhat smaller exhibitions a catalogue of uniform size and format was produced; they are, according to the publisher, already out of print. The three editors of the more comprehensive collection, Painting the Page, penned contributions that complement Eberhard König’s study, “Colour for the Black Art,” which traces <?page nr="451"?>the development of ornamentation to the Gutenberg and following printed Bibles. Early printed Bibles, in Latin or in the vernacular, tended only to provide space for initial and marginal, as opposed to full page illumination. These admittedly limited artistic accomplishments often allow for more precise localization of incunabula than other available resources. At the same time, differences and even misunderstandings – such as failure to follow instructions to the illuminator – on occasion lead to fruitful cultural analysis. Finally, printed copies that were never adorned were sometimes in the past thought to be superior, untouched, as it were, by the artistry of the ‘old’ manuscript world. König argues that the study of early printed books, and especially the illuminations they contain, should be celebrated not only as ancillary scholarship, but also as a discipline in its own right.

Poster is a two-dimensional visual media with large format that is useful for conveying commercial, social, cultural, political messages. Large format is used to display messages through images. Images on a poster are generally large and have a strong appeal so that it can attract the attention of the public immediately see it. The development of posters began in the late 17th century until now. European countries have an excellent poster tradition. Germany is one of them, the growth of posters in the country became part of the life of its modern society. Many moral and social messages that inspire reason are delivered routinely. Plaque-Sozial e.V. und vom Bund Mitteldeutscher Grafdesigner or social poster association and graphic designer Germany regularly holds competitions and exhibitions on an international scale. In the middle of 2016, a competition and exhibition was held for the third time with the theme "Vision". Participants consisted of artists and poster designers from all over the world. Poster works by the author were also selected by the jury and exhibited at The Association of German Museums for Galvanotechnik e. V. Leipzig, Germany takes place from August 13-25, 2016. The author displays poster visualization through a metaphorical approach. Key words : poster, visual metaphor

Ukrainian Polonistics has comprehensive studies tracing UkrainianPolish linguistic contacts over various chronological intervals. Despite this, the «golden» period of Ukrainian culture remains a relevant subject of study, spurred by the penetration of European cultural, architectural, and painting trends and genre-style and lexical enrichment through Polish mediation. This article examines the penetration and functioning of the lexeme сеймъ and its phonetic-graphic variants сеимъ, соимъ and съемъ, which were used in different genre-stylistic affiliations with the same semantics in written Ukrainian monuments from the second half of the 16th to the 17th century. These texts reveal the uneven distribution of this lexeme on Ukrainian linguistic ground, limiting its use to official texts from the Right Bank and works of other genres, including chronicles, poetry, etc., predominantly in the western and northern parts of the Left Bank The initial penetration of the variant соимъ into the Ukrainian language occurred under the influence of legal official texts, particularly the Statutes of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as the most authoritative legislative sources that, due to the presence of such a social institution, facilitated the consolidation of this term in the Ukrainian language, which, however, in the 20th century, under the influence of the Soviet government's language policy, shifted into the passive vocabulary. Simultaneously, derivatives сеимикъ and соимикъ penetrated the Ukrainian language, serving to denote regional assemblies where decisions of the corresponding level were made. The words сейм, сеймик, сойм and соймик have been codified in lexicographical works with stylistic differentiation: the variants сойм, соймик are qualified as historicisms. We see research prospects for expanding and deepening the chronotope of the source base for Ukrainian-Polish linguistic contacts.

Coromandel lacquer screen is a Chinese folding screen made from the 17th century to 19th century in China. The screen is usually about 250cm high, 600cm width and consisting of twelve panels. Although these screens were made in China during the Qing dynasty, they received their name from India’s Coromandel coast, where they were transshipped to Europe in the late 17th and early 18th centuries by merchants of the English and Dutch East India companies. The Dutch traders carried these screens from Bantam in Java, and in early accounts they were frequently called Bantam screens as well as Coromandel screens. This paper examines Coromandel lacquer screen's art historical significance in the incising global interaction and consumer culture in the 17th and 18th centuries. It first discusses historical and cultural background of production in China which have been little known about. The primary sources focus on the record of <i>Xiu Shi lu</i>, the 16th century book about lacquer, and the inscriptions left on the screens. They will give information about when the screens were produced, what was the purpose of them, and the technique of decoratively incising lacquer and adding polychrome to the voids, called <i>kuan cai</i> in Chinese. The lacquer screen features a continuous scene run through all twelve panels, just like a hand-scroll painting with variety of colours. The prominent subjects for decoration are human figures, landscape and bird-and-flower. The narrative theme with human figures, such as Birthday Reception for General Guo Ziyi and the World of Immortals were shaped by literature or play. Also, the parallels between the lacquer screens and the paintings on the same theme are found. The scenes with Europeans are rare but bring various interpretations within the historical context of the time. The landscape themes, such as the Scenes of Lake Xihu and the Nine Bend in Mountain Wuyi, were depicted famous scenic spots in China. The composition and expression of the screens were probably inspired by landscape woodblock prints, it’s because the technique of lacquer screen and woodblock cutting are similar. Lastly, bird-and-flower theme has a long tradition of wishing longevity, happiness and peace in one’s life and produced in various medium. Thanks to the enormous progress in navigation and discovered sea roots in the 16th century, Dutch and England East India Companies imported quantities of Chinese lacquerworks in the 17th century. As Chinoiserie gain popularity all over Europe, Chinese objects were consumed in various ways. Imported Coromandel lacquer screens were incorporated into European interiors. They were cut into a number of panels, which mounted within wood paneling on walls and inserted into contemporary furniture. The lacquer screen also inspired European’s imitation of Asian lacquer known by a variety of names. This paper surveys Coromandel lacquer screen’s domestic production, exploding consumption and global conquest from the 17th century to 18th centuries, when the screen was explosively made. The lacquer screen is an active participant in cross-cultural interaction, not merely a passive commodity of china. Investigating the material culture of the lacquer screen, it was originally created in chinese domestic background concerned with social prestige, in Europe, consumed to show off exotic luxury and triggered a new stylistic changes in chinoiserie.

The purpose of the study is to identify the figurative and symbolic parallels of the depiction of flowers in the art of China and Europe. Methodology. The study made use of the methods: historical-cultural, comparative, artistic-stylistic, iconological, iconographic. Results. It is shown that in the art of China and Europe, the image of flowers is interconnected with the embodiment of the ideal, beautiful. In our figurative and artistic analysis of the masterpieces of Chinese painting, it is shown that the masters of the “flowers and birds” genre, in the content and form of embodiment, follow the law of the universe formed in Taoism, according to which a cycle occurs in life, as in nature. In the genre of European floral still life of the 17th century, a philosophical, cognitive attitude of a person to the real world surrounding him is expressed. For the Dutch and Flemish still life, associated with the spiritual culture of Christianity, instructive meaning is important. Artists glorify the beauty of the world created by the Creator and, at the same time, adjusts the viewer to reflect on the transience of life. It can be seen that the formation of the European flower still life as an independent genre was influenced by the fine and decorative art of China, in particular, the “flowers and birds” (huanyao) genre. Common features with the style of gunbi (thorough paintbrush) are manifested in a careful study of colors, in a harmonious combination of realistic authenticity with the decorative and linear conventionality of the artistic image. The image of flowers in European painting and art in China is associated with the idea of harmony of the world, presented in the elements. The Baroque floral still life, like the huanyao genre, contain a deep symbolic meaning. The scientific novelty of the publication lies in the fact that for the first time it compares the huanyao genre with baroque bouquets, figurative and symbolic parallels of the image of flowers in the art of China and Europe are found. Practical significance validated the possibility of using the results of the study to develop textbooks and programs for the in-depth study of the art of China and Europe.

The article is devoted to the history of the existence and technique of the original, copies and imitations of the Madonna with the Raphael Madonna del velo, one of the most popular objects of copying in the European pictorial culture of the 16th – 17th centuries. The history of the original Raphael is closely connected with the medieval icon of Madonna del Popolo, revered as the hand-made work of the apostle Luke and the lifetime portrait of the Mother of God. The glory of the medieval original in the eyes of contemporaries was projected onto the picture of Raphael, giving it the status of an actual interpretation of the ancient shrine. This explains the special interest in its copying. During the 16th century, the original Raphael, now stored in the Conde Museum in Chantilly, France, was updated, radically changing the plot of the work. In the XVII century, imitations of Raphael's paintings were often distributed, often created by large masters. The article deals with the methods of copying, typical for artistic practice of the 16th century. As a rule, the painting, which came out of the walls of the workshops of famous artists, was the product of the collective work of the master – the owner of the workshop, apprentices and pupils. The finished composite composition created by the master was previously performed in the form of a cardboard-priporokh, the so-called spolvero, with which it was transferred to a picturesque base. The cardboards were carefully preserved, donated and handed down by inheritance. Traces of spolvero are found in the original Madonna del velo. Currently in the scientific literature there are references to more than one hundred copies of the Madonna with a veil. Some of them are considered works of the 16th century. The most famous copies are kept in the Louvre, the Center of P. Getty, the collection of D.P. Morgan and Del Drago. The Louvre copy of the painting is considered the closest to the original. In all of these works, the drawing of the part of the composition related to the initial version of the original is relatively accurately reproduced. The figure of Josef, which appeared later, is reproduced in different versions with significant variation in the position and proportions of the head and hand drawing. It can be assumed that the compositions of early copies were created either directly from Rafael’s cardboard. Or usеd copies from it. The figure of Josef may have been directly copied from the original or created from cardboard, in which the drowing was of simplified schematic nature. Two-figured copy of the painting, displaced from panel to canvas by one of the Russian school of restoration A.F. Mitrokhin in 1827, kept in the Urals in the Art Museum of Yeraterinburg.

En el análisis compositivo de la pintura La estigmatización de san Francisco de Asís, atribuida a Baltasar de Echave Orio, fue relevante el apoyo tecnológico de los rayos X. Los sorprendentes resultados, inéditos, revelaron la maestría del proceso creativo que conllevó la manufactura de esa obra de arte. Se demuestra que su belleza artística estuvo condicionada por la sección áurea y el meticuloso análisis compositivo de su creador; implicado en un problema de atribución, con este estudio se abre un nuevo panorama desde la conservación-restauración, que reconoce la audacia técnica de un artista culto, con formación europea y con acceso a los impresos del Viejo Continente difundidos en la Nueva España del siglo XVII. ______ X-ray technology provided relevant support in the compositional analysis of the painting, La estigmatización de san Francisco de Asís, attributed to Baltasar de Echave Orio. The unprecedented and amazing results revealed the creative mastery that crafted this work of art and proved that the artistic beauty of the piece (immersed in a problem of attribution) was conditioned by the golden section and its creator’s meticulous compositional analysis. From the conservation-restoration perspective this study opens a novel view that recognizes the technical audacity of a cultured, European-trained artist who had access to prints from the Old World that were disseminated across 17th Century in New Spain.

Media news made the name of Wenzel Pohl known in Hungary in the early 2000s, for the two large history paintings (The Battle of Mohács, Saint Stephen converting the Hungarians to the christian faith), which had cropped up in the art trade and which were purchased by the Hungarian state and deposited in the Hungarian embassy in Vienna, were attributed to him. Although more recent research has proposed that the painter of the cycle once consisting of six pieces was most probably August Rumel and not Pohl, it is worth knowing of Pohl’s artistic activity irrespective of the Hungarian relevance, too, because his person is gradually fading out of art historiography – for example, his name is missing from the 96th volume of the Saur Allgemeines Künstlerlexikon published in 2017.The best-known Pohl portraits are the ones he painted of the noted Jesuit astronomer, mathematician and physicist Miksa Hell. A full-figure portrait shows the scientist in traditional Sami costume during his research trip to the North, and we know of a portrait showing Hell is a monk’s frock. His engraved copies of paintings in the Viennese imperial collection, real forerunners to the representative 19th century album of prints presenting the collection, probably belong to a series. In the cycle of paintings about the coronation of Joseph II as Holy Roman Emperor (Frankfurt, 1765) he was assigned the painting of architectural details, which is confirmed by the fact that he was sent on a study trip to Frankfurt to make drawn sketches of the venues of the event. After the representative painting of Martin van Meytens he made a small-scale version of the group portrait of Maria Theresa and her family. His chef d’oeuvre is the representative painting series showing the events of the coronation of Maria Theresa in Pozsony in 1741 painted for the Hungarian court chancellery in Vienna. He painted it with Franz Messmer in the second half of the 1760s. In contrast, the three portraits of monarchs in Riesensaal in Innsbruck so far attributed to him by researchers were actually painted by Jakob Kohl.The other part of the paper contributes a few new viewpoints to the examination of the painting about the battle of Mohács earlier attributed to Pohl. In addition to contemporaneous woodcuts of the tragic battle of 1526 in news-letters and pamphlets in German, to 16th century Turkish miniatures, and diverse 16–18th century European manuscript and book illustrations, a ceiling fresco in Garamszentbenedek and several large paintings – including Rumel’s work – also conjured up the battle in the 18th century. Since in the nation’s historical consciousness and cultural memory the battle of Mohács did not acquire its symbolic, mythic position represented to this day before the 19th century, the two works of art were way ahead of their time in anticipating the salient position of the tragic event, because, unlike, for example, István dorffmaister’s late 18th century pictures ordered in Mohács, they show the battle as a fatal even in the history of the entire nation. on the other side, by the terminating piece of the series ordered for the Transylvanian court chancellery being the battle of Mohács, the client departed from the 18th century imperial, dynastic outlook which presented as positive parallels to the battle of Mohács and the capture of Szigetvár by the Turks the victorious battles of the late 17th century liberating war led by the Habsburg Empire: the second battle of Mohács and the recapture of Szigetvár, partly as examples of divine justice and partly as legitimation of the Habsburg Empire’s territorial expansion “earned with blood”. It is noteworthy that the right side of central scene of Rumel’s Battle of Mohács resembles the composition of leonardo da Vinci’s Battle of Anghiari surviving in copies only. It is presumable that the renaissance battle scenes served as a model example for the painter.

The Allegory of Transience by Philipp Sauerland (Gdańsk 1677 – Wrocław 1762), an artist specializing in still life and animal painting, was purchased in 2015 by the National Museum in Gdańsk. The painting allows us to deepen our knowledge of Sauerland’s artistic roots, as well as the interpretation of the painting in the socio-cultural context of the development of Europe in the early 18th century. In the paper a thesis is put forward about the Leiden sources of Sauerland’s work, which are connected with the painting tradition of the so-called fijnschilders, especially the work of Willem van Mieris. In the first decade of the 18th century, Sauerland painted The Young Woman in the Kitchen Interior, surrounded by perfectly rendered victuals, showing a similar gesture as in the famous painting by Van Mieris The Mouse Trap. In the signed painting from a private collection in New York, Sauerland chose historical themes. He presented a rare scene of David Giving Uriah a Letter to Joab. The painting refers to two famous works by Pieter Lastmann, but it is placed in an architectural set design analogous to Van Mieris’s paintings. An important element of the Allegory of Transience, in turn, is the relief visible by sliding down a carpet. This motif is also taken from the work of Van Mieries, but the iconography of the sculptural representation refers to Gerard de Lairesse’s print showing Chronos prevented by Prudence from destroying the statues. Sauerland is therefore close to the artists from Leiden in terms of the choice of themes, motifs, and the way they are painted. He also usually used a similar format of paintings. Like Van Mieris, the artist from Gdańsk signed his works with longer inscriptions. Although references to the Leydians are obvious in Sauerland’s early works, he does not make copies of their works, but focusing on the still life genre, he transforms them in his own style. The second thesis of our essay is related to the transformation of vanitas motifs, which in Sauerland’s work reveal their secularized character. The traditional symbolism of transience, which draws on religion, is replaced by the ideas of rationalism, accompanied by the idea of reason that opens a possibility of overcoming sensual and emotional limitations. The work becomes an expression of emancipatory processes that take place at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries in European culture. Referring to the philosophical work of Baruch Spinoza (notion of knowledge), we interpret Sauerland’s work as an expression of the emerging modern ideal of freedom, which was based on a rationalistic paradigm. It is thanks to wisdom (sapientia) that the subject is able to transcend the reality of the sensual guise. In the last part of the text we point to the important role of practical wisdom (prudentia) and art (ars) in the process of liberalization that accompanied the social changes of the time. Using illusionism, Sauerland proposes an interpretative key to the viewer: the meaning of life is complemented by art: by making art, understanding art, or collecting artworks, the rational man can free himself from the fear of his own finiteness. The function of this still life is not to remind us of death, but to point out that contemplation of art is an intellectual and spiritual exercise that allows us to find the right attitude to life.

The aim of this paper is to describe and review 18th century Viennese parade carriages from the point of view of arts and crafts. Carriages are a small architectural form and are “programme works”, examples of the synthesis of arts, harmoniously combining the principles of architecture, sculpture, painting, decorative art, carpentry, as well as the skills of carvers, gilders, bronzers, embroiderers. At the same time, carriages were an integral part of ceremonies and participated in the most important state ceremonies (coronations, weddings, funerals, baptism of heirs). Certain types of carriages, such as carousel chariots and masquerade sleighs, were used for court entertainments, festivals and games. Imperial ceremonial carriages of the 17th—18th centuries served to represent the monarch’s power on a par with the throne and regalia and were created as true works of art, using expensive materials and sophisticated decoration techniques.The research is based on the study of natural material — original carriages from the collection of the Wagenburg Museum (Schoenbrunn Palace, Vienna) and the Armoury Chamber of the State Historical and Cultural Museum-Reserve “Moscow Kremlin”, its tasks include determining the model range of actual forms and designs, identifying the characteristic artistic methods, techniques of execution and decorative motifs of rococo. For the first time it is proposed to consider carriages from Russian museum collections in the context of the European carriage school that created them, combining the knowledge of foreign and domestic researchers about carriages of the 18th century. A separate research task is the integration of Viennese carriages from the Armoury Chamber of the Moscow Kremlin into a single analogue series with models from Wagenburg, which allows to expand the understanding of the Viennese carriage school of the 18 century.A review of the main models of rococo parade carriages created in the Viennese royal workshops from the 1720s to the 1760s is made. They are considered from the point of view of artistic value of the carriages, emphasis is made on the description of objects, decorative techniques and methods of artistic work. The material is divided into groups according to the statuses of the carriages: ceremonial official gala carriages of the emperor, retinue carriages and running holiday carriages. The specimens are arranged in chronological order, which illustrates the development of carriage-making from the model of the large carriage to the more technically advanced Berlines. It is shown that Viennese carriages are masterpieces of decorative and applied art, combining the highest level of skill of the creators of carriage projects (architects, decorators) and performers (carpenters, carvers, gilders, painters, weavers, embroiderers, blacksmiths and foundry workers).

Right from its opening in 1929, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) recreated modern art as a new myth that was rescued from European history and thus became accessible as an independent value for an American audience. Paradoxically, the myth stemmed from the opinion that modern art’s history seemed to have expired in pre-war Europe. Upon MoMA’s completion of a major expansion project in 2004, there was considerable anticipation about how the museum would represent its own history and raise its profile in a new century. As it turned out, the museum opted for a surprisingly retrospective look, since its curators were tempted to exhibit its own collection, so unique up until the sixties, in the new exhibition halls. This launched a dilemma for MoMA, as it became a place for past art with little space for new art. In an in-depth analysis of what constitutes “modern” art in the context of the preeminent questions circulating in the art world during this time—When was modern art? and Where was modern art?—the author presents a focused chronology of the administration of MoMA under the museum’s first director, Alfred Hamilton Barr Jr. (1929–43), and, later, William Rubin, director of the Department of Painting and Sculpture (1968–88), with regard to their influence on the museum’s mission, exhibitions, and international profile. The author concludes with commentary on contemporary changes in art geography and contemplation on the effect on artists of the emergence of a global art market.

A comparative analysis of the formation and development of the Neo-Moorish style in the architecture and interiors of France and Russia in the 19th century is presented in the article. How did the interest in studying the architecture of medieval Moors form in these countries? What are the main differences and similarities in the development of the Neo-Moorish style in Russia and France? In the 19th century, the first manifestations of the oriental theme appeared to a large extent owing to the work of writers and artists. The mysterious world of the East became a rich source of new plots, palette, exotic customs, and architectural forms. In parallel with literature and painting, the oriental theme was developing in architecture and interior design, and it would later flourish in copying the Moorish style. Among the monuments of medieval Moors, the Alhambra Palace, built in the Emirate of Granada in the period from the 13th to the 15th centuries, became an architectural model for European architects. The French world exhibitions, on which architectural and historical pavilions were exhibited, were a significant source of the proliferation of the Neo-Moorish style in Europe. Russian architects such as Paul Notbek and Carl Rachau also made a significant contribution to the study of the Alhambra. Recognized both in Russia and in Europe, the results of their work allowed St. Petersburg architects to have original samples of Moorish architecture and to develop this style in many St. Petersburg interiors with a high degree of skill of their work during the peak of historicism development. In the second half of the 19th century, the Moorish style spread throughout Europe and became an international historical oriental style. In each country, borrowings showed their own characteristics and developmental features due to cultural, political, and geographical influence. In France, the Moorish style was actively borrowed not only for interior decoration but also in the construction of public and commercial buildings such as casinos, cafes, thermal stations. In Russia, the Moorish style was used mainly in palaces and mansions of the highest nobility and the bourgeoisie. In France, the Mauresque style took on various forms and had different sources, whereas in Russia it referred mainly to the historical examples of the Alhambra. Thus, France and Russia participated in the pan-European trend of the Neo-Moorish style; however, each country has developed its own variation of this oriental style of the period of historicism.

The article focuses on the iconography of Anna Yaroslavna (around 1032-between 1075 and 1089), the daughter of Yaroslav Mudry (983/98-1054), who was married to Henry I (1027-1060) and acquired the status of Queen of France. The study is based on the most famous portraits created by artists from the Middle Ages to the present day in various types of visual arts - sculpture, painting, graphics, numismatics. It is not known for certain what the princess looked like – rather insignificant evidence about her appearance has been preserved. In historical chronicles, the red hair color of the young wife of Henry I is primarily noted. More often, character traits are emphasized – kindness, generosity, humility, self-sacrifice. Portraits of the daughter of Yaroslav Mudry during his lifetime cause heated discussions in scientific circles. It is hypothesized that the sons and not daughters of Yaroslav the Wise are depicted in St. Sophia Cathedral (11th century). And on the copy of the 18th century from a drawing by the Dutch artist A. van Westerfeld in 1651, another couple is represented – Volodymyr Svyatoslavych and his wife Anna (baptizers of Rus) accompanied by eight princes and princesses. Engraved and sculptural portraits of the 17th century, despite the fashionable image of the era, reveal certain characteristic features of Anna Yaroslavna – thinness, general elegance, elongated face oval. Modern Ukrainian artists (V. Znoba, M. Znoba, G. Sevruk, V. Stelmakh), recreating the image of Anna Yaroslavna, are guided by the well-known engraved image of the Flemish artist Jacobus de Bie in 1643. At the same time, each portrait is distinguished by the author's decision and virtuoso mastery of the material. The presented article is not only the first intelligence covering pictorial and historical sources. The collected material testifies to the significant contribution of national history to the development of the European political and cultural space, is a demonstration of unity and friendly relations between Ukraine and France.

The paper examines the historical aspects of the development specialists in decorative and applied arts training in Ukraine on the example of porcelain production (late 18th century - today) and its current state abroad. In line with the issue of introduction of this direction of decorative and applied art in our country, examples of its flourishing in the cities of Koret (production of baroque Meissen porcelain), Baranivka, Hrodnytsia, Dovbysh (Iliinskyi Manufactory, Markhlov Factory, Dovbysh Porcelain Factory, Polonsky Porcelain Factory); Poltava, Boryslav, Sumy, Ternopil (opening of porcelain factories in 1965) are characterized. It has been found that along with the foundation and development of porcelain industries there were professional schools focused on training skilled craftsmen to work in the factory, in particular schools in Kyiv, Lviv, Kharkiv; Myrhorod Art and Industrial School in Poltava region, etc.). Training of specialists in pottery and porcelain, teachers of graphic arts and painting, masters of artistic decoration of products, etc., who were ready to perform significant amounts of physical work, namely making tiles, bulk utensils, decorating the facades of churches, houses, fireplaces, sculptures, ornaments, and exterior, is analyzed. Activities of famous artists such as S. Maslenikov, O. Slastion, V. Krychevsky are described; characteristics of outstanding works and participation in exhibitions are revealed. It is determined that the best traditions of training specialists are preserved in modern Ukraine. But porcelain production has declined and is virtually absent; products made in small businesses are souvenirs, they can not always be conveniently used as utensils. A conclusion has been made on the need to use European manufacturers who have maintained mass porcelain production and train a significant number of skilled workers.

Professor Zdzisław Żygulski Jr. (1921–2015) was one of the most prominent Polish art historians of the second half of the 20th century. He treated the history of art as a broadly understood science of mankind and his artistic achievements. His name was recognised in global research on antique weapons, and among experts on Rembrandt and Leonardo da Vinci. He studied museums and Oriental art. He wrote 35 books, about 200 articles, and numerous essays on art; he wrote for the daily press about his artistic journeys through Europe, Japan and the United States. He illustrated his publications with his own photographs, and had a large set of slides. Żygulski created many exhibitions both at home and abroad presenting Polish art in which armour and oriental elements played an important role. He spent his youth in Lvov, and was expatriated to Cracow in 1945 together with his wife, the pottery artist and painter Eva Voelpel. He studied English philology and history of art at the Jagiellonian University (UJ), and was a student under Adam Bochnak and Vojeslav Molè. He was linked to the Czartoryski Museum in Cracow for his whole life; he worked there from 1949 until 2010, for the great majority of time as curator of the Arms and Armour Section. He devoted his whole life to the world of this museum, and wrote about its history and collections. Together with Prof. Zbigniew Bocheński, he set up the Association of Lovers of Old Armour and Flags, over which he presided from 1972 to 1998. He set up the Polish school of the study of militaria. He was a renowned and charismatic member of the circle of international researchers and lovers of militaria. He wrote the key texts in this field: Broń w dawnej Polsce na tle uzbrojenia Europy i Bliskiego Wschodu [Weapons in old Poland compared to armaments in Europe and the Near East], Stara broń w polskich zbiorach [Old weapons in Polish armouries], Polski mundur wojskowy [Polish military uniforms] (together with H. Wielecki). He was an outstanding researcher on Oriental art to which he dedicated several books: Sztuka turecka [Turkish art], Sztuka perska [Persian art], Sztuka mauretańska i jej echa w Polsce [Moorish art and its echoes in Poland]. Prof. Zdzisław Żygulski Jr. was a prominent educator who enjoyed great respect. He taught costume design and the history of art and interiors at the Academy of Fine Arts in Cracow, as well as Mediterranean culture at the Mediterranean Studies Department and at the Postgraduate Museum Studies at the UJ. His lectures attracted crowds of students, for whose needs he wrote a book Muzea na świecie. Wstęp do muzealnictwa [Museums in the world. Introduction to museum studies]. He also lectured at the Florence Academy of Art and at the New York University. He was active in numerous Polish scientific organisations such as PAU, PAN and SHS, and in international associations such as ICOMAM and ICOM. He represented Polish art history at general ICOM congresses many times. He was also active on diverse museum councils all over Poland.

Background. For the last 25 years videoart in Ukraine had passed a maturation from the elementary experimental video practices of the end of the 80's to the full-identical art form. Like most of the USSR innovative art trends, videoart in Ukraine paved it's way through the formal endorsement's resistance and had been creating owing to the enthusiasm and persistence of individual artists and single artistic formations. Ukrainian videoart had developed according to all the fine art growth's features of socialistic period; however was established and concepted for the first time in Lviv as a phenomenon in the 1990-s what had generated a brand-new pleiad of cultural actors and had influence on the alternative artistic expression mediums of that time. Objectives. The incipience and developnent of Lviv videoart appears to be the main goal, applicating specifics of the new media style in individual artistic identification for single artists and Lviv artistic enviroment in general; reconstitution of the expression of new visual ideas made via video camera among social and historical “perestroika” context. Videoart role definition in the artistic expression of the totalitarian unrest period. Methods. Achieving the goals of the article was implemented via empirical methods: comparison, observation, description of the historical facts, which preceded videoart foundation throughout Ukraine. Theoretical methods were founded for the analysis of videoart, it’s role and position in art studies historiography of Lviv focus. Also deductive chronology playbacking method, what gave an opportunity to represent a whole artistic climate where Lviv videoart was established. Classification method divided artistic formations into groups based on artistic and stylistic criterion. Results. The research results confirmed the idea of independent Lviv videoart existance with it’s own establishing and development history. Research, based on Andrij Boyarov artworks of the end of 80’s, showed up comprehensive data that videoart had not been positioned as additional medium for single artist’s creations diluting; combination of photo and video was and remains the main activity for a certain range of artists thus proving that emergence of videoart genre had not turned into spontaneous way or copied from West European processes but rather appeared to be totally required by socio-political environment, the artist and the viewer to see the video reflections in galleries. Formed chronology showed up a special linkages between the appearance of brand-new art experiments, alternative practices and youth movements, festivals and artistic formations that had established the very first Ukrainian galleries and had placed curator practices unprecedented neither for artists nor for viewers. These were the “Tsenter Europy”, “Try Krapky”, “Dzyga” galleries, where the exhibitions “Thing Theatre or thing ecology”, “Defloration” and “Congress of Ukrainian Physicians Exhibition” took place at the time of turning point of Ukraine’s 90’s. The “Vyvykh” Festival had become a so-called Vesuvius for massive Lviv non-conformism vector, which explored a number of brand-new names of experimental art and videoart: Alfred Maksymenko, Andrij Boyarov, Hanna Kuts, Viktor Dovhaljuk, Ihor Podolchak, Serhiy Petljuk and others. During the consideration it was revealed that Lviv videoart meant to be different from the one in the other Ukrainian videoart centers due to it “pedagogical” aspect, namely it was the only center, where the experience sharing for the young generation truly existed, that had been caused by reservation problem and communication absence between the videoartists and a range of author generations. The originator of the first videoart in Ukraine - Alfred Maksymenko - now works as a pedagogue at Lviv National Academy of Arts, whose Studies generated a number of videoartists, carring on Lviv Classic School traditions and creating original stylistic indications. Conclusions. This social-informational research has shown preconditions for a brand-new art genre establishment - the 90’s Lviv videoart and the fact that it was not born in a way of “playing” or “flirtation” with some kind of new imported technical equipment but had it’s own conceptual way instead; got an opportunity to continue previous visual practices and expand the frontiers of visual influences on viewer. The analysis of Lviv videoart formation concludes the research and brings up the subject for further researches: establishing of high-quality art analysis of single artists working in videoart for already more than 25 years. A totally special stylistic manner of creating video images had emerged during that time period, which echoes with traditional Lviv Classic School painting manner and brand-new mediums born and dictated by alternative angles and technical implementation of videoart.

AbstractAry Scheffer (1795-1858) is so generally included in the French School (Note 2)- unsurprisingly, since his career was confined almost entirely to Paris - that the fact that he was born and partly trained in the Netherlands is often overlooked. Yet throughout his life he kept in touch with Dutch colleagues and drew part of his inspiration from Dutch traditions. These Dutch aspects are the subject of this article. The Amsterdam City Academy, 1806-9 Ary Scheffer was enrolled at the Amsterdam Academy on 25 October 1806, his parents falsifying his date of birth in order to get him admitted at the age of eleven (fifteen was the oficial age) . He started in the third class and in order to qualify for the second he had to be one of the winners in the prize drawing contest. Candidates in this were required to submit six drawings made during the months January to March. Although no-one was supposed to enter until he had been at the Academy for four years, Ary Scheffer competed in both 1808 and 1809. Some of his signed drawings are preserved in Dordrecht. (Figs. 1-5 and 7), along with others not made for the contest. These last in particular are interesting not only because they reveal his first prowess, but also because they give some idea of the Academy practice of his day. Although the training at the Academy broadly followed the same lines as that customary in France, Italy and elsewhere (Note 4), our knowledge of its precise content is very patchy, since there was no set curriculum and no separate teachers for each subject. Two of Scheffer's drawings (Figs. 2 and 3) contain extensive notes, which amount to a more or less complete doctrine of proportion. It is not known who his teacher was or what sources were used, but the proportions do not agree with those in Van der Passe's handbook, which came into vogue in the 18th century, or with those of the canon of a Leonardo, Dürer or Lebrun. One gets the impression that what are given here are the exact measurements of a concrete example. Scheffer's drawings show him gradually mastering the rudiments of art. In earlier examples the hatching is sometimes too hasty (Fig. 4) or too rigidly parallel (Fig.5), while his knowledge of anatomy is still inadequate and his observation not careful enough. But right from the start he shows flair and as early as 1807 he made a clever drawing of a relatively complex group (Fig. 6) , while the difficult figure of Marsyas was already well captured in 1808 and clearly evinces his growing knowledge o f anatomy, proportion , foreshortening and the effects of light (Fig. 7). The same development can be observed in his portrait drawings. That of Gerardus Vrolik (1775-1859, Fig.8), a professor at the Atheneum Illustre (the future university) and Scheffer' s teacher, with whom he always kept in touch (Note 6), is still not entirely convincing, but a portrait of 1809, thought to be of his mother (Fig.9, Note 7), shows him working much more systematically. It is not known when he left the Academy, but from the summer of 1809 we find him in France, where he was to live with only a few breaks from 1811 to his death. The first paintings and the Amsterdam exhibitions of 1808 and 1810 Ary Scheffer's earliest known history painting, Hannibal Swearing to Avenge his Brother Hasdrubal's Death (Fig. 10) Notes 8-10) was shown at the first exhibition of living masters in Amsterdam in 1808. Although there was every reason for giving this subject a Neo-Classical treatment, the chiaroscuro, earthy colours and free brushwork show Scheffer opting for the old Dutch tradition rather than the modern French style. This was doubtless on the prompting of his parents,for a comment in a letter from his mother in 1810 (Note 12) indicates that she shared the reservations of the Dutch in general about French Neo-Classicism. (Note 11). As the work of a twelve to thirteen year old, the painting naturally leaves something to be desired: the composition is too crowded and unbalanced and the anatomy of the secondary figures rudimentary. In a watercolour Scheffer made of the same subject, probably in the 1820's, he introduced much more space between the figures (Fig. 11, Note 13). Two portraits are known from this early period. The first, of Johanna Maria Verbeek (Fig. 12, Note 14), was done when the two youngsters were aged twelve. It again shows all the characteristics of an early work, being schematic in its simplicity, with some rather awkward details and inadequate plasticity. On the other hand the hair and earrings are fluently rendered, the colours harmonious and the picture has an undeniable charm. At the second exhibition of works by living masters in 1810, Ary Scheffer showed a 'portrait of a painter' (Fig. 13), who was undoubtedly his uncle Arnoldus Lamme, who also had work in the exhibition as did Scheffer's recently deceased father Johan-Bernard and his mother Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme, an indication of the stimulating surroundings in which he grew up. The work attracted general attention (Note 16) and it does, indeed, show a remarkable amount of progress, the plasticity, effects of light, brushwork and colour all revealing skill and care in their execution. The simple, bourgeois character of the portrait not only fits in with the Dutch tradition which Scheffer had learned from both his parents in Amsterdam, but also has points in common with the recent developments in France, which he could have got to know during his spell in Lille from autumn 1809 onwards. A Dutchman in Paris Empire and Restoration, 1811-30 In Amsterdam Scheffer had also been laught by his mother, a miniature painter, and his father, a portrait and history painter (Note 17). After his father's death in June 1809, his mother, who not only had a great influence on his artistic career, but also gave his Calvinism and a great love of literature (Note 18), wanted him to finish his training in Paris. After getting the promise of a royal grant from Louis Napoleon for this (Note 19) and while waiting for it to materialize, she sent the boy to Lille to perfect his French as well as further his artistic training. In 1811 Scheffer settled in Paris without a royal grant or any hope of one. He may possibly have studied for a short time under Prudhon (Note 20) , but in the autumn of 1811 he was officially contracted as a pupil of Guérin, one of the leading artists of the school of David, under whom he mastered the formulas of NeD-Classicism, witness his Orpheus and Eurydice (Fïg.14), shown in the Salon of 1814. During his first ten years in Paris Scheffer also painted many genre pieces in order, so he said, to earn a living for himself and his mother. Guérin's prophecy that he would make a great career as a history painter (Note 21) soon came true, but not in the way Guérin thought it would, Scheffer participating in the revolution initiated by his friends and fellow-pupils, Géricault and Delacroix, which resulted in the rise of the Romantic Movement. It was not very difficult for him to break with Neo-Classicism, for with his Dutch background he felt no great affinity with it (Note 22). This development is ilustrated by his Gaston de Foix Dying on the Battlefield After his Victory at Ravenna, shown at the Salon of 1824, and The Women of Souli Throwing Themselves into the Abyss (Fig.15), shown at that of 1827-8. The last years of the Restoration and the July Monarchy. Influence of Rembrandt and the Dutch masters In 1829, when he seemed to have become completely assimilated in France and had won wide renown, Scheffer took the remarkable step of returning to the Netherlands to study the methods of Rembrandt and other Dutch old masters (Note 23) . A new orientation in his work is already apparent in the Women of Souli, which is more harmonious and considered in colour than the Gaston dc Foix (Note 24). This is linked on the one hand to developments in France, where numbers of young painters had abandoned extreme Romanticism to find the 'juste milieu', and on the other to Scheffer's Dutch background. Dutch critics were just as wary of French Romanticism as they had been of Neo-Classicism, urging their own painters to revive the traditions of the Golden Age and praising the French painters of the 'juste milieu'. It is notable how many critics commented on the influence of Rembrandt on Scheffer's works, e.g. his Faust, Marguérite, Tempête and portrait of Talleyrand at the Salon of 1851 (Note 26). The last two of these date from 1828 and show that the reorientation and the interest in Rembrandt predate and were the reasons for the return to the Netherlands in 1829. In 1834 Gustave Planche called Le Larmoyeur (Fig. 16) a pastiche of Rembrandt and A. Barbier made a comparable comment on Le Roi de Thule in 1839 (Note 27). However, as Paul Mantz already noted in 1850 (Note 28), Scheffer certainly did not fully adopt Rembrandt's relief and mystic light. His approach was rather an eclectic one and he also often imbued his work with a characteristically 19th-century melancholy. He himself wrote after another visit to the Netherlands in 1849 that he felt he had touched a chord which others had not attempted (Note 29) . Contacts with Dutch artists and writers Scheffer's links with the Netherlands come out equally or even more strongly in the many contacts he maintained there. As early as 1811-12 Sminck-Pitloo visited him on his way to Rome (Note 30), to be followed in the 1820's by J.C. Schotel (Note 31), while after 1830 as his fame increased, so the contacts also became more numerous. He was sought after by and corresponded with various art dealers (Note 33) and also a large number of Dutch painters, who visited him in Paris or came to study under him (Note 32) Numerous poems were published on paintings by him from 1838 onwards, while Jan Wap and Alexander Ver Huell wrote at length about their visits to him (Note 34) and a 'Scheffer Album' was compiled in 1859. Thus he clearly played a significant role in the artistic life of the Netherlands. International orientation As the son of a Dutch mother and a German father, Scheffer had an international orientation right from the start. Contemporary critics and later writers have pointed out the influences from English portrait painting and German religious painting detectable in his work (Note 35). Extracts from various unpublished letters quoted here reveal how acutely aware he was of what was likely to go down well not only in the Netherlands, but also in a country like England, where he enjoyed great fame (Notes 36-9) . July Monarchy and Second Empire. The last decades While most French artists of his generation seemed to have found their definitive style under the July Monarchy, Scheffer continued to search for new forms of expression. In the 1830's, at the same time as he painted his Rembrandtesque works, he also produced his famous Francesca da Rimini (Fig. 17), which is closer to the 'juste milieu' in its dark colours and linear accents. In the 1840's he used a simple and mainly bright palette without any picturesque effects, e.g. in his SS. Augustine and Monica and The Sorrows of the Earth (Note 41), but even this was not his last word. In an incident that must have occurred around 1857 he cried out on coming across some of his earlier works that he had made a mistake since then and wasted his time (Note 42) and in his Calvin of 1858 (Fig. 18) he resumed his former soft chiaroscuro and warm tones. It is characteristic of him that in that same year he painted a last version of The Sorrows of the Earth in the light palette of the 1840's. Despite the difficulty involved in the precise assessment of influences on a painter with such a complex background, it is clear that even in his later period, when his work scored its greatest successes in France, England and Germany, Scheffer always had a strong bond with the Netherlands and that he not only contributed to the artistic life there, but always retained a feeling for the traditions of his first fatherland. Appendix An appendix is devoted to a study of the head of an old man in Dordrecht, which is catalogued as a copy of a 17th-century painting in the style of Rembrandt done by Ary Scheffer at the age of twelve (Fig.19, Note 43). This cannot be correct, as it is much better than the other works by the twelve-year-old painter. Moreover, no mention is made of it in the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition held in Paris in 1859, where the Hannibal is given as his earliest work (Note 44). It was clearly unknown then, as it is not mentioned in any of the obituaries of 1858 and 1859 either. The earliest reference to it occurs in the list made bv Scheffer's daughter in 1897 of the works she was to bequeath to the Dordrecht museum. A clue to its identification may be a closely similar drawing by Cornelia Scheffer-Lamme (Fig. 20, Note 46), which is probably a copy after the head of the old man. She is known to have made copies after contemporary and 17th-century masters. The portrait might thus be attributable to Johan-Bernard Scheffer, for his wife often made copies of his works and he is known from sale catalogues to have painted various portraits of old men (Note 47, cf. Fig.21). Ary Scheffer also knew this. In 1839 his uncle Arnoldus Lamme wrote to him that he would look out for such a work at a sale (Note 48). It may be that he succeeded in finding one and that this portrait came into the possession of the Scheffer family in that way, but Johan-Bernard's work is too little known for us to be certain about this.

The article considers the issues of examination and attribution of artworks. The central focus is on the results of studies of four West European paintings from the collection of Yekaterinburg Museum of Fine Arts. The paper describes the results of technical and technological examination of Still Life with Broken Game and Watermelon, which was attributed in the process of studying the brushwork to Pietro Navarra, a little-known early eighteenth-century Roman artist. As a result of the search for attribution, the painting Eleazar and Rebekah, previously attributed to an unknown Italian master, was revealed to have connections with the work of seventeenth-century Neapolitan artist Andrea Malinkoniko. The painting The Death of Camilla, long considered to be the work of Carlo Chignani, has been re-attributed as The Death of Dido possibly by the mid-seventeenth-century Lombard artist Carlo Francesco Nuvolone. The painting Singing Actors is dated to the end of the seventeenth century and is attributed to the Roman master known by the pseudonym Pseudo Carocelli. Keywords: evaluation, attribution, Italian painting of the 17th century

Is painting space fundamentally perspectival? In the European Renaissance (14th to the 17th century), the painting space was thought of as having an interior of perspective where one could place an object. It took many years after the Renaissance for European art to come out of this optical or geometrical perspective and realise that the space of painting is fundamentally non-perspectival. Historically in Europe, impressionists (1860) painters are the ones who tried to break away from this optical or single-point perspective and create paintings according to ‘lived perspective’. Optical perspective is one of the visual dogmas which are believed till today; thus, it is tough to appreciate non-perspectival paintings. This paper aims to give technical reasons why painting space is fundamentally not perspectival; the first section of the paper will deal with the question ‘what kind of space is painting space?’, and in the second section, we will compare method of photograph and drawing to find the differences between mechanism of camera and human perception . In the last section of the paper we will use Indian folk paintings, to demonstrate how cognitive or alternative/multiple perspectives open new possibilities in painting space.

The ceiling decoration of the Great Hall of Brežice Castle was executed for the Attems family by the painter Franz Carl Remp in 1702–1703. Its form had most probably been inspired by an engraving, reproducing the fresco by Pietro da Cortona in the hall of the Palazzo Barberini in Rome. During the 17th century, many engravings of various motifs and types were used as models for monumental paintings in Central Europe. However, it was above all graphic reproductions of famous ceiling paintings in different artistic centres in Italy which inspired the qualitative turn of Central European ceiling painting around 1700.

The formation of animalistic genre was a part of general process of West-European art development in the late 16th and 17th centuries. Flemish and Dutch masters acted as genuine innovators in the new field and determined the genre evolution in European countries for a long time. The article presents a typology of animalistic images and motifs in the art of Flanders and Holland and their influence on the work of Belgian, Dutch, German, English and Russian painters of the 18th and the first half of the 19th century.

The purpose of the article is to ascertain the stages of collecting European portrait miniature of the 16th – 19th century from the outset of this art until now as an important factor for the research of the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko National Museum of Arts miniatures, Kyiv. The research methodology is based on historiographical analysis coupled with axiological and holistic approaches to identify the relationship between the history of collecting and the evolution of the art of portrait miniature. The scientific novelty of the article lies in determining the general trends in collecting works to clarify the reasons for collecting European portrait miniatures in Ukraine, inter alia, at the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko National Museum of Arts in Kyiv. Conclusions. Transformation of portrait miniature from an object of private property to a museum artefact began in the 17th century. Portrait miniature was recognised as a separate artistic genre. The processes of studying the term “miniature portrait”, researching of the art tradition, and creating the first museum’s collections were launched. It was at that time that the core of the miniatures collection was set up by its founders in the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko National Museum of Arts. Now it is one of the greatest in Ukraine. Understanding of the artworks value have been proceeding during decline of demand for the traditional portrait miniature after invention of daguerreotype. Nowadays, the works are of interest to collectors, but the painting tradition continues only among amateurs. Keywords: portrait, painting, miniature, European miniature, collection, history, research, the Bohdan and Varvara Khanenko National Museum of Arts.

IntroductionThree broad stages of Australia’s arts and culture sectors may be discerned with reference to the Northern Hemisphere. The first is in Australia’s early years where artists travelled to the metropoles of Europe to learn from acknowledged masters, to view the great works and to become part of a broader cultural scene. The second is where Australian art was promoted internationally, which to some extent began in the 1960s with exhibitions such as the 1961 ‘Survey of recent Australian painting’ at the Whitechapel gallery. The third relates to the strong promotion and push to display and sell Indigenous art, which has been a key area of focus since the 1970s.The Allure of the NorthFor a long time Australasian artists have mostly travelled to Britain (Britain) or Europe (Cooper; Frost; Inkson and Carr), be they writers, painters or musicians for example. Hecq (36) provides a useful overview of the various periods of expatriation from Australia, referring to the first significant phase at the end of the twentieth century when many painters left “to complete their atelier instruction in Paris and London”. Many writers also left for the north during this time, with a number of women travelling overseas on account of “intellectual pressures as well as intellectual isolation”(Hecq 36). Among these, Miles Franklin left Australia in “an open act of rebellion against the repressive environment of her family and colonial culture” (37). There also existed “a belief that ‘there’ is better than ‘here’” (de Groen vii) as well as a “search for the ideal” (viii). World War I led to stronger Anglo-Australian relations hence an increase in expatriation to Europe and Britain as well as longer-term sojourns. These increased further in the wake of World War II. Hecq describes how for many artists, there was significant discontent with Australian provincialism and narrow-mindedness, as well as a desire for wider audiences and international recognition. Further, Hecq describes how Europe became something of a “dreamland”, with numerous artists influenced by their childhood readings about this part of the world and a sense of the imaginary or the “other”. This sense of a dream is described beautifully by McAuliffe (56), who refers to the 1898 painting by A.J. Daplyn as a “melancholic diagram of the nineteenth-century Australian artist’s world, tempering the shimmering allure of those northern lights with the shadowy, somnolent isolation of the south”.Figure 1: The Australian Artist’s Dream of Europe; A.J. Daplyn, 1898 (oil on canvas; courtesy artnet.com)In ‘Some Other Dream’, de Groen presents a series of interviews with expatriate Australian artists and writers as an insight into what drove each to look north and to leave Australia, either temporarily or permanently. Here are a few examples:Janet Alderson: “I desperately wanted to see what was going on” (2)Robert Jacks: “the dream of something else. New York is a dream for lots of people” (21)Bruce Latimer: “I’d always been interested in America, New York in particular” (34)Jeffrey Smart: “Australia seemed to be very dull and isolated, and Italy seemed to be thrilling and modern” (50)Clement Meadmore: “I never had much to do with what was happening in Melbourne: I was never accepted there” (66)Stelarc: “I was interested in traditional Japanese art and the philosophy of Zen” (80)Robert Hughes: “I’d written everything that I’d wanted to write about Australian art and this really dread prospect was looming up of staying in Australia for the rest of one’s life” (128)Max Hutchison: “I quickly realised that Melbourne was a non-art consuming city” (158)John Stringer: “I was not getting the latitude that I wanted at the National Gallery [in Australia] … the prospects of doing other good shows seemed rather slim” (178)As the testimony here suggests, the allure of the north ranges from dissatisfaction with the south to the attraction of various parts of the world in the north.More recently, McAuliffe describes a shift in the impact of the overseas experience for many artists. Describing them as business travellers, he refers to the fact that artists today travel to meet international art dealers and to participate in exhibitions, art fairs and the like. Further, he argues that the risk today lies in “disorientation and distraction rather than provincial timidity” (McAuliffe 56). That is, given the ease and relatively cheap costs of international travel, McAuliffe argues that the challenge is in adapting to constantly changing circumstances, rather than what are now arguably dated concepts of cultural cringe or tyranny of distance. Further, given the combination of “cultural nationalism, social cosmopolitanism and information technology”, McAuliffe (58) argues that the need to expatriate is no longer a requirement for success.Australian Art Struggles InternationallyThe struggles for Australian art as a sector to succeed internationally, particularly in Britain, Europe and the US, are well documented (Frost; Robertson). This is largely due to Australia’s limited history of white settlement and established canon of great art works, the fact that power and position remain strong hence the dominance of Europe and North America in the creative arts field (Bourdieu), as well as Australia’s geographical isolation from the major art centres of the world, with Heartney (63) describing the “persistent sense of isolation of the Australian art world”. While Australia has had considerable success internationally in terms of its popular music (e.g. INXS, Kylie Minogue, The Seekers) and high-profile Hollywood actors (e.g. Geoffrey Rush, Hugh Jackman, Nicole Kidman), the visual arts in particular have struggled (O’Sullivan), including the Indigenous visual arts subsector (Stone). One of the constant criticisms in the visual art world is that Australian art is too focussed on place (e.g. the Australian outback) and not global art movements and trends (Robertson). While on the one hand he argues that Australian visual artists have made some inroads and successes in the international market, McAuliffe (63) tempers this with the following observation:Australian artists don’t operate at the white-hot heart of the international art market: there are no astronomical prices and hotly contested bidding wars. International museums acquire Australian art only rarely, and many an international survey exhibition goes by with no Australian representation.The Push to Sell Australian Cultural Product in the NorthWriting in the mid-nineties at the time of the release of the national cultural policy Creative Nation, the then prime minister Paul Keating identified a need for Australia as a nation to become more competitive internationally in terms of cultural exports. This is a theme that continues today. Recent decades have seen several attempts to promote Australian visual art overseas and in particular Indigenous art; this has come with mixed success. However, there have been misconceptions in the past and hence numerous challenges associated with promoting and selling Aboriginal art in international markets (Wright). One of the problems is that a lot of Europeans “have often seen bad examples of Aboriginal Art” (Anonymous 69) and it is typically the art work which travels north, less so the Indigenous artists who create them and who can talk to them and engage with audiences. At the same time, the Indigenous art sector remains a major contributor to the Australian art economy (Australia Council). While there are some examples of successful Australian art managers operating galleries overseas in such places as London and in the US (Anonymous-b), these are limited and many have had to struggle to gain recognition for their artists’ works.Throsby refers to the well-established fact that the international art market predominantly resides in the US and in Europe (including Britain). Further, Throsby (64) argues that breaking into this market “is a daunting task requiring resources, perseverance, a quality product, and a good deal of luck”. Referring specifically to Indigenous Australian art, Throsby (65) reveals how leading European fairs such as those at Basel and Cologne, displaying breath-taking ignorance if not outright stupidity, have vetoed Aboriginal works on the grounds that they are folk art. This saga continues to the present day, and it still remains to be seen whether these fairs will eventually wake up to themselves.It is also presented in an issue of Artlink that the “challenge is to convince European buyers of the value of Australian art, even though the work is comparatively inexpensive” (Anonymous 69). Is the Rite of Passage Relevant in the 21st Century?Some authors challenge the notion that the rite of passage to the northern hemisphere is a requirement for success for an Australian artist (Frost). This challenge is worthy of unpacking in the second decade of the twenty-first century, and particularly so in what is being termed the Asian century (Bice and Sullivan; Wesley). Firstly, Australia is far closer to Asia than it is to Europe and North America. Secondly, the Asian population is expected to continue to experience rapid economic and population growth, for example the rise of the middle class in China, potentially representing new markets for the consumption of creative product. Lee and Lim refer to the rapid economic modernisation and growth in East Asia (Japan to Singapore). Hence, given the struggles that are often experienced by Australian artists and dealers in attempting to break into the art markets of Europe and North America, it may be more constructive to look towards Asia as an alternative north and place for Australian creative product. Fourthly, many Asian countries are investing heavily in their creative industries and creative economy (Kim and Kim; Kong), hence representing an opportune time for Australian creative practitioners to explore new connections and partnerships.In the first half of the twentieth century, Australians felt compelled to travel north to Europe, especially, if they wanted to engage with the great art teachers, galleries and art works. Today, with the impact of technology, engaging with the art world can be achieved much more readily and quickly, through “increasingly transnational forms of cultural production, distribution and consumption” (Rowe et al. 8). This recent wave of technological development has been significant (Guerra and Kagan), in relation to online communication (e.g. skype, email), social media (e.g. Facebook, Twitter) as well as content available on the Web for both informal and formal learning purposes. Artists anywhere in the world can now connect online while also engaging with what is an increasing field of virtual museums and galleries. For example, the Tate Gallery in London has over 70,000 artworks in its online art database which includes significant commentary on each work. While online engagement does not necessarily enable an individual to have the lived experience of a gallery walk-through or to be an audience member at a live performance in an outstanding international venue, online technologies have made it much easier for developing artists to engage from anywhere in the world. This certainly makes the ‘tyranny of distance’ factor relevant to Australia somewhat more manageable.There is also a developing field of research citing the importance of emerging artists displaying enterprising and/or entrepreneurial skills (Bridgstock), in the context of a rapidly changing global arts sector. This broadly refers to the need for artists to have business skills, to be able to seek out and identify opportunities, as well as manage multiple projects and/or various streams of income in what is a very different career type and pathway (Beckman; Bridgstock and Cunningham; Hennekam and Bennett). These opportunity seeking skills and agentic qualities have also been cited as critical in relation to the fact that there is not only a major oversupply of artistic labour globally (Menger), but there is a growing stream of entrants to the global higher education tertiary arts sector that shows no signs of subsiding (Daniel). Concluding RemarksAustralia’s history features a strong relationship with and influences from the north, and in particular from Britain, Europe and North America. This remains the case today, with much of Australian society based on inherited models from Britain, be this in the art world or in such areas as the law and education. As well as a range of cultural and sentimental links with this north, Australia is sometimes considered to be a satellite of European civilisation in the Asia-Pacific region. It is therefore explicable why artists might continue this longstanding relationship with this particular north.In our interesting and complex present of the early twenty-first century, Australia is hampered by the lack of any national cultural policy as well as recent significant cuts to arts funding at the national and state levels (Caust). Nevertheless, there are opportunities to be further explored in relation to the changing patterns of production and consumption of creative content, the impact of new and next technologies, as well as the rise of Asia in the Asian Century. The broad field of the arts and artists is a rich area for ongoing research and inquiry and ultimately, Australia’s links to the north including the concept of the rite of passage deserves ongoing consideration.ReferencesAnonymous a. 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Special Care NoticeThis article discusses trauma and violence inflicted upon the Indigenous peoples of Tasmania through the processes of colonisation. Content within this article may be distressing to some readers. IntroductionThis article looks briefly at the collection, consultation, and digital sharing of stories essential to the histories of the First Nations peoples of Australia. Focusing on materials held in Sydney, New South Wales two case studies—the object known as the Proclamation Board and the George Augustus Robinson Papers—explore how materials can be shared with Aboriginal peoples of the region now known as Tasmania. Specifically, the authors of this article (a Palawa man and an Australian woman of European descent) ask how can the idea of the privileging of Indigenous voices, within Eurocentric cultural collections, be transformed from rhetoric to reality? Moreover, how can we navigate this complex work, that is made even more problematic by distance, through the utilisation of knowledge networks which are geographically isolated from the collections holding stories crucial to Indigenous communities? In seeking to answer these important questions, this article looks at how cultural, emotional, and intellectual ownership can be divested from the physical ownership of a collection in a way that repatriates—appropriately and sensitively—stories of Aboriginal Australia and of colonisation. Holding Stories, Not Always Our OwnCultural institutions, including libraries, have, in recent years, been drawn into discussions centred on the notion of digital disruption and “that transformative shift which has seen the ongoing realignment of business resources, relationships, knowledge, and value both facilitating the entry of previously impossible ideas and accelerating the competitive impact of those same impossible ideas” (Franks and Ensor n.p.). As Molly Brown has noted, librarians “are faced, on a daily basis, with rapidly changing technology and the ways in which our patrons access and use information. Thus, we need to look at disruptive technologies as opportunities” (n.p.). Some innovations, including the transition from card catalogues to online catalogues and the provision of a wide range of electronic resources, are now considered to be business as usual for most institutions. So, too, the digitisation of great swathes of materials to facilitate access to collections onsite and online, with digitising primary sources seen as an intermediary between the pillars of preserving these materials and facilitating access for those who cannot, for a variety of logistical and personal reasons, travel to a particular repository where a collection is held.The result has been the development of hybrid collections: that is, collections that can be accessed in both physical and digital formats. Yet, the digitisation processes conducted by memory institutions is often selective. Limited resources, even for large-scale digitisation projects usually only realise outcomes that focus on making visually rich, key, or canonical documents, or those documents that are considered high use and at risk, available online. Such materials are extracted from the larger full body of records while other lesser-known components are often omitted. Digitisation projects therefore tend to be devised for a broader audience where contextual questions are less central to the methodology in favour of presenting notable or famous documents online only. Documents can be profiled as an exhibition separate from their complete collection and, critically, their wider context. Libraries of course are not neutral spaces and this practice of (re)enforcing the canon through digitisation is a challenge that cultural institutions, in partnerships, need to address (Franks and Ensor n.p.). Indeed, our digital collections are as affected by power relationships and the ongoing impacts of colonisation as our physical collections. These power relationships can be seen through an organisation’s “processes that support acquisitions, as purchases and as the acceptance of artefacts offered as donations. Throughout such processes decisions are continually made (consciously and unconsciously) that affect what is presented and actively promoted as the official history” (Thorpe et al. 8). While it is important to acknowledge what we do collect, it is equally important to look, too, at what we do not collect and to consider how we continually privilege and exclude stories. Especially when these stories are not always our own, but are held, often as accidents of collecting. For example, an item comes in as part of a larger suite of materials while older, city-based institutions often pre-date regional repositories. An essential point here is that cultural institutions can often become comfortable in what they collect, building on existing holdings. This, in turn, can lead to comfortable digitisation. If we are to be truly disruptive, we need to embrace feeling uncomfortable in what we do, and we need to view digitisation as an intervention opportunity; a chance to challenge what we ‘know’ about our collections. This is especially relevant in any attempts to decolonise collections.Case Study One: The Proclamation BoardThe first case study looks at an example of re-digitisation. One of the seven Proclamation Boards known to survive in a public collection is held by the Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, having been purchased from Tasmanian collector and photographer John Watt Beattie (1859–1930) in May 1919 for £30 (Morris 86). Why, with so much material to digitise—working in a program of limited funds and time—would the Library return to an object that has already been privileged? Unanswered questions and advances in digitisation technologies, created a unique opportunity. For the First Peoples of Van Diemen’s Land (now known as Tasmania), colonisation by the British in 1803 was “an emotionally, intellectually, physically, and spiritually confronting series of encounters” (Franks n.p.). Violent incidents became routine and were followed by a full-scale conflict, often referred to as the Black War (Clements 1), or more recently as the Tasmanian War, fought from the 1820s until 1832. Image 1: Governor Arthur’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, ca. 1828–1830. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Call No.: SAFE / R 247.Behind the British combatants were various support staff, including administrators and propagandists. One of the efforts by the belligerents, behind the front line, to win the war and bring about peace was the production of approximately 100 Proclamation Boards. These four-strip pictograms were the result of a scheme introduced by Lieutenant Governor George Arthur (1784–1854), on the advice of Surveyor General George Frankland (1800–38), to communicate that all are equal under the rule of law (Arthur 1). Frankland wrote to Arthur in early 1829 to suggest these Proclamation Boards could be produced and nailed to trees (Morris 84), as a Eurocentric adaptation of a traditional method of communication used by Indigenous peoples who left images on the trunks of trees. The overtly stated purpose of the Boards was, like the printed proclamations exhorting peace, to assert, all people—black and white—were equal. That “British Justice would protect” everyone (Morris 84). The first strip on each of these pictogram Boards presents Indigenous peoples and colonists living peacefully together. The second strip shows “a conciliatory handshake between the British governor and an Aboriginal ‘chief’, highly reminiscent of images found in North America on treaty medals and anti-slavery tokens” (Darian-Smith and Edmonds 4). The third and fourth strips depict the repercussions for committing murder (or, indeed, any significant crime), with an Indigenous man hanged for spearing a colonist and a European man hanged for shooting an Aboriginal man. Both men executed in the presence of the Lieutenant Governor. The Boards, oil on Huon pine, were painted by “convict artists incarcerated in the island penal colony” (Carroll 73).The Board at the State Library of New South Wales was digitised quite early on in the Library’s digitisation program, it has been routinely exhibited (including for the Library’s centenary in 2010) and is written about regularly. Yet, many questions about this small piece of timber remain unanswered. For example, some Boards were outlined with sketches and some were outlined with pouncing, “a technique [of the Italian Renaissance] of pricking the contours of a drawing with a pin. Charcoal was then dusted on to the drawing” (Carroll 75–76). Could such a sketch or example of pouncing be seen beneath the surface layers of paint on this particular Board? What might be revealed by examining the Board more closely and looking at this object in different ways?An important, but unexpected, discovery was that while most of the pigments in the painting correlate with those commonly available to artists in the early nineteenth century there is one outstanding anomaly. X-ray analysis revealed cadmium yellow present in several places across the painting, including the dresses of the little girls in strip one, uniform details in strip two, and the trousers worn by the settler men in strips three and four (Kahabka 2). This is an extraordinary discovery, as cadmium yellows were available “commercially as an artist pigment in England by 1846” and were shown by “Winsor & Newton at the 1851 Exhibition held at the Crystal Palace, London” (Fiedler and Bayard 68). The availability of this particular type of yellow in the early 1850s could set a new marker for the earliest possible date for the manufacture of this Board, long-assumed to be 1828–30. Further, the early manufacture of cadmium yellow saw the pigment in short supply and a very expensive option when compared with other pigments such as chrome yellow (the darker yellow, seen in the grid lines that separate the scenes in the painting). This presents a clearly uncomfortable truth in relation to an object so heavily researched and so significant to a well-regarded collection that aims to document much of Australia’s colonial history. Is it possible, for example, the Board has been subjected to overpainting at a later date? Or, was this premium paint used to produce a display Board that was sent, by the Tasmanian Government, to the 1866 Intercolonial Exhibition in Melbourne? In seeking to see the finer details of the painting through re-digitisation, the results were much richer than anticipated. The sketch outlines are clearly visible in the new high-resolution files. There are, too, details unable to be seen clearly with the naked eye, including this warrior’s headdress and ceremonial scarring on his stomach, scars that tell stories “of pain, endurance, identity, status, beauty, courage, sorrow or grief” (Australian Museum n.p.). The image of this man has been duplicated and distributed since the 1830s, an anonymous figure deployed to tell a settler-centric story of the Black, or Tasmanian, War. This man can now be seen, for the first time nine decades later, to wear his own story. We do not know his name, but he is no longer completely anonymous. This image is now, in some ways, a portrait. The State Library of New South Wales acknowledges this object is part of an important chapter in the Tasmanian story and, though two Boards are in collections in Tasmania (the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery, Hobart and the Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, Launceston), each Board is different. The Library holds an important piece of a large and complex puzzle and has a moral obligation to make this information available beyond its metropolitan location. Digitisation, in this case re-digitisation, is allowing for the disruption of this story in sparking new questions around provenance and for the relocating of a Palawa warrior to a more prominent, perhaps even equal role, within a colonial narrative. Image 2: Detail, Governor Arthur’s Proclamation to the Aborigines, ca. 1828–1830. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, Call No.: SAFE / R 247.Case Study Two: The George Augustus Robinson PapersThe second case study focuses on the work being led by the Indigenous Engagement Branch at the State Library of New South Wales on the George Augustus Robinson (1791–1866) Papers. In 1829, Robinson was granted a government post in Van Diemen’s Land to ‘conciliate’ with the Palawa peoples. More accurately, Robinson’s core task was dispossession and the systematic disconnection of the Palawa peoples from their Country, community, and culture. Robinson was a habitual diarist and notetaker documenting much of his own life as well as the lives of those around him, including First Nations peoples. His extensive suite of papers represents a familiar and peculiar kind of discomfort for Aboriginal Australians, one in which they are forced to learn about themselves through the eyes and words of their oppressors. For many First Nations peoples of Tasmania, Robinson remains a violent and terrible figure, but his observations of Palawa culture and language are as vital as they are problematic. Importantly, his papers include vibrant and utterly unique descriptions of people, place, flora and fauna, and language, as well as illustrations revealing insights into the routines of daily life (even as those routines were being systematically dismantled by colonial authorities). “Robinson’s records have informed much of the revitalisation of Tasmanian Aboriginal culture in the twentieth century and continue to provide the basis for investigations of identity and deep relationships to land by Aboriginal scholars” (Lehman n.p.). These observations and snippets of lived culture are of immense value to Palawa peoples today but the act of reading between Robinson’s assumptions and beyond his entrenched colonial views is difficult work.Image 3: George Augustus Robinson Papers, 1829–34. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, A 7023–A 7031.The canonical reference for Robinson’s archive is Friendly Mission: The Tasmanian Journals and Papers of George Augustus Robinson, 1829–1834, edited by N.J.B. Plomley. The volume of over 1,000 pages was first published in 1966. This large-scale project is recognised “as a monumental work of Tasmanian history” (Crane ix). Yet, this standard text (relied upon by Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers) has clearly not reproduced a significant percentage of Robinson’s Tasmanian manuscripts. Through his presumptuous truncations Plomley has not simply edited Robinson’s work but has, quite literally, written many Palawa stories out of this colonial narrative. It is this lack of agency in determining what should be left out that is most troubling, and reflects an all-too-familiar approach which libraries, including the State Library of New South Wales, are now urgently trying to rectify. Plomley’s preface and introduction does not indicate large tranches of information are missing. Indeed, Plomley specifies “that in extenso [in full] reproduction was necessary” (4) and omissions “have been kept to a minimum” (8). A 32-page supplement was published in 1971. A new edition, including the supplement, some corrections made by Plomley, and some extra material was released in 2008. But much continues to be unknown outside of academic circles, and far too few Palawa Elders and language revival workers have had access to Robinson’s original unfiltered observations. Indeed, Plomley’s text is linear and neat when compared to the often-chaotic writings of Robinson. Digitisation cannot address matters of the materiality of the archive, but such projects do offer opportunities for access to information in its original form, unedited, and unmediated.Extensive consultation with communities in Tasmania is underpinning the digitisation and re-description of a collection which has long been assumed—through partial digitisation, microfilming, and Plomley’s text—to be readily available and wholly understood. Central to this project is not just challenging the canonical status of Plomley’s work but directly challenging the idea non-Aboriginal experts can truly understand the cultural or linguistic context of the information recorded in Robinson’s journals. One of the more exciting outcomes, so far, has been working with Palawa peoples to explore the possibility of Palawa-led transcriptions and translation, and not breaking up the tasks of this work and distributing them to consultants or to non-Indigenous student groups. In this way, people are being meaningfully reunited with their own histories and, crucially, given first right to contextualise and understand these histories. Again, digitisation and disruption can be seen here as allies with the facilitation of accessibility to an archive in ways that re-distribute the traditional power relations around interpreting and telling stories held within colonial-rich collections.Image 4: Detail, George Augustus Robinson Papers, 1829–34. Image Credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales, A 7023–A 7031.As has been so brilliantly illustrated by Bruce Pascoe’s recent work Dark Emu (2014), when Aboriginal peoples are given the opportunity to interpret their own culture from the colonial records without interference, they are able to see strength and sophistication rather than victimhood. For, to “understand how the Europeans’ assumptions selectively filtered the information brought to them by the early explorers is to see how we came to have the history of the country we accept today” (4). Far from decrying these early colonial records Aboriginal peoples understand their vital importance in connecting to a culture which was dismantled and destroyed, but importantly it is known that far too much is lost in translation when Aboriginal Australians are not the ones undertaking the translating. ConclusionFor Aboriginal Australians, culture and knowledge is no longer always anchored to Country. These histories, once so firmly connected to communities through their ancestral lands and languages, have been dispersed across the continent and around the world. Many important stories—of family history, language, and ways of life—are held in cultural institutions and understanding the role of responsibly disseminating these collections through digitisation is paramount. In transitioning from physical collections to hybrid collections of the physical and digital, the digitisation processes conducted by memory institutions can be—and due to the size of some collections is inevitably—selective. Limited resources, even for large-scale and well-resourced digitisation projects usually realise outcomes that focus on making visually rich, key, or canonical documents, or those documents considered high use or at risk, available online. Such materials are extracted from a full body of records. Digitisation projects, as noted, tend to be devised for a broader audience where contextual questions are less central to the methodology in favour of presenting notable documents online, separate from their complete collection and, critically, their context. Our institutions carry the weight of past collecting strategies and, today, the pressure of digitisation strategies as well. Contemporary librarians should not be gatekeepers, but rather key holders. In collaborating across sectors and with communities we open doors for education, research, and the repatriation of culture and knowledge. We must, always, remember to open these doors wide: the call of Aboriginal Australians of ‘nothing about us without us’ is not an invitation to collaboration but an imperative. Libraries—as well as galleries, archives, and museums—cannot tell these stories alone. Also, these two case studies highlight what we believe to be one of the biggest mistakes that not just libraries but all cultural institutions are vulnerable to making, the assumption that just because a collection is open access it is also accessible. Digitisation projects are more valuable when communicated, contextualised and—essentially—the result of community consultation. Such work can, for some, be uncomfortable while for others it offers opportunities to embrace disruption and, by extension, opportunities to decolonise collections. For First Nations peoples this work can be more powerful than any simple measurement tool can record. Through examining our past collecting, deliberate efforts to consult, and through digital sharing projects across metropolitan and regional Australia, we can make meaningful differences to the ways in which Aboriginal Australians can, again, own their histories.Acknowledgements The authors acknowledge the Palawa peoples: the traditional custodians of the lands known today as Tasmania. The authors acknowledge, too, the Gadigal people upon whose lands this article was researched and written. We are indebted to Dana Kahabka (Conservator), Joy Lai (Imaging Specialist), Richard Neville (Mitchell Librarian), and Marika Duczynski (Project Officer) at the State Library of New South Wales. Sincere thanks are also given to Jason Ensor of Western Sydney University.ReferencesArthur, George. “Proclamation.” The Hobart Town Courier 19 Apr. 1828: 1.———. Proclamation to the Aborigines. 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