Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Once Were Warriors”

Much of the reaction, both positive and negative, to the publication of Alan Duff's novel Once Were Warriors centred on its language. This article analyses the ways in which characteristic linguistic features of New Zealand English are represented in the novel, in particular by its Maori protagonists. It also draws stylistic comparisons with other writers, such as Scotland's James Kelman, who have attempted to give their characters a particular local voice outside of, or in opposition to, Standard English by having them speak in their own language or variety of English.

In this article, I will focus on connections between media, culture and society in order to understand two prototypical Maori responses to the film. The two kinds of responses are captured in the following phrases: “The film should never have been made” and “That’s not fiction, that’s reality”. One of my objectives is to show how these particular Maori responses to this fiction-film are entangled with deep concerns about ethnic policies and marginalization in general. In other words, the film is explored as a statement about Maori – Pakeha inter-ethnic relations and ‘biculturalism’, which is the official term for the political vision of the post-colonial nation. Subsequently, my analysis suggests insights from a deeper concern about the contexts that contribute to these particular Maori formulations of media-reality configurations, in addition to lessons of a more general character.

During Xth and XIth century the Byzantine Empire was one of the strongest states in the Levant. In mentioned period the emperors undertook numerous mili­tary campaigns, both in order to expand the borders of the empire and restitute their authority on once lost lands. Due to its prestige and wealth the Empire was a favorable destination for foreigners, including mercenaries. As a result, in By­zantium one could meet warriors of a very diversified ethnic descent. The presence of numerous foreigners could not escape the attentions of Byzantines themselves, who in time formed a distinctive view concerning those newcomers. Among many mercenaries two managed to obtain extraordinary status and step out in the eyes of Byzantine citizens. The first group were the Varangians, who at the end of Xth century formed the famous emperor`s guard. The second group of mercenaries were warrior from the West, usually referred to as the Franks. The main aim of this paper is to examine the genesis of mentioned warriors in Byzantium and the roots of stereotypes attached to them.

These days, it is not common for people to have time to do physical activities regularly because of their own work. So, they perform physical activities all at once, which is often called the “weekend warrior”. Therefore, this study aimed to examine the association of the “weekend warrior” and other physical activity patterns with metabolic syndrome. Data from the Korea National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey were used, and 27,788 participants were included. The participants were divided into inactive, weekend warriors, and regularly active based on physical activity patterns. The risk of metabolic syndrome in each group was analyzed using multiple logistic regression. The inactive and weekend warrior groups showed a higher likelihood of developing metabolic syndrome than the regularly active groups (weekend warrior: odds ratio (OR) 1.29, confidence interval (CI) 1.02–1.65; inactive: OR 1.38, CI 1.25–1.53). According to the physical activity patterns, the weekend warrior group showed a dose-response relationship compared to the regularly active group (only moderate: OR 1.85, CI 1.25–2.72; only vigorous: OR 1.41, CI 0.93–2.14; both: OR 0.84, CI 0.56–1.27). This study found increasing the amount of physical activity and performing vigorous-intensity physical activity helped manage metabolic syndrome in the weekend warrior group.

AbstractThis article reports on a study of participants in a Weekend Warriors Program for ‘lapsed’ rock musicians in Melbourne, Australia. It observes musicians over a six-week period that included a jam session, coaching sessions and a gig (concert). It examines the learning pathways of participants and their goals and experiences alongside those of the programme organisers within the comparative context of music learning practices among young and older musicians and in the light of academic research into the midlife ageing process. A question that arises from the data is the extent to which the experience and actions of middle-aged women musicians coincides with the literature on gender in youth rock music scenes and the literature on music, ageing and gender. The article concludes that the Weekend Warriors Program draws on the learning practices that the musicians involved had adopted in their youth and which act as a catalyst for their further musical and social participation and self-directed group learning. Age appeared to create no barrier to their enjoyment or their achievements; indeed in many ways it seemed to make them less inhibited and self-conscious in realising individual objectives that were further encouraged by working within a supportive if loosely bonded group.

Once upon a time there lived a rich widow, with a beautiful face and vigorous body, not old and not young, by the name of Mother Russia. She had been married twice, the first time to the peasant-bogatyr Mikula Selianinovich, and the second to the no less renowned warrior-bogatyr Il'ia Muromets.Her husbands had left her countless riches. And God had blessed both her marriages with many children. For the most part, her children were hard-working people and valiant warriors. They worked their father's land and protected it from hostile neighbors.But, as always happens, the family was not without its black sheep. Mother Russia also had some children who were good-for-nothings, idlers, drunkards, and empty-headed chatterboxes. And it was not surprising that these good-for-nothings grabbed power over all the widow's other children.As the loving mother began to grieve and take ill from their indecent debauchery, they assumed control over her and all her possessions. And they began to squander and drink up her wealth, and to send all sorts of healers to try and cure their sick mother.

Abstract The authors, with the help of a team of researchers, have discovered twelve rock shelters with inside paintings on the southern slopes of the Jbel Bani Mountains in southern Morocco. The paintings vary in subject and time period and span multiple rock art styles. Majestic creatures that once inhabited southern Morocco are depicted next to hunters, pastoralists, and warriors. The shelters and paintings cast upon their walls illustrate a transfer of culture, beliefs, technology, and ideas between people groups of the Meridional and Central Sahara and the Jbel Bani region. These discoveries were all made along a mountain path in the Bani Mountains known as Foum Laachar and may help trace ancient human migration routes.

At a time when the Greek army is on the verge of annihilation, the Iliad tells us, two warriors have detached themselves from the fight. Idomeneus, having accompanied a wounded man back to the ships, and Mērionēs, on his way to fetch himself a new spear, meet at the former's hut. They stand and talk for a while, assuring one another that they are afraid of nothing and no-one, and finally decide to plunge into battle again, though only after discussing at some length whether to go to fight in the centre or at the left of the front line. At first sight their behaviour might not seem particularly strange, but when one realises that the poet has told us more than once that these two are the leaders of the Cretan contingent, some four thousand warriors strong, one may begin to wonder. How could a poet, if he had even the slightest notion of what armies and battles were like, let these men behave as if they were alone on the field, leaving the fight for trivial reasons, re-entering it when and where it suits them, not even bothering to return to their own leaderless countrymen? Such doubts have led scholars to argue that, in fact, the poet did not have the slightest notion of what he was talking about.Some seek to show that epic society is vague and unreal — ‘Homeric kings are like the king and the prince in Cinderella — they reveal nothing about any social structure in the real world’ — and have suggested that the historian may dismiss it as literary fiction.

This article examines the evolution of Maori filmmaking since the 1980s and explores this Indigenous cinema in the context of developments in the New Zealand film industry. With Barry Barclay’s idea of ‘Fourth Cinema’ in mind, it focuses on the predominantly statefunded production of Maori feature films. The article is divided in three parts. The first part traces the beginnings of Maori cinema back to the 1970s and introduces the first three feature films directed by Maori filmmakers: Ngati (Barry Barclay, 1987), Mauri (Merata Mita, 1988), and Te Rua (Barry Barclay, 1991). The second part discusses the mainstream success of Once Were Warriors (Lee Tamahori, 1994) and the film’s paradoxical contribution to Maori cinema in the 1990s. The third and final part explores the intensified course of state-funded Maori filmmaking since the 2000s and addresses some of the opportunities and challenges facing Indigenous New Zealand cinema in the current environment of institutional and commercial globalisation.

These two books are about two powerful regional political forces in India-the Shiv Sena of Maharashtra (with a focus on the city of Mumbai) and the Dravidianist parties of Tamil Nadu. Many readers of this journal may know these places by their older names: Mumbai is Bombay, and the state of Tamil Nadu and its capital city were once known as Madras. Both books, not coincidentally, have much to say about the rise of Hindu nationalism in India, which is perhaps the most dramatic change in the Indian political landscape in recent years. That, indeed, is the central theme of Banerjee's book, which investigates the Hindu-Muslim riots in Mumbai in 1993. Banerjee argues that the politics of Hindu nationalism provides the context for the riots. In Mumbai, the major political force articulating a Hindu nationalist agenda is the Shiv Sena (literally, the warriors of Shivaji, a legendary Maharastrian Hindu hero).

This article argues that Rena Owen’s star persona has been constrained, and ultimately undermined, by essentialist definitions of her status as Māori on the part of print media, in particular women’s magazines, in response to her role as Beth in Once Were Warriors (Lee Tamahori, 1994), a role that thrust her into the international limelight. These ancillary texts served to emphasise two stereotypes, positioning her either in relation to the traditional Pacific Island female type of the ‘dusky maiden’ or focusing on her criminal past and current scandalous behaviour. These representations of the actress detracted from her considerable talents and were undoubtedly a factor in determining a career trajectory that failed to fulfil its early promise. The scandal mongering of the tabloids expressed the uneasiness with which Aotearoa/New Zealand viewed public personalities that embraced a cultural past that included both Māori and European identities. Unlike the international press, which compared Owen’s performance to that of a range of film stars noted for their dramatic and charismatic capacities and presence, from Bette Davis to Anna Magnani, the New Zealand press portrayed her as ‘Beth’—as a social victim rather than an accomplished thespian.

AbstractChapter II, 45 of the Book of Ceremonies, a half-edited dossier pertaining to the naval expedition of 949 against the Arabs at Crete, contains a document which is most banal and singular at once. This is a procurement report of miscellaneous supplies recording in each entry the amount spent and the nature of the supplies acquired, occasionally specifying the price per item or per measure. However common such reports are in ancient and modern accounting, this is the only document of its kind preserved from the middle Byzantine period. In line with the State accounting norms inherited from Late Antiquity, all expenses are listed in gold, the silver miliaresia being recorded as fractions of a golden nomisma. The symbols for fractions have not been recognized by editors, translators and students of the text; they were either disregarded or misinterpreted. Restoring their meaning to these symbols allows not only a coherent reading of the report as a whole and a better understanding of the State purchasing process; it also throws light on prices of many items and on the last-minute enterprise which consisted in building Viking-style boats for the Rus’ warriors participating in the campaign.

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that livestock raids and pastoralists’ competition over water and pastures in north-western Kenya are manifestations of local ethnic political contests and rivalries. The culture of raiding among the Samburu, Turkana, Pokot, Borana, Gabra and Rendille communities has changed over the last 40 years. Whereas elders were once the gatekeepers of communal institutions, today new actors are at the forefront of new forms of violent raids. Among Samburu and Turkana communities, politicians and shrewd businessmen have emerged to exploit ethnic rivalry that exists between these groups and use it to mobilise raids. These political and business elites play influencing roles in raiding by paying and arming warriors to carry out raids. Competition for political influence is closely intertwined with competition over scarce water resources and grazing pastures among Turkana and Samburu. Given that pastoralists survive on decreasing pasture and water resources, our study shows that political elites arm their communities during the dry season to gain the upper hand in contests over access to limited resources. Livestock raids no longer occur in the traditional context of restocking, but rather as an expression and manifestation of local ethnic politics and political contests between ethnic kingpins. The study uses primary field data from a case study collected through in-depth interviews, oral history and group discussions with various actors.

Scythian tribes and their North Pontic neighbors had a magnificent set of jewelry in their everyday life: beads, bracelets, appliques for costume decoration, rings, earrings, torques, pins. One of these categories, the earrings, is widely represented in the large Svitlovodsk cemetery on the south of the Dnieper Right Bank Forest-Steppe. During the 1975—1990 by archaeological expeditions under the direction of N. M. Bokiy and I. A. Kozyr more than 160 graves of Scythian Age have been excavated. A total of 45 items were found in 34 graves (21 % of the total). They are ring-shaped and sometimes decorated with beads or pendants. More often, the earrings have been put into female burials. Sometimes one earring has been occurred in the graves of male warriors. The ring-shaped earrings are made of bronze wire. One end is usually sharpened. This is the most numerous group including 19 items (42 % of the total) from 16 burials. Twisted wire hoop earrings (5 items, making up 11 % of all earrings, come from 4 burials). Moreover, 3 items are silver, 2 are bronze. They have been found jnly in female tombs. Hoop earrings with curved ends. 4 specimens (almost 9% of earrings) have been found in two graves with buried women. Ring-shaped smooth earrings with beads are the second largest type in Svitlovodsk, including 11 items (24 % of earrings from 11 graves). The body is usually bronze, only once it is silver. The beads made of glass, less often of copper, bone, bronze. Usually one bead was set onto body. In several cases 2, 3 and 4 such decorations have been recorded. This type is the most frequent attribute of female burials, sometimes of a child and a teenager, in one case of a wealthy male warrior. Hoop earrings with twisted body and bead. Two specimens (over 4% of earrings) come from 2 assemblages. They are made of bronze and electrum. Bronze hoop earrings with pendants. Two items (4 % of earrings) come from two graves. In one case the pendant was made of the animal tooth, in the second it was the bronze ring. Earrings in the shape of a stylized duck. Two copies (4 % of earrings) were found in graves 70 and 77. In Svitlovodsk, these jewelry were found in graves belonging to poor community members.This category of jewelry from Svitlovodsk shows the part of the set of jewelry of the common population of Scythia.

As the fear of mortality struck humanity, a new age dawned in the relational styles, processes, and interactions amongst people. COVID-19 has caused a major shift in the educational landscape. While most teaching and learning activities moved online, field placement units which are fully invested in industry engagement, and once highly sought, came to a dramatic pause. For students, this produced uncertainty around completion of their degrees and for institutions who became entangled in the changing requirements of accrediting bodies as they grappled with the changing landscape. Our final year counselling and psychotherapy students on placement were instructed to retreat from their placements while some ‘lucky few’ joined the drifting warriors working from the safety of their homes with their assigned agencies. Crisis and contemporary times call for openness and innovation grounded in practical wisdom. But the tyranny of COVID-19 times highlighted a growing gap between professional standards and community realities. This paper alludes to the struggles of counselling postgraduate University students on placement who are caught up in the mismatch between professional standards of accreditation bodies and the emerging community expectations and practices. It draws on literature to highlight the impact of historic controversial discourses involving online counselling and face-to-face counselling on current practices. This paper aims to reflect on lessons dispensed by COVID-19 to the professional bodies and universities in order to work together in creating innovative, non-placement workintegrated learning (WIL) practices that reflect the realities within the current landscape.

ABSTRACT: This article discusses archaeological evidence for the veneration of Odin in late pagan Denmark. According to place-name evidence Odin was totally dominant in public cult at this time, and was closely linked to warriors and kings. (Actual evidence for a relationship with the great cult centre at Lejre is uncertain.) However, a group of riders’ graves with weaponry from the tenth century represent a new burial custom for magnates, and it is argued that they relate to Odin and Valhalla. Female magicians, who have been convincingly identified in a series of Viking-Age graves, and miniature chairs, from which the once seated figure is usually missing, were probably also connected with Odin. Further, it has been suggested that miniature swords, spearheads and staves might have been Odinic symbols. Some figurative amulets, however, often featuring women in various guises and often interpreted as Valkyries, likely had an entirely different meaning. RESUME: Artiklen diskuterer de arkæologiske vidnesbyrd om dyrkelsen af Odin i det sen-hedenske Danmark. Ifølge stednavnematerialet var Odin totalt dominerende i den offentlige kult på denne tid og nært forbundet med krigere og kongemagt. (Der er dog ingen sikre belæg for forbindelse med det store kultcentrum i Lejre.) En gruppe ryttergrave med våben fra 900-tallet, som især findes i Jylland, repræsenterer imidlertid en ny gravskik blandt stormænd, og der argumenteres for, at de relaterer til Odin og Valhal. Kvindelige magikere, der overbevisende er identificeret i en række vikingetidsgrave i Danmark og andetsteds i Skandinavien, samt miniaturestole, hvor den siddende figur som regel mangler, var sandsynligvis også knyttet til Odin. Det er desuden foreslået, at miniaturesværd, -spydspidser og -stave var symboler for Odin. Derimod har en gruppe figurative amuletter, der tit forestiller kvinder i forskellige situationer, og som ofte er tolket som valkyrier, formentlig en helt anden betydning.

Mwanatari is a community located between Lafiya and Lamurde in Lamurde LGA of Adamawa State. It lies on Latitude 9.560N and Longitude 11.70E, 164.00m/538.06ft ASL. The community shares boundary with Bwatiye (Bachama and Bata) communities. The ethnic groups found within the area are Mwana, Chobbo, Kwah, Waja, Lunguda, Dadiya, Jenjo, Hausa, and Fulani. The people of Mwanatari are predominantly agrarian. Lamurde is the administrative headquarters of the local government area and it is about 100 kilometers from Yola, the State capital. Like any other people Lamurde local government is noted for its unique cultural heritage. The Bachama people are noted warriors as is easily depicted in their popular dance “Wuro Kaduwe” closely related are the Homtu Gbatakaito at Gyawana which has to do with hunting, and the “Badan” at Nghakawo. They have the “kwete” wrestling festival in the town of Lamurde which comes up once in a year. It is a wrestling between the people of Gyawana and Lamurde. It is during the festival that His Royal Highness the Hama Bachama discloses his plans and vision to his subjects. Apart from Kwete wrestling festival, there is the “Poto” at Waduku, “Vayato” at Gyawana and Opalo. The Kwah “ Gikan” festival is celebrated yearly. The Waja celebrates “Saulawe” Chobbo “ Cito” and “Dikulem” “kreth” among the Lunguda and Dadiya respectively. Lamurde itself is a historical town where western civilization and tradition exist side by side. The Mwana people, according to history migrated from Cham in present day Balanga Local Government Area of Gombe State. The people of Cham migrated from Yamel in the East with some tribes like Lunguda, Tula, and Dadiya at about 1777. They came to Africa through Egypt and settled at Wanda. As a result of unproductive agricultural land, bad climate and weather, the people of Cham being good agriculturalists decided to move from Wanda to a free and fertile land at Fitilai (Kuntur) in 1797. At Fitilai, Baba Dan Bulo, an informant said, “The people of Cham settled in groups according to their clans. In these small clans, there is a type of disperse, cross or integrated relationship which is shown by ties of reputed kingship, chieftaincy and religious complexities. The major clans among these settlements were Fitilai to Bwelimi, and Fitilai to Dijimi, out of which the following small clans emerged: Jabe, Bwelimi, Kwasim, Lebe, Dungurang and Tiksir. These clans believed in peace and have special love and care for one another and therefore regard themselves as brothers (Shete) plural of Chum, brother”.

Tensions among Moslems and incidents at Serbian city of Novi Pazar force us to pose the question, once again, who are in fact the Wahhabis. Wahhabism is infl uential religious movement within Sunni denomination, which requests Moslems to return to the Islamic principles and practice, as typifi ed by Prophet Mohammad and Pious Predecessors (Salaf as Salih) of fi rst three Moslem generations. According to Wahhabis’ views, the original Islamic teachings should be purifi ed from any innovation, revision, deviations or polytheism, which gradually made the Qur’an and Prophet Muhammad Sunna vague in previous centuries. The founder of Wahhabi movement, Muhammad ibn Abd al Wahhab (1703- 1792), claimed that Moslems from Arabia, the cradle of Islam, were obliged to confront foreign infl uences, primarily those one stemming from the Persian (Shia) and Turkish (Sufi ) deviations of true Islamic faith. Having in mind the essence of Sheikh al Wahhab teachings, Wahhabism had been specifi c liberation movement in fi rst years of 19th century when (Arab) rebellion against Ottoman power started. Saudi kings and Wahhabi preachers-warriors did not change anything related to theological and other aspects of original Islam. The changes have been political – through spreading of Wahhabi teachings and ideas descendants of Emir al Saud and Sheikh al Wahhab established their rule in Arabia. But, Saud family and their Wahhabi follower would have never been successful unless great powers of that time, primarily Great Britain, helped them. Wahhabism is the dominant and offi cial form of Islam in Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Wahhabism is also global phenomenon today and one should expect its further gradual strengthening and eventual expansion. The very term Wahhabism is rarely in use today and it has been replaced by the term Salafi sm, coming from the notion of Salaf as Salih. Vague use of these terms caused some misunderstandings and incorrect interpretations. Present Wahhabism/Salafi sm is diff erent than other Islamist movement. For, Wahhabis reject both “Western ideologies” (such as capitalism, socialism etc.) and “Western categories” (such as nation, political party, democracy, human rights etc.). Instead, true Moslems are obliged to take part in dawaa (spreading of Islam) and jihad (struggle for Islam in broadest sense). As far as Balkans is concerned, Wahhabis are present in Albania (possible center of Wahhabism in southern Balkans), Bosnia and Hezegovina (there are many signs of Wahhabis presence and infl uence), Serbia (mainly in Kosovo and Metohija Province, as well as Rashka region, i.e. part of Sanjak within Serbia), Montenegro (more in the northern part than in the southern), Macedonia, Bulgaria and Croatia. Islamic centers, Islamic schools and Islamic humanitarian and relief organizations have been crucial for Wahhabis’ penetration to Balkans. The presence of Wahhabis in this part of the Europe is ever more obvious since three years ago. This article is consisted of four sections: a) Wahhabism as religious movement; b) Historical development of Wahhabism; c) Contemporary Wahhabism; and d) Wahhabism in the Balkans.

Оружейная палата Троице-Сергиевой лавры - уникальное явление в истории России. Она была самым крупным хранилищем военного снаряжения православного монастыря. Здесь находилось парадное и боевое русское, западноевропейское и восточное оружие XV-XVIII вв., поступавшее в обитель самыми разными путями. В палате имелось и оружие, изготовленное монастырскими кузнецами, бронниками и самопальниками. Производство оружия осуществлялось в помещении каменной кузницы, располагавшейся рядом с ней. Возведение каменной Оружейной палаты в первой трети XVIII в. ознаменовало её особый статус. Троицкий арсенал разместили в роскошном здании, выстроенным значительно раньше, чем здание ризницы, потому что хранению оружия придавалось огромное значение. Она стала местом, где берегли боевую славу троицких ратников. Всё это вооружение ныне практически уничтожено: оружие передано в разные собрания, а палата разобрана для «лучшего в монастыре преспекта и пространства». Лишь малая часть когда-то мощного арсенала ныне находится в собраниях российских музеев. Из данной статьи можно узнать основные факты по истории изъятия оружия из Лавры, а также познакомиться с современными местами его хранения (а именно в Сергиево-Посадском музее-заповеднике, ЦАК МДА, Московской Оружейной палате, Музее артиллерии, в Государственном Эрмитаже, в музеях города Владимира, в Музее истории России, в музее «Новый Иерусалим», Государственном историческом музее, Вологодском областном краеведческом музее и ряде других мест). The Armoury of the Holy Trinity-St. Sergius Lavra is a unique phenomenon in the history of Russia. It used to be the largest repository of military equipment for an Orthodox monastery. There were ceremonial and military weapons of the 15th to the 18th centuries, which would come to the monastery in various ways, representing Russia, Western Europe and the East. The Armoury also contained weapons produced by the monastery’s blacksmiths, armors and samopalniks. The production of weapons was carried out in a stone forge located next to the Armoury. The construction of a stone building for the Armoury in the first third of the 18th century marked its special status. The Trinity Arsenal was housed in admirable premises built even much earlier than the sacristy building, as the storage of weapons was of great importance: the Armoury was the place of glory for the warriors of the Holy Trinity monastery. Nowadays that collection of weapons has been virtually destroyed, with the items transferred to various assemblies, and the Armoury chamber dismantled for «better aspect and more space in the monastery». Only a small part of the once powerful arsenal is now present within the assemblies of different Russian museums. This article reveals the basic facts on the history of the withdrawal of weapons from the Lavra, and also touches on where they are stored today (namely, in the Sergiev Posad Museum-Preserve, in the Central Administrative Commission of the Moscow Theological Academy, in the Moscow Armoury Chamber, in the Museum of Artillery, in the State Hermitage Museum, in the Museum of the History of Russia, in the New Jerusalem Museum, in the State Historical Museum, in Vladimir city museums, in the Vologda Regional Museum of Local Lore, and in a number of other places).

Women’s disparities and injustices in obtaining adequate education become the background of Rahmah El-Yunusiyah to modernize women’s education. This is a library study that uses a historical approach. The data were obtained from various references through a documentation method, and the collection technique used was accumulating, analyzing, and selecting as the goal. Once the source was identified, the descriptive-analytical analysis was carried out using historical reinterpretation; therefore, all data are collected, reduced, analyzed, and concluded. Rahmah el-Yunusiyyah is an independent warrior and woman educator who has built many women education institutions dedicated to upholding women’s dignity in all aspects of life. The blend of curriculum among religion, Arabic, and general science is known as tripartite education. The teaching system is classical with a boarding system and provides three certificates.

The Terracotta Army that protected the tomb of the Chinese emperor Qin Shihuang offers an evocative image of the power and organisation of the Qin armies who unified China through conquest in the third century BC. It also provides evidence for the craft production and administrative control that underpinned the Qin state. Bronze trigger mechanisms are all that remain of crossbows that once equipped certain kinds of warrior in the Terracotta Army. A metrical and spatial analysis of these triggers reveals that they were produced in batches and that these separate batches were thereafter possibly stored in an arsenal, but eventually were transported to the mausoleum to equip groups of terracotta crossbowmen in individual sectors of Pit 1. The trigger evidence for large-scale and highly organised production parallels that also documented for the manufacture of the bronze-tipped arrows and proposed for the terracotta figures themselves.

Abstract The stories of three adult students who completed bachelor's degrees in an intensive learning community are examined. A controlling narrative learned from families and the culture had led them to interrupted educations and lives that failed to reflect their full capacities. With the guidance of faculty mentors and the collaboration of a peer community, they each reexamined, reinterpreted, and rewrote their failure narratives. Once they understood how they and their peers had accepted society's construction of their identities, these three were able to revise those self-constructions. Further contextualizing their experiences through the lenses of history, art, and literature enabled Helen, Ben, and Millie to make dramatic personal transformations. Helen, a single mother on welfare, rejected the hypothesis that an artist must be a genius or a man. Ben, a Vietnam-era veteran, let go of the macho warrior model and adopted a different way of contributing to the human community. Millie, an African American activist, found the common experience that connected her to both White workingclass women and Cambodian refugees. (Adult Learning, Learning Comunity, Narrative, Collaboration, Mentors, Peer Learning, Personal Transformation)

This article explores Johnson’s concepts of indigenizing and extending through the lens of European pow-wow. Drawing on his argument that “identifying practices of indigenousness…are imagined through global media and often expressed in their forms” it begins with an overview of historical European representations of American Indians: representations that were virtually global at the time, and have led to the ubiquitous image of the Indian (or possibly indian warrior using the hyperreal simulation argument put forward by Vizenor). Such representations dominate the European pow-wow scene, where individuals don Indian garb and dance at social events, many of which are open to the public. The article then focuses on the English pow-wow scene, contrasting it with parade Hobbyism. Here individuals dress up as indians for public commemorations on Bonfire Night (November 5th annually). Both groups can be understood as conforming to Johnson’s extending narrative: the “circulation of religious knowledge and symbols into wider availability… [allowing] what was once a local truth [to be] presented as a more broadly applicable, even a universal one.” However, the far more complex matter of indigenizing requires discussion of contentious issues of appropriation.

Sweet corn (Zea mays L. var. rugosa) was grown in replicated plots in 2004 and 2006 using organic, conventional, and genetically-engineered (Bt) production practices. Organic plots were treated with Entrust® (Dow AgroSciences LLC, Indianapolis, IN) whereas conventional and Bt sweet corn plots were treated with Warrior® (Syngenta Crop Protection, Inc., Greensboro, NC). All plots were treated once at silk emergence. Organic and conventional plots were treated again 1 wk later. Twenty-five ears were harvested from row centers in each treatment subplot to quantify ear pests and assess ear damage. The highest number of corn earworm, Helicoverpa zea (Boddie), larvae were found on organically-grown sweet corn. European corn borer, Ostrinia nubilalis (Hübner); southwestern corn borer, Diatraea grandiosella Dyar; and fall armyworm, Spodoptera frugiperda (J.E. Smith), larvae were not found as frequently. Neither corn earworm nor European corn borer larvae were found on Bt sweet corn ears. Sap beetles, Carpophilus lugubris Murray, were found on all 3 types of sweet corn. Organically and conventionally-grown sweet corn had a greater number of tip-damaged ears and numbers of damaged kernels per ear than Bt sweet corn. Ear length and weight were the same for all 3 types of sweet corn. Based on the information generated in this study, growing late-planted sweet corn organically or conventionally on a large commercial scale with a limited spray program and without using other types of ear pest management does not appear to be a practical or profitable option in central Kentucky.

The first excavations on this barrow were carried out in 1913 by the famous archaeologist Alexei Bobrinskoy. The central part of the mound was excavated by the pit. The base of rather large ground wooden tomb buried in antiquity has been discovered there. The surviving items (weapons, horse equipment, pottery, small gold jewelry) later made it possible to date this mound to the end of the 7th century BC or ca. 7th—6th centuries BC. Since the late 1980s, there has been a tendency — and, in our opinion, incorrect — of rather sharp aging of the Central tomb, and, accordingly, of whole barrow 524 near the village Zhabotin. It began to date ca. 8th—7th centuries BC, 750—700 BC, not later than the end of the 8th century BC, and finally, ca. mid- 8th century BC. The Zhabotin 524 barrow began to be interpreted as the basic funeral monument of the Scythian archaic period in the Dnieper Right-Bank Forest-Steppe. In 2019, the complete study of the barrow was made. By the time of the excavation it had a height of 3.0 m with a diameter of 55 Ч 50 m. During the study, 12 profiles of the mound were obtained. They provided complete picture of its construction. The mound was constructed from humus in 2 stages. The first mound was directly made over the Central tomb. Its diameter is 24 m, the reconstructed height is up to 4.0 m. The mound was lined with radially wooden blocks. The second mound with a diameter of up to 50 m was fixed below by clay crepe. Reconstructed height up to 7.0 m. Information on the Central Tomb, according to the number of signs, and first of all — to the sizes, differ from the information published by A. Bobrinskoy. The actual dimensions of the tomb are not 35 m2, but 22 m2. From the southeast and northwest to the Central Tomb two ritual wooden platforms adjoined, one of which was badly burned. Next to them is open burial 2, covered by a tree. The male skeleton (14—18 years old) lay in the contracted position, without any goods. In our opinion, this burial should be considered as the sacrifice to the main noble deceased — a heavily armed Scythian equestrian warrior buried in the Central Tomb. A few items from the Central Tomb were also found — bronze scales of the armour, the fragment of iron sword, but most important is the bronze plate in the form of a bull’s head and the amphora handle. Judging by the composition of clay, it belongs to the vessels of Eastern Greek production. These findings are of fundamental importance: they cannot be dated by the time earlier than the late of the 7th century BC. This situation made us once again turn to the most significant products, the so-called chronological indicators, discovered in 1913, on the basis of which the number of researchers were dated the Zhabotin 524 mound until the mid- 8th century BC. These are arrow-heads, horse trappings, appliquйs decorated in animal style. Their analysis shows that these artifacts are not convincing arguments for such an early date for the barrow.

Spain is more commonly known as Andalusia, the Andalusia comes from the word Vandalusia, which means the country of the Vandals, because the southern part of the Peninsula was once ruled by the Vandals before they were defeated by Western Gothia in the fifth century. This area was ruled by Islam after the rulers of The Umayyah seized the peninsula's land from the West Gothies during the time of the Caliph Al-Walid ibn Abdul Malik. Islam entered Spain (Cordoba) in 93 AH (711 AD) through the North African route under the leadership of Tariq bin Ziyad who led the Islamic army to conquer Andalusia. Before the conquest of Spain, Muslims had taken control of North Africa and made it one of the provinces from the Umayyad Dynasty. Full control of North Africa took place in the days of Caliph Abdul Malik (685-705 AD). Conquest of the North African region first defeated until becoming one of the provinces of the Umayyad Caliph spent 53 years, starting from 30 H (Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan's reign) to 83 H (al-Walid's period). Before being defeated and then ruled by Islam, in this region there were sacs which became the basis of the power of the Roman Empire, namely the Gothic Kingdom. In the process of conquering Spain there were three Islamic heroes who could be said to be the most effective in leading units of troops there. They are Tharif ibn Malik, Tariq ibn Ziyad, and Musa ibn Nushair. Subsequent territorial expansion emerged during the reign of Caliph Umar ibn Abdil Aziz in the year 99 AH/717 AD, with the aim of controlling the area around the Pyrenian mountains and South France. The second largest invasion of the Muslims, whose movement began at the beginning of the 8th century AD, has reached all of Spain and reached far to Central France and important parts of Italy. The victories achieved by Muslims appear so easy. It cannot be separated from the existence of external and internal factors. During the conquest of Spain by Muslims, the social, political and economic conditions of this country were in a sad state. Politically, the Spanish region was torn apart and divided into several small countries. At the same time, the Gothic rulers were intolerant of the religious beliefs adopted by the rulers, namely the Monophysites, especially those who adhered to other religions, Jews. Adherents of Judaism, the largest part of the Spanish population, were forced to be baptized to Christianity. Those who are unwilling brutally tortured and killed. The people are divided into the class system, so that the situation is filled with poverty, oppression, and the absence of equality. In such situations, the oppressed await the arrival of the liberator and the liberator was from Muslims. Warrior figures and Islamic soldiers who were involved in the conquest of Spain are strong figures, their soldiers are compact, united, and full of confidence. They are also capable, courageous, and resilient in facing every problem. Equally important are the teachings of Islam shown by the Islamic soldiers, like tolerance, brotherhood, and help each other. The attitude of tolerance of religion and brotherhood contained in the personalities of the Muslims caused the Spanish population to welcome the presence of Islam there. Since the first time Islam entered in the land of Spain until the collapse of the last Islamic empire was about seven and half centuries, Islam played a big role, both in fields of intellectual progress (philosophy, science, fiqh, music and art, language and literature) and the splendor of physical buildings (Cordova and Granada). The long history passed by Muslims in Spain can be divided into six periods. Spanish Muslims reached the peak of progress and glory rivaled the glory of the Abbasid sovereignty in Baghdad. Abdurrahman Al-Nasir founded the Cordova University. He preceded Al-Azhar Cairo and Baghdad Nizhamiyah.

The year 13-Reed [1479]. It was at this time that the people of Ame-cameca and the Chalcas Tlalmanalcas came to sing for the first time in Mexico. At that time they performed the song of the women of Chalco, the Chalca Cihuacuicatl. They came to sing for the lord Axayacatzin. The song and the dance were begun in the patio of the palace while Axayacatl was still inside in the house of his women. But in the beginning the song was poorly performed. A noble of Tlalmanalco was playing the music very clumsily, and making the great drum sound in a lazy offbeat way until finally in desperation he leaned down over it, not knowing what else to do. There, however, close to the place of the drums, was a man called Quecholcohuatzin, noble from Amecameca, a great singer and musician as well. When he saw that all was being lost and that the song and the dance were being ruined, he quickly placed himself next to the drum section. He picked up a drum and through his effort he gave new strength to the dance so that it would not be ruined. Thus Quecholcohuatzin made the people sing and dance. . . . Axayacatl who was still inside the palace, when he heard how marvelously Quecholcohuatzin played the music and made the people dance, was surprised, and his heart filled with excitement. He quickly arose and left the house of his women and joined in the dance. As Axayacatl approached the place of the dance his feet began to follow the music and he was overcome with joy as he heard the song and so he too began to dance and spin round and round. When the dance was over, the lord Axayacatl spoke, saying, “Fools, you have brought this fumbler before me, who played and directed the song. Don’t let him do it again.” The people from Chalco answered him, saying, “It is as you wish, supreme lord.” And because Axayacatl had given this command, all the nobles of Chalco became terrified. They stood there looking at each other, and it is said that truly they were very frightened. . . . But the lord Axayacatl was well pleased [with Quecholcohuatzin] and continued to take delight in the “Song of the Women of Chalco,” the Chalca Cihuacuicatl. So it was that once again he had the Chalcas, all of the nobles, return, and he asked them to give him the song and he also asked all those from Amecameca, because the song was theirs, it belonged to the tlailotlaque, the men who had returned. The song was their property, the “Song of the Warrior Women of Chalco.” Chimalpahin, Seventh Relation Ms. Mexicain 74, Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris Folios 174-176 The indigenous historian Chimalpahin seemed quite certain that events on a certain day in 1479 had unfolded as he described them, though he wrote over a century later and saw it all through the refracting lens of the intervening Spanish conquest. Posterity has been the more inclined to believe him since there exists a song amongst those collected in the sixteenth century under the auspices of the Franciscans entitled “The Song of the Women of Chalco” (Chalca cihuacuicatl) in which the singer addresses Axayacatl as the conqueror of Chalco and as her own lord and master. But what can we in the twenty-first century make of these two sources? We might pursue a number of interpretive avenues. In this article I will ask specifically what we actually know about the fifteenth-century performance event, and what, if anything, we can glean from the song concerning the lives of the Nahua women in that nearly untranslatable category whom we know in English as “concubines.”

The year 13-Reed [1479]. It was at this time that the people of Ame-cameca and the Chalcas Tlalmanalcas came to sing for the first time in Mexico. At that time they performed the song of the women of Chalco, the Chalca Cihuacuicatl. They came to sing for the lord Axayacatzin.The song and the dance were begun in the patio of the palace while Axayacatl was still inside in the house of his women. But in the beginning the song was poorly performed. A noble of Tlalmanalco was playing the music very clumsily, and making the great drum sound in a lazy offbeat way until finally in desperation he leaned down over it, not knowing what else to do.There, however, close to the place of the drums, was a man called Quecholcohuatzin, noble from Amecameca, a great singer and musician as well. When he saw that all was being lost and that the song and the dance were being ruined, he quickly placed himself next to the drum section. He picked up a drum and through his effort he gave new strength to the dance so that it would not be ruined. Thus Quecholcohuatzin made the people sing and dance. . . . Axayacatl who was still inside the palace, when he heard how marvelously Quecholcohuatzin played the music and made the people dance, was surprised, and his heart filled with excitement. He quickly arose and left the house of his women and joined in the dance. As Axayacatl approached the place of the dance his feet began to follow the music and he was overcome with joy as he heard the song and so he too began to dance and spin round and round.When the dance was over, the lord Axayacatl spoke, saying, “Fools, you have brought this fumbler before me, who played and directed the song. Don’t let him do it again.” The people from Chalco answered him, saying, “It is as you wish, supreme lord.” And because Axayacatl had given this command, all the nobles of Chalco became terrified. They stood there looking at each other, and it is said that truly they were very frightened.. . . But the lord Axayacatl was well pleased [with Quecholcohuatzin] and continued to take delight in the “Song of the Women of Chalco,” the Chalca Cihuacuicatl. So it was that once again he had the Chalcas, all of the nobles, return, and he asked them to give him the song and he also asked all those from Amecameca, because the song was theirs, it belonged to the tlailotlaque, the men who had returned. The song was their property, the “Song of the Warrior Women of Chalco.” Chimalpahin, Seventh Relation Ms. Mexicain 74, Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris Folios 174-176The indigenous historian Chimalpahin seemed quite certain that events on a certain day in 1479 had unfolded as he described them, though he wrote over a century later and saw it all through the refracting lens of the intervening Spanish conquest. Posterity has been the more inclined to believe him since there exists a song amongst those collected in the sixteenth century under the auspices of the Franciscans entitled “The Song of the Women of Chalco” (Chalca cihuacuicatl) in which the singer addresses Axayacatl as the conqueror of Chalco and as her own lord and master. But what can we in the twenty-first century make of these two sources? We might pursue a number of interpretive avenues. In this article I will ask specifically what we actually know about the fifteenth-century performance event, and what, if anything, we can glean from the song concerning the lives of the Nahua women in that nearly untranslatable category whom we know in English as “concubines.”

The bronze deposits from Resenlund and Brøndumgård In the Late Bronze Age, bronze deposits in fields and bogs constitute a large part of the archaeological material. Huge values were deposited in the ground during this period, and the archaeological material witnesses a wide-ranging custom of sacrifice. The deposits are therefore central to the understanding of the societies, which once left their items in the ground, and new finds contribute to a more varied impression of the picture already existing of the Late Bronze Age. This article presents two hitherto unpublished deposits from the Early Bronze Age, both from Northern Jutland. These deposits contain bronze objects, which may throw new light on the ritual practice of the North Jutland society and its social identity during period IV (1100 BC - 900 BC).The composition of the Brøndumgård depot is special in that it contains part of hitherto unknown artefacts. The depot consists of a belt plate, fragments of at least two cuff-shaped bracelets, fragments of three mounts, a bronze ring, a sickle, two four-spoke wheel pendants, an eight-spoke wheel pendant, part of a neck ring with the head of a horse, and five bronze nuggets. The belt plate and fragments of a cuffshaped bracelet date the find to period IV. The decorations on the eight-spoke wheel pendant and the mounts also point towards period IV. The dating of the find is thus hardly questionable. The Brøndumgård depot was probably buried in a double- conic earthenware pot. The deposit was found at the bottom of a ridge originally marking the border of a wetland area. Several prehistoric mounds are preserved on top of the ridge. The location of the find – in a border area between firm ground and wetlands – indicates that the deposit should probably be interpreted as a wetland sacrifice; a gift to the gods at the edge of a bog, which was considered a magical gateway between the world of the humans and the supernatural during large parts of prehistory.The original use of the mounts is difficult to determine. Their form does not indicate a use as bucket mounts. Harness plates are another possibility, but so far, such horse mounts are not known from other finds. The bronze may have been fixed to the leather armour of a warrior, but no other finds support this theory. As a last suggestion, the mounts may have been fixed to the body of a carriage. The bronze ring supports this assumption. Apart from rings, the carriage mounts known from the Urnemark and Hallstatt Cultures include oblong, ornamented metal plates similar to the mounts from the Brøndumgård depot. It should be stressed that these are not imported mounts, as the decoration is very similar to the decoration occurring on the cuffshaped bracelets, which are considered a local Jutland product.Thus, cult wagons probably existed during the Late Bronze Age in Scandinavia. The question is: to what extent, and when? Already during the Early Bronze Age, the Trundholm Sun Chariot from Northern Zealand and the two-wheeled chariot from the rock carvings at Kivikgrav in South-eastern Scania indicate that the wagon had a central function in the iconography of the Early Bronze Age. We just lack finds of wagon parts in the archaeological material from the period to tell whether the pictorial representations of the Early Bronze Age reflect actual events.The use of wagons for ceremonies and cult processions can therefore probably not be compared to the Central European Urnemark Culture’s influence on Northern Europe until the Late Bronze Age. It is thus not until the emergence of the Urnemark Culture that the wagon plays a visible part in Central European cult. Here, the wagons are known from several well-preserved graves, which provide fine possibilities for reconstructing the look and function of the wagons. As a rule, the wagons have four wheels and a rather small body, which would have made them unsuitable for the transportation of large, heavy wagonloads. Furthermore, the body is decorated with metal plates. The rich ornamentation combined with the small, unpractical size and the fact that they were used as grave goods in rich graves all indicate that the wagons were used for processions connected to the Central European cult.In Denmark, we have but a few complete finds of wagon plates from the Bronze Age. In the absence of such complete metal plate finds, it is much more difficult to recognize metal plates as part of possible wagon ornaments. It is therefore necessary to intensify the attention concerning plates and other metal items, which may have been riveted onto wood. If such plates are found in connection with horse equipment, which naturally often occur in the same context as wagon parts, this may considerably strengthen their interpretation as wagon plates.Perhaps the eight-spoke wheel pendant should be interpreted as part of a horse’s equipment? Maybe as some sort of horse harness jingles attached to the bridle – although the eye for hanging seems too small compared with other finds of definite horse bridle jingles. In stead, the wheel pendant could have been attached to another part of the harness.The four-spoke type of wheel pendant has not previously been found in Scandinavia, but in a much larger version it is known from the Period II- grave from Tobøl in Western Jutland. The wheel with four spokes is also known from the Early Bronze Age iconography. As a pendant, the wheel with four spokes is a phenomena first occurring in Northern Europe at the same time as the Urnemark Culture begins to influence the form of objects in the Late Bronze Age. Probably, the four-spoke wheel – like the eight-spoke wheel – is from a horse’s harness.In Northern Europe, several deposits combining women’s jewellery and horse equipment are known from period V. The fact that these two artefact types are often found together in the deposits may reflect a fixed practice of some ceremony or cult act. Perhaps the deposits are really elements from a ceremonial procession – in which the wagon played a prominent part – sacrificed to the supreme beings. In the Brøndumgård depot, the women’s jewellery and horse equipment is even supplemented by possible wagon plates, and the find thus supports the hypothesis presented above that the ceremonial procession included women, horses, and a wagon. Women’s jewellery and the horse and wagon equipment were probably made by the same bronze caster, and perhaps the objects were meant to be a complete ceremonial outfit for a woman and a wagon. In the Bronze Age, it was not an unknown phenomenon that special jewellery sets were made as a complete whole, and it is therefore not altogether impossible that a complete set of equipment for a woman and a wagon were made by the same craftsman.Perhaps the depot is even containing the remains of a priestess’ equipment, ceremonial wagon included? In this respect, the Roman writer Tacitus’ retelling of the myth concerning the fertility cult of the goddess Nerthus is especially interesting – in spite of the fact that the myth was written down almost 1000 years later than the dating of the Brøndumgård depot. The horse-drawn chariot is central in Tacitus’ account, as each year, somewhere in the northern part of the free Germania, a procession with Nerthus in a horse-drawn ceremonial chariot passed from village to village to announce the coming of spring and fertility. The myth shows that the tradition of a ceremonial chariot was probably predominant in Northwest Europe during the Early Iron Age. It is therefore not unlikely that the ceremonial chariot, perhaps driven by a priestess, was part of the ritual practice in Jutland during the Late Bronze Age, and that it remained a strong tradition until the Early Iron Age.The Resenlund depot consists of three spiral arm rings, two sickles, a double button, three fragments of cuff-shaped bracelets, three parts of neck rings, a socketed spear head, a dress pin, a bronze celt, and part of a sword blade. All artefacts were probably of Scandinavian origin, possibly from the area around the Limfjord. It is not always possible to determine whether the depot was placed in a container, for instance a clay vessel. Several of the items were ruined prior to being deposited, whereas others were old and worn. The depot was probably deposited in the course of the Bronze Age period IV, between 1100 and 900 BC, as quite a few of the items date from this time.The depot thus comprises many different artefact types, and both weapons, women’s jewellery, and tools are represented. From the composition, the depot may be interpreted as a sacrifice representing a cult act managed by one or more wealthy peasants connected with arable land. The wear marks on the jewellery probably indicate that they were inherited items that may have been in the family’s possession for generations, before they were handed over to the ground. The depot itself may be interpreted as a sacrifice to the superior beings, perhaps to thank for success and fertility. At the same time, the sacrificial act itself may have helped support the position of the leading families in the local community.The two deposits from Resenlund and Brøndumgård were both deposited within the same area near the Limfjord between 1100 and 900 BC, and they both contain items with a form and an ornamentation specifically characteristic for this particular area. Both deposits were found in connection with water or wetlands, as is characteristic of the sacrificial practice of the Late Bronze Age culture in Scandinavia. However, the composition and context in the two deposits differ, and so the two finds tell individual stories.The composition of the Resenlund depot makes it interpretable as a sacred depot, with numerous different artefacts representing one or more peasant families. In favour of this interpretation is the fact that the depot contains items belonging to more women and at least one man, as well as a sickle, which may indicate that the sacrifice was connected to agriculture and fertility.The Brøndumgård depot may be part of a ritual procession sacrificed to the supreme beings. The women’s jewellery and horse and wagon equipment were probably made by the same bronze caster, and perhaps the items were meant as a complete ceremonial outfit for a priestess and her chariot. The Resenlund depot may reflect the cult act of one peasant family, which perhaps included people from a small neighbourhood – as opposed to the Brøndumgård depot, which may have been the remains of a ceremonial procession including a larger number of people. The deposits may thus be the result of two different ceremonies and cult acts made by different groups of society, but probably within the framework of the same fertility cult and practice of ritual sacrifice.Period IV of the Bronze Age was a very innovative era as regards the creation of new artefact types. Many new variants of women’s jewellery and other ornaments turn up in this period only to disappear again from the find material in period V. The variations within the ornaments are especially expressed within North and Central Jutland, to which a large number of artefacts are specific within period IV. They are artefact types, which were almost solely used in Jutland, and in this respect, this area differs from the rest of Scandinavia. Fig. 18 shows the artefacts that Evert Baudou considers special Jutland types, such as the specially ornamented bone buttons and pendants found in large numbers in graves in the Mid-Jutland area. To these special Jutland types, I would like to add the three wheel pendants from the Brøndumgård depot, which – with the five wheel pendants from the Sæsing depot – also constitute a special Jutland type during Period IV.The characteristics of the Jutland artefact types made Baudou suggest that judging from the unique artefact types in Jutland, we could be dealing with two tribal groups in Denmark during Period IV. A Jutland tribe mainly concentrated in North and Middle Jutland, and a tribe on the islands.The question is whether it is not too much of a simplification to divide Denmark into two tribes, as the artefacts reflect a more complicated situation. However, the idea of several regions having existed in the Danish area – individual cultural units with mutual contact – is not unlikely. The two wealth centres of Boeslunde in Western Zealand and Voldtofte on Southwest Funen may represent two independent regions in Denmark, to which the North- and Central Jutland period may be added as a third region due to its special artefacts. We thus get at least three regions in Denmark during the Late Bronze Age. In period V, we no longer have the same difference between South Scandinavian artefacts, and the distinctive character of the Jutland material seems to disappear. This does not mean that North and Central Jutland loose influence – on the contrary. However, we see a certain uniformity within the Nordic artefact material from Period V.In Period IV, North and Central Jutland was a region where people expressed their affiliation through the way they chose to decorate themselves. The area was probably inhabited by an independent people or tribe – assumed on the grounds that this is the place in Late Bronze Age Scandinavia where the find material mostly seems to reflect a region with unique artefact types expressing individual cultural traditions and a social identity.Jeanette VarbergInstitut for Antropologi, Arkæologi ogLingvistik, Aarhus UniversitetTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Once were Warriors (1994), billed as the first fully Maori feature-length fiction film, though a huge success with popular audiences throughout Aotearoa, came in for some harsh criticism from academics, Maori and Pakeha alike. At the forefront of Maori academic critiques of this film and others (Jane Campion’s The Piano, most notably) that represented Maori, Leone Pihama feared the consequences of projecting what were seen as debilitatingly negative, decontextualized stereotypes of Maori, not just onto our national screens, but beyond, onto the global stage. This paper seeks to (begin to) engage with such critiques by examining box office figures and press reception of Tamahori’s first feature in France.

In a 2009 speech, prominent Māori lawyer Moana Jackson said that the novel Once Were Warriors (Duff, 1990) could have been more appropriately named Once Were Gardeners (New Zealand Drug Foundation, 2009). By doing so he argued against the notion that Māori possess a “warrior gene” predisposing them to violence. Instead, Jackson maintained, Māori were more likely to have a predisposition for gardening. Gardening, or mahi māra, has been practised by Māori for centuries in Aotearoa New Zealand. Although motivations may have changed, mahi māra remains an important expression of what it means to be Māori. This affirmation is particularly relevant when it comes to the recent Māori occupation of Ihumātao, one of the oldest Māori settlements in Aotearoa. This article explores the idea that gardens and gardening demonstrate a form of Māori protest and resistance. It also examines the importance of māra at Ihumātao and its occupation to Kelly Marie Francis, known as “The Whenua Warrior”, a member of the group occupying Ihumātao, Save Our Unique Landscape (SOUL). Understanding the occupation acknowledges the importance of māra in te ao Māori.

For centuries, women in Japan have been cast as geishas, however, the history of onna-bugeisha or “warrior women” pose a contrasting shadow. These warrior women took up training focused on using the naginata, a sort of spear with a curved blade on the end and the kaiken, a sort of dagger. They trained to protect their homes and villages; in addition, some would even carry their training into battle. In the twelfth century, Hangaku Gozen and Tomoe Gozen, while Nakano Takeko in the nineteenth century were considered to be among the best of the onna-bugeisha. These women led their own armies into battle, some made up of only women and some of only men. Very little is written about these women as Japanese warriors. Tomoe is only briefly mentioned in the Heike Monogatari, a series of stories detailing the Genpei wars (1182-1185). The down play of their importance is evident in the lack of resources recording their lives. This is possibly because their warrior-like-actions threatened the natural masculinity of the samurai. Once the samurai become a rising class structure, the onna-bugeisha began to fall away in importance, second to their husbands. As they moved behind the scenes, their training emerged to represent a method of moral discipline rather than preparing for combat. Their natural warrior way of life faded from their daily lives and the Japanese history. Most of my sources are journal articles giving the base for this research concerning the Samurai and their lives. Other sources include Japanese Girls and Women, a book by Alice Mabel Bacon, published in 1891 and Samurai Women 1184-1877a book by Stephen Turnbull, published in 2010.

This article comprises four main sections each of which explores “whanau” in a range of educational contexts. The first section draws from research published in the Journal of the Polynesian Society by Dame Joan Metge (1990) to comment on the meaning and changing use of the concept “whanau”. This overview is then followed by the second section which comprises reflections and analyses of the Te Kauru family reunion which I attended at the beginning of this year. The third section takes May 6th, 1994, the day the film Once were Warriors and the book Te Maranga a te Ihu a Hukarere were launched, as a focal point to illuminate and explore the impact of two of the main contemporary uses of whanau in their respective contexts. Section four highlights and discusses the findings of a major study completed in 1994 in which “whanau” played a significant role. The study, “What happens to Maori girls at school?”, is the final report of The Regional Study of the School Based Factors Affecting the Schooling of Maori Girls in Immersion, Bilingual and Mainstream Programmes in the Wellington Region, commissioned by the Ministry of Education.