Gotowa bibliografia na temat „New Zealand history”

For a New Zealander one of the odder tourist experiences available in London - and soon to disappear - was to go to the top of Downing Street, and after a brief word with the police officer at the gates, to be ushered in to watch a hearing of the highest court of (though not actually in) New Zealand. Beginning with the arrival of British settlers the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council served as New Zealand's court of final appeal. Sitting in the very heart of London it was possible to hear lawyers with New Zealand accents argue about places and concepts quite literally a world away.

In September 2019, the New Zealand Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, announced that it will be compulsory to teach New Zealand history in all of the nation’s schools from 2022. To some extent the announcement was a surprise because the New Zealand Curriculum (NZC) is far from being prescriptive and allows teachers autonomy to decide what and how history is covered in the classroom. It was also however, a foreseeable outcome of long-standing and common place assumptions that young people know little or nothing of New Zealand’s history (Belich, 2001; Neilson, 2019) and that this can be remedied by making the study of New Zealand history compulsory in schools (Gerritsen, 2019; New Zealand Government, 2019). This article seeks to test these assumptions and in doing so examines the case for teaching New Zealand history, especially from the perspective of a decolonised and inclusive national narrative. It also acknowledges the emergence, within secondary schools, of culturally sensitive and place-based approaches to the teaching of New Zealand history. The article does this by first, describing three recent examples of teaching New Zealand history that adopt these approaches; the last of which, draws upon my classroom practice as a history teacher and teacher-researcher. It then suggests that Te Takanga o te Wāi (Ministry of Education, 2015)[i] provides a useful framework to further ground these practices in a theory that balances Indigenous and western approaches to teaching history. In the wake of Jacinda Ardern’s announcement that New Zealand history will shortly be compulsory in all schools, the article concludes by proposing that a lightly prescribed framework of New Zealand’s colonial history in the curriculum will provide history teachers with a more coherent professional landscape.

Purpose It is well-known that Beatrice Ensor, who founded the New Education Fellowship (NEF) in 1921, was a Theosophist and that from 1915 the Theosophical Fraternity in Education she established laid the foundations for the NEF. However, little research has been performed on the Fraternity itself. The travels of Theosophists, texts, money and ideas between Auckland, India and London from the late nineteenth century offer insights into “New Education” networking in the British Commonwealth more broadly. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on archival documents from the Adyar Library and Research Centre, International Theosophical Society (TS) headquarters, Chennai, India; the archive at the headquarters of the New Zealand Section of the TS, Epsom, Auckland; the NEF files at the archive of the London Institute of Education; papers past digital newspaper archive. Findings New Zealand’s first affiliated NEF group was set up by the principal of the Vasanta Gardens Theosophical School, Epsom, in 1933. She was also involved in the New Zealand Section of the Theosophical Fraternity, which held conferences from 1917 to 1927. New Zealand’s Fraternity and Theosophical Education Trust had close links with their counterparts in England and India. The setting up of New Zealand’s first NEF group was enabled by networks created between Theosophists in New Zealand, India and England from the late nineteenth century. Originality/value The contribution of Theosophists to the new education movement has received little attention internationally. Theosophical educational theory and Theosophists’ contributions to New Zealand Education have not previously been studied. Combining transnational historiography with critical geography, this case study of networks between New Zealand, Adyar (India) and London lays groundwork for a wider “spatial history” of Theosophy and new education.

This article briefly discusses the history of New Zealand Legal Education, with a focus on Victoria University of Wellington. The first part of this paper introduces the American and English models of legal education, discussing the different tensions and contexts of each jurisdiction. The second part of the paper introduces the history of legal education in New Zealand. The author discusses New Zealand's departure from the English model (where a degree was not necessary to practise), academics' tradition of writing textbooks in New Zealand, and the influence of the American legal education system. The third part of the paper discusses the impact of Professor John Salmond and Sir Robert Stout at Victoria University of Wellington.

This article explores Britain's influence historically over legislation passed in the New Zealand Parliament. It suggests that Britain's role was substantial, particularly in the 19th century. For nearly a century, from 1854 until New Zealand adopted the Statute of Westminster in 1947, all New Zealand laws (of which nearly one hundred laws were reserved) were sent to Britain for scrutiny. In thirteen instances laws were considered sufficiently problematic that Britain either disallowed legislation already assented to by the Governor or, alternatively, refused assent to or withheld assent from reserved legislation. Other legislation was amended on Britain's instructions.The exercise of royal assent was an important ingredient in New Zealand's development and an integral part of its movement from colony to independent nation.

New Zealand has a paradoxical relationship with nuclear science. We are as proud of Ernest Rutherford, known as the father of nuclear science, as of our nuclear-free status. Early enthusiasm for radium and X-rays in the first half of the twentieth century and euphoria in the 1950s about the discovery of uranium in a West Coast road cutting was countered by outrage at French nuclear testing in the Pacific and protests against visits from American nuclear-powered warships. New Zealand today has a strong nuclear-free identity – a result of the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act of 1987 that prohibited nuclear weapons and nuclear warships in the country’s land, air and water – that can be traced back to the first protests against nuclear weapons in the 1940s. This thesis is based on the supposition that the “nuclear-free New Zealand” narrative is so strong and such a part of the national identity that it has largely eclipsed another story, the pre-1980s story of “nuclear New Zealand”. New Zealand’s early embracing of and enthusiasm for nuclear science and technology needs to be introduced into our national story. This thesis aims to discover and reveal that history: from the young New Zealand physicists seconded to work on the Manhattan Project; to the plans for a heavy water plant at Wairakei; prospecting for uranium on the West Coast of the South Island; plans for a nuclear power station on the Kaipara Harbour; and the thousands of scientists and medical professionals who have worked with nuclear technology. Put together, they provide a narrative history of nuclear New Zealand. Between the “anti-nuclear” voices, already well told in many histories of nuclear-free New Zealand, and the “pro-nuclear” voices revealed in this thesis, options were considered and decisions made. This thesis shows that the people with decision-making power tended to make practical decisions based on economics and national interest when it came to deciding whether or not to adopt a certain piece of nuclear technology or whether or not to participate in projects or ventures with international agencies. This eventually led to a nuclear-free policy – focused on weapons, nuclear-powered ships and waste – that since the legislation was enacted in 1987 has been interpreted ever more widely by politicians and the public to include nuclear power, uranium prospecting and many other applications of nuclear technology.

This Master's thesis is a history of apprenticeship in New Zealand. Apprenticeship has traditionally been the main route for entry into the skilled trades. At one level apprenticeship is a way of training people to do a particular job. The apprentice acquires, in a variety of formal and informal ways, the skills necessary to carry out their trade. The skills involved with each trade, tied inextricably to the technology that is used, are seen as the 'property' of the tradesperson. Learning the technical aspects of the job, however, is only a part of what goes on during an apprenticeship. The apprentice is also socialised into the customs and practices of the trade, learning implicitly and explicitly the hierarchies within the workplace, and gaining an appreciation of the status of his or her trade. Apprenticeship must also be viewed in the wider context of the relationship between labour and capital. The use of apprenticeship as an exclusionary device has implications for both worker and employer. Definitions of skill, and the ways in which technological advances are negotiated, are both dependent on the social setting of the workplace, which is mediated by social arrangements such as apprenticeship. This thesis thus traces the development of apprenticeship policies over the years, and examines within a theoretical context the debate surrounding those policies. Several themes emerge including the inadequacy of the market to deliver sustained training, the tension between educators and employers, and the importance of a tripartite accord to support efficient and equitable training. Apprenticeship has proved to be a remarkably resilient system in New Zealand. This thesis identifies factors that have challenged this resilience, such as changes in work practices and technology, and the historically small wage differentials between skilled and unskilled work. It also identifies the characteristics that have encouraged the retention of apprenticeship, such as the small-scale nature of industry in New Zealand, and the latter's distinctive industrial relations system. It is argued that benefits to both employer and worker, and the strength of the socialisation process embodied in apprenticeship, will ensure that some form of apprenticeship remains a favoured means of training young people for many of the skilled trades.

Poliomyelitis as an epidemic disease passed through the Western world like some great comet. Recognised only sporadically before 1900, epidemics of polio appeared in Western communities with increasing frequency and intensity in the first half of the twentieth century. Thousands died, many more were paralysed for life. Yet by 1960 the disease was no longer feared and indeed, within a decade, was all but forgotten except by those whose lives had been directly affected. So completely had the effects of this devastating illness passed from the collective memory, that by 1980 parents had to be urged and cajoled into having their infants immunised. Little known or recognized before the twentieth century, polio has had a brief but spectacular history. It was the subject of a crusade which became “one of the greatest technical and humanistic triumphs of the age.” The story of polio is full of paradoxes. It was believed in the nineteenth century to be a recent manifestation, yet there is evidence of its appearance in antiquity. Known for many years as ‘infantile paralysis’ it was not confined to infants and was rarely paralytic. When it was paralytic, it caused the greatest morbidity and mortality amongst adults. Unlike the great scourges like typhoid, cholera or tuberculosis, epidemics of polio increased with improved hygiene and nutrition. Polio was for long considered a disease of the nervous system, but the causative agent in fact proved to be the first discovered of a huge group of entero-viruses – viruses affecting the gastro-intestinal system. Initially thought to be a rare affliction, it finally became apparent that almost all the population had suffered the disease at some time. The resultant effects of paralysis and contraction were the subject of heroic orthopaedic treatment, yet the most successful treatment was that devised by an untrained, unqualified ‘bush nurse’ from Australia. For many years an epidemic, or a threatened epidemic, could disrupt the day to day functioning of an entire country, yet it was later proved that the public health measures taken were quite ineffective. The fear it generated was partly because it was so capricious. It seemed to be the healthy and the strong who were struck down. As a noted authority wrote in 1940, “An attack of polio may be as inconsequential as measles or more agonising than death.” New Zealand was as much affected as Australia, the United States or Scandinavia. An official report recalled that “epidemic poliomyelitis was the most terrifying epidemic condition in the country and the professional and public fear was justified as no specific measure of control was known.” This study proposes to trace the history of polio in New Zealand - the course of the epidemics, its treatment, and the community's response.

Consideration of the degree to which social factors have influenced the development of archaeology has become a recent focus of interest among archaeologists; however little work has been done on determining the relationship of social factors to archaeology in new Zealand. The aim of this thesis is to consider whether archaeologists were influenced by the surrounding New Zealand society between the years 1840 and 1954 and if so, in what manner were they influenced. In particular, consideration is given to how the social background of New Zealand archaeology compared with the social influences of British archaeology compared with the social influence of British archaeology of the time. For the purposes of the study the term archaeologist applies to all those who investigated or recovered in situ archaeological material. Lists of archaeologists of the day were compiled from journals, newspaper articles, and unpublished sources. From these lists the social background of those engaging in archaeology was reconstructed. Developments in archaeology theory and methodology were also examined, not only to determine the manner in which they effected the practise of archaeology, but also to determine the source of those developments, and the reasons for their adoption. The wider social context was also examined to determine the degree to which archaeology reflected certain factors in New Zealand society, not simply in the manner in which archaeology was carried out, but also in the reasons for which research was conducted. This study demonstrates that though the discipline, and in particular the power, was concentrated among urban professionals, the social spread of those engaging in archaeology was wide. This was particularly the case between the turn of the century and the Second World War, when archaeologists with a tertiary background were in a minority. Archaeologists were influenced both from inside and outside the field, the degree of influence being determined by individual factors. As archaeologists were a part of society, so too was society part of archaeological practice. In the manner in which archaeology was conducted the influence of societal attitudes towards women and Maori can be seen.

Marxism is often criticised for its 'outdated economics' which wrongly downplays the state's role in modern social life. This study uses readily available official statistics to test the validity of this critique. Although simple accounting principles are used, factory production data for 1923-70 is rigorously and systematically re-aggregated to approximate constant (fixed and circulating) and variable capital, manufacturers' surplus-value, capital composition, and rates of accumulation, exploitation and profit. A separate volume details all statistical operations and tabulates results. Capital accumulation is used to fix the curve of capitalist development and the interrelations between valueratios are used to explain the curve's shape. Conventional theories are also called on to explain trends in national income and factory production input/output series. Main conclusions drawn are that (1) marxism is empirically well-corroborated and (2) no consistent correlation holds between state intervention and economic growth. Marxian hypotheses concerning proletarianisation, economic concentration, class struggle, etc. are also tested systematically against New Zealand data and confirmed. In this light, and as rival theories of superior verisimilitude are absent, the criticism mentioned is rejected as unwarranted. Most NZ marxian analyses focus on superstructures, lacking objective bases for problem-formulation and solution, this study offers such a basis.

My dissertation research focused on the behavior, movement patterns, and foraging ecology of dusky dolphins (Lagenorhynchus obscurus) off the east coast of New Zealand's South Island. Information on growth, morphometrics, parasites and life history was also collected. Movement patterns and foraging behavior of New Zealand dusky dolphins were much different from those of dusky dolphins observed off the Argentine coast by Bernd Wursig, the only other study of dusky dolphin behavior. Unlike the Argentine dolphins, which cooperatively herd anchovy to the surface and contain them there for feeding, New Zealand dusky dolphins behave and forage more like Hawaiian spinner dolphins (Stenella longirostris). In summer and fall, New Zealand dusky dolphins remain near shore in morning and early afternoon hours, then move into deeper water with greatly increased activity levels in late afternoon. In winter and spring they remain farther from shore at all times of day, are found in somewhat larger groups, and appear to travel along shore more often than in other seasons. In summer, dive times of radio-tagged dolphins also varied on a daily cycle, most long dives occurring during crepuscular and night periods. Stomach contents of incidentally-netted and beachcast dolphins contained primarily a demersal fish and a few types of mesopelagic fishes and squid. Acoustic surveys along the east coast of South Island show a dense layer of mesopelagic fishes and squid that move to within 50-100 m of the surface at night. Like Hawaiian spinners, New Zealand dusky dolphins feed primarily on prey in and associated with the vertically migrating layer, probably as a means of increasing foraging efficiency. External measurements of L. obscurus specimens were analyzed using canonical variate analysis, which revealed measurements useful in discrimination of age/sex classes, including dorsal fin dimensions, and positioning of dorsal fin and flipper insertions. Tooth-section age analysis of specimens allowed construction of growth curves; life span maximum was about 35 years. The very large size of active testes (over 1 kg each) during summer breeding represents a large proportion of total body weight. Along with observations of group composition variability, this suggests a promiscuous mating system and a fluid, extended-group social system.

The role of London in forming New Zealand’s culture and identity is a significant feature of New Zealand’s cultural history that has, until now, been overlooked. Ties with London and with ‘Home’ generally, have received little study, and ‘Britishness’ in New Zealand is largely considered a legacy of demography to be eventually outgrown. This thesis suggests something different. During the period 1890-1940, technology changed cultural perceptions of time and space, and it changed the relationship between metropole and former colony too. These technologies drew New Zealand and London closer together. London was constructed as an active part of the New Zealand cultural landscape, rather than as a nostalgic remnant of a predominantly British-born settler population. London was New Zealand’s metropolis too, with consequences for the way New Zealand culture was shaped. This thesis considers the cultural impact of London using four tropes linked to those changing perceptions of time and space. ‘Greater New Zealand’ is concerned with space, whilst ‘“New” New Zealand’ is concerned with time. ‘London’s Farm’ and the ‘Imaginative Hinterland’ consider propinquity and simultaneity respectively. Each theme draws from different bases of evidence in order to suggest London’s broad impact. Collectively, they argue for a shift away from a core and periphery relationship, towards one better described as a city and hinterland relationship. This approach draws upon existing national, imperial, and cultural historiography, whilst at the same time questioning some of their conventions and conceptions. New Zealand as hinterland challenges the conceptual borders of ‘national history’, exploring the transnational nature of cultural formations that otherwise have been considered as autochthonous New Zealand (or for that matter, British) developments. At the same time, whilst hinterlands may exist as part of empire, they are not necessarily products of it. Nor are they necessarily formed in opposition to the metropole, even though alterity is often used to explain colonial relationships. ‘New Zealand’s London’ is, instead a reciprocal creation. Its shared cultural landscape is specific, but at the same time, it offers an alternative means for understanding other white settler colonies. Like New Zealand, their cultural histories may be more complex cultural constructions than national or imperial stories allow.
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Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

This thesis examines the development of recreational mountain climbing in New Zealand from before 1840 to the 1950s. This small facet of social history illustrates certain aspects of the evolution of the wider New Zealand society. A variety of influences from overseas, especially from Britain, impacted on New Zealand mountain climbing, However, it always showed indigenous characteristics and the local elements became more distinct. After the First World War club organisation and activity independent of guides came to dominate, as mountaineering based on tramping became the norm. Issues of class were resolved but the participation of women was problematic. In the interwar years, mountaineering began to be identified with earlier pioneering and with male physical culture. This led to a more egalitarian recreation but within climbing the evolution of a masculinist culture meant that the place of women remained ambiguous and their progress was limited. Redevelopment of climbing after the Second World War led to the ascent of Mt Everest by Edmund Hillary in 1953 which crystallised many of the long-term features of New Zealand mountain climbing. It was a restatement of imperial ties, and it confirmed male dominance, but it was also a notable step forward in the internationalisation of New Zealand mouritaineers. More importantly, Everest marked the inclusion of the mountaineer in the New Zealand identity which had been previously developed through pioneering, sport and war.

In response to the third thematic sub-stream of the 38th Annual SAHANZ Conference, this paper will discuss the role of architectural research in the architecture of Gummer and Ford, the Auckland-based practice, often described as one of the most prolific bureaus in interwar New Zealand. The paper is a fraction of a three-staged project, “Gummer and Ford,” developed by a team of researchers from the Unitec Institute of Technology in response to an event recognised as a milestone in the New Zealand architectural calendar – the 2023 centenary of the firm’s establishment. This paper explores the design principles of William Gummer, the principal designer of the firm. From 1914 to 1935, Gummer consistently published his view that the goal of the architect was to cater to humanity’s highest instincts. He was unwavering but vague on how this is achieved; through composition, unity, contrast, proportion and scale, appropriate use of materials is all needed to produce buildings of good character. But what did he really mean by this? A close reading of three books Gummer considered invaluable to architectural students – The Essentials of Composition as Applied to Art by John Vredenburgh Van Pelt, Architectural Composition by Nathaniel Cortlandt Curtis, and The Mistress Art by Reginald Bloomfield – offers a direct insight into the influences behind his thinking about architecture and his architectural production. Directly traceable to Gummer, the three titles include clear, precise instructions on both the functional and artistic nature of architectural design. Interestingly, this paper employs a method not dissimilar to Gummer’s design method. These books taken together, along with Gummer’s own writing, a study of renderings and construction drawings, and close observation of the buildings, an architectural analysis of Gummer’s work becomes possible – it is what Gummer himself referred to as Architectural Research. This historically focused study will bring a new perspective to understanding the value and contribution of traditional architects, not only in New Zealand but other English-speaking countries.

This paper examines the history within Australia of the ‘parklet’, a small architecturally-framed open space installed temporarily on an on-street car-parking space. The paper traces parklets’ varied and evolving forms, materials, production processes and functions. It examines how parklets have adapted to rapidly-changing social needs and priorities for economic activity, health, safety, socialising and on-street parking, and changes in street function. The contemporary parklet began in 2005 as a localised, grassroots activity to temporarily reclaim street space for public leisure, as part of the wider movement of ‘tactical urbanism’. Parklets rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon. Starting in 2008, parklets were absorbed into institutional urban planning practice, as a strategic tool to enhance community engagement, test possibilities, and win support for longer-term spatial transformations. From 2012, commercial parklet programs were developed in Australian cities to encourage local businesses to expand into street parking spaces, to calm traffic and enhance pedestrian amenity. A new generation of commercial ‘café parklets’ has emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic, facilitated by local governments, to support the heavily-impacted hospitality industry. Their design and construction show ongoing innovation, increasing scale and professionalism, but also standardisation. This paper draws on diverse Australian parklet examples to chart the emergence of varying approaches to their design and construction, which draw upon different materials, skills, local government strategies and international precedents. The findings also illustrate several convergences in the evolution of parklet design across different Australian cities, due to strong similarities in the spatial contexts, needs, risk factors, and technologies that have defined this practice.

This paper interconnects the diachronic development of two academies at geographical antipodes: the University of Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand, and the Politecnico di Torino, Italy, in sharing the apparent contradiction between the words “urban” and “campus” at the crossroads of urban design, modern architectural tradition and historic urban landscape, critically tied with contemporary debates. Offering readings of selected sites for each campus that encapsulate socio- economic developments, urban and architectural morphologies, and cultural landscapes’ international reputations, the paper draws from a hybrid methodological approach that combines the global guidelines of the UNESCO Historic Urban Landscape approach, focused on the preservation of the layers of heritage in the urban context, to the urban planning reading of programmes and achievements of the modern age in complex integration of urban history and academic physical spaces. In particular, it explores the contribution and influences of architects, urban planners, heritage conservation experts, decision-makers and community representatives within such developments. The ultimate goal is to bring together historical and spatial inquiry towards a critical practice. On the one hand, it reveals a stimulating counter-history of a model university campus that is the site of cross-cultural exchanges rather than a colonisation template to be easily exported or imported. On the other hand, two antipodal university centres with endemic divergences – but comparable international appeal – appear as key representatives of the urban dimension and history of their hosting cities with clear projects, shaping strategies according to opportunities, limits and contingencies.

The Greg Burgess Archive (GBA) is perhaps the most complete, and arguably the most valuable architectural practice archive in Australia. However, its physical size presents a problem to both visibility, and longevity, and plans are in place to digitise the collection. While in storage at Avington, Victoria, an archival team – including Burgess himself – have begun repairing the 447 models, scanning the hundreds of tubes of drawings, and extracting data from countless obsolete media. Yet how reasonable is it to assume the efficacy of a program of digitisation? What are the implications for an objective architectural historiography if the process fails? Precipitated by difficulties in accurately digitising Burgess’ intricate physical models, this piece explores both questions. Firstly, the digitisation process for the GBA acts as a case study. Then, the technical limitations encountered are placed within a wider context of archival concerns in today’s diverse, digital age. These archival concerns are recognised in the eliding of ephemeral archival material – bodies, experiences, spoken histories – all of which may elude Western archival frameworks. What is illustrated here is that the same underrepresentation may extend into digitised collections, and that what is omitted is precisely the contents of the GBA – intricate, tectonic objects which do not conform to the idiosyncrasies of the technology at hand. The subsequent discussion then proceeds to advance, and explicate, the notion of the third object. Curation, then, is surrendered to the archival process itself, and the agency to reify our material history is at risk of being left to the machines, and their preference for certain types of ethnocultural artifact. Considering this, alternative strategies are presented for both the GBA and institutions at large, yet archivists and historians must be conscious of these limitations, or risk the failings of traditional, institutional archival systems spreading throughout a growing digital landscape.

In the decades following the war, the spread of international luxury chain hotels was instrumental in shaping the global image of modernity. It was not simply the export of modernist architecture as a style, but rather a process which brought about an overall transformation of the industry and culture surrounding modern domesticity. For Adelaide, well before the arrival of large brand hotel chains like Hilton and Hyatt, this process was initiated by the construction of its first international style hotel in 1960 – Australia Hotel. The proposed paper traces the history of this structure and its impact not only on local design and construction industries but also on domestic culture and lifestyle after the shadow period of recovery after the war. This paper looks at three specific enduring legacies of this structure that went well beyond the modernist aesthetics employed by its original designers, the local firm of Lucas, Parker and Partners. The hotel was one of the first to employ the new technology of lift-slab construction and was recognised by the Head of Architecture at the University of Adelaide, Professor Jensen, as the outstanding building of 1960. It is argued that it was the engagement with such technological and process innovations that has allowed the building to endure through several renovation attempts. In her study of Hilton International hotels, Annabelle Wharton argues how architecture was used for America’s expansion to global economic and political power. Following on from her arguments, this paper explores the implications of the acquisition of the Australia Hotel by the Indian hotel chain Oberoi Hotels in the late 1970s when it became Oberoi Adelaide. The patronage of Indian hotelier Mohan Singh Oberoi came alongside the parallel acquisition of Hotel Windsor in Melbourne, heralding a new era of engagement with Asia. Finally, the paper also highlights the broader impact of this hotel, as a leisure venue for the burgeoning middle class, on the evolving domestic culture of Adelaide.

Post 1840, New Zealand’s early engineers had mainly trained in Britain prior to emigrating. The need for educating and training young engineers was soon recognised. This was initially done by means of a young engineer working under the close supervision of an older, experienced engineer, usually in a cadetship arrangement. Correspondence courses from the British engineering institutions became available from 1897. Several technical colleges in New Zealand implemented night classes to assist students who were preparing for the associated examinations. The first School of Engineering was established at Canterbury University College in 1887. Teaching of engineering, initially within a School of Mines, commenced at Auckland University College in 1906. Engineering degrees did not become available from other universities in New Zealand until the late 1960s. The New Zealand Certificate in Engineering (NZCE) was introduced as a lower level of engineering qualification in the late 1950s and was replaced by a variety of two-year Diploma in Engineering qualifications from 2000, now consolidated together and known as the New Zealand Diploma in Engineering (NZDE) and taught at fifteen institutions throughout New Zealand from 2011. At an intermediate level, the three-year Bachelor of Engineering Technology degree qualification (BEngTech) was also introduced from 2000 and is now taught at seven institutes of technology and polytechnics, and the Auckland University of Technology.

There is much to learn from the recent New Zealand and Japan earthquakes. These earthquakes produced differing levels of liquefaction-induced ground movements that damaged buildings, bridges, and buried utilities. Along with the often spectacular observations of infrastructure damage, there were many cases where well-built facilities located in areas of liquefaction-induced ground failure were not damaged. Researchers are working on characterizing and learning from these observations of both poor and good performance. The “Liquefaction-Induced Ground Movements Effects” workshop provided an opportunity to take advantage of recent research investments following these earthquake events to develop a path forward for an integrated understanding of how infrastructure performs with various levels of liquefaction. Fifty-five researchers in the field, two-thirds from the U.S. and one-third from New Zealand and Japan, convened in Berkeley, California, in November 2016. The objective of the workshop was to identify research thrusts offering the greatest potential for advancing our capabilities for understanding, evaluating, and mitigating the effects of liquefaction-induced ground movements on structures and lifelines. The workshop also advanced the development of younger researchers by identifying promising research opportunities and approaches, and promoting future collaborations among participants. During the workshop, participants identified five cross-cutting research priorities that need to be addressed to advance our scientific understanding of and engineering procedures for soil liquefaction effects during earthquakes. Accordingly, this report was organized to address five research themes: (1) case history data; (2) integrated site characterization; (3) numerical analysis; (4) challenging soils; and (5) effects and mitigation of liquefaction in the built environment and communities. These research themes provide an integrated approach toward transformative advances in addressing liquefaction hazards worldwide. The archival documentation of liquefaction case history datasets in electronic data repositories for use by the broader research community is critical to accelerating advances in liquefaction research. Many of the available liquefaction case history datasets are not fully documented, published, or shared. Developing and sharing well-documented liquefaction datasets reflect significant research efforts. Therefore, datasets should be published with a permanent DOI, with appropriate citation language for proper acknowledgment in publications that use the data. Integrated site characterization procedures that incorporate qualitative geologic information about the soil deposits at a site and the quantitative information from in situ and laboratory engineering tests of these soils are essential for quantifying and minimizing the uncertainties associated site characterization. Such information is vitally important to help identify potential failure modes and guide in situ testing. At the site scale, one potential way to do this is to use proxies for depositional environments. At the fabric and microstructure scale, the use of multiple in situ tests that induce different levels of strain should be used to characterize soil properties. The development of new in situ testing tools and methods that are more sensitive to soil fabric and microstructure should be continued. The development of robust, validated analytical procedures for evaluating the effects of liquefaction on civil infrastructure persists as a critical research topic. Robust validated analytical procedures would translate into more reliable evaluations of critical civil infrastructure iv performance, support the development of mechanics-based, practice-oriented engineering models, help eliminate suspected biases in our current engineering practices, and facilitate greater integration with structural, hydraulic, and wind engineering analysis capabilities for addressing multi-hazard problems. Effective collaboration across countries and disciplines is essential for developing analytical procedures that are robust across the full spectrum of geologic, infrastructure, and natural hazard loading conditions encountered in practice There are soils that are challenging to characterize, to model, and to evaluate, because their responses differ significantly from those of clean sands: they cannot be sampled and tested effectively using existing procedures, their properties cannot be estimated confidently using existing in situ testing methods, or constitutive models to describe their responses have not yet been developed or validated. Challenging soils include but are not limited to: interbedded soil deposits, intermediate (silty) soils, mine tailings, gravelly soils, crushable soils, aged soils, and cemented soils. New field and laboratory test procedures are required to characterize the responses of these materials to earthquake loadings, physical experiments are required to explore mechanisms, and new soil constitutive models tailored to describe the behavior of such soils are required. Well-documented case histories involving challenging soils where both the poor and good performance of engineered systems are documented are also of high priority. Characterizing and mitigating the effects of liquefaction on the built environment requires understanding its components and interactions as a system, including residential housing, commercial and industrial buildings, public buildings and facilities, and spatially distributed infrastructure, such as electric power, gas and liquid fuel, telecommunication, transportation, water supply, wastewater conveyance/treatment, and flood protection systems. Research to improve the characterization and mitigation of liquefaction effects on the built environment is essential for achieving resiliency. For example, the complex mechanisms of ground deformation caused by liquefaction and building response need to be clarified and the potential bias and dispersion in practice-oriented procedures for quantifying building response to liquefaction need to be quantified. Component-focused and system-performance research on lifeline response to liquefaction is required. Research on component behavior can be advanced by numerical simulations in combination with centrifuge and large-scale soil–structure interaction testing. System response requires advanced network analysis that accounts for the propagation of uncertainty in assessing the effects of liquefaction on large, geographically distributed systems. Lastly, research on liquefaction mitigation strategies, including aspects of ground improvement, structural modification, system health monitoring, and rapid recovery planning, is needed to identify the most effective, cost-efficient, and sustainable measures to improve the response and resiliency of the built environment.

More Than a War: Remembering 1914-1918 presents a creative juxtaposition of digital platforms—a combination of audio, video, archival images, soundscapes, and social media, among others—to tell the stories from 1914–1918 a century later. Led by Sara Donaghey, Sue Berman and Nina Seja, the transmedia project brings together staff and students from Unitec Institute of Technology’s Department of Communication Studies and Auckland Libraries to provide a unique oral contribution to recording the history of Aotearoa New Zealand in The First World War.

In 2012-14 Unitec Institute of Technology (in partnership with The Innovation Workshop) carried out research into the application process for New Zealand Government Research & Development [R&D] co-funding administered by the Ministry of Science & Innovation (now Callaghan Innovation Ltd). This research revealed widespread applicant frustration with the application criteria and process. A significant problem perceived by High Value Manufacturing and Service Small Medium Enterprises (HVMS SME) businesses is the focus of R&D funding on product innovation followed by a lack of funding to support later stage commercialisation of products. This later stage of product and market development is excluded from Callaghan Innovation co-funding, leading to ‘prototypes-on-a-shelf’. Applicants also found the process time consuming, due to the complexity of the application questions and the delays in response from the funding network of regional funding partners and the Government Ministry. HVMS SME often used consultants to help manage the application, which is frowned upon by both the regional funding partners and Callaghan Innovation, despite the high levels of co-funding success from these applicants. This work has been carried out during the establishment period of Callaghan Innovation Ltd and some of the above issues may be historic and/or transitional as the institutional arrangements change. This research records the HVMS SME experience in applying for R&D co-funding. Consideration of the user experience, captured in this research, may reveal opportunities to improve the process with better outcomes for the applicants and the economy.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.

Banco de la República is celebrating its 100th anniversary in 2023. This is a very significant anniversary and one that provides an opportunity to highlight the contribution the Bank has made to the country’s development. Its track record as guarantor of monetary stability has established it as the one independent state institution that generates the greatest confidence among Colombians due to its transparency, management capabilities, and effective compliance with the central banking and cultural responsibilities entrusted to it by the Constitution and the Law. On a date as important as this, the Board of Directors of Banco de la República (BDBR) pays tribute to the generations of governors and officers whose commitment and dedication have contributed to the growth of this institution.1 Banco de la República’s mandate was confirmed in the National Constitutional Assembly of 1991 where the citizens had the opportunity to elect the seventy people who would have the task of drafting a new constitution. The leaders of the three political movements with the most votes were elected as chairs to the Assembly, and this tripartite presidency reflected the plurality and the need for consensus among the different political groups to move the reform forward. Among the issues considered, the National Constitutional Assembly gave special importance to monetary stability. That is why they decided to include central banking and to provide Banco de la República with the necessary autonomy to use the instruments for which they are responsible without interference from other authorities. The constituent members understood that ensuring price stability is a state duty and that the entity responsible for this task must be enshrined in the Constitution and have the technical capability and institutional autonomy necessary to adopt the decisions they deem appropriate to achieve this fundamental objective in coordination with the general economic policy. In particular, Article 373 established that “the State, through Banco de la República, shall ensure the maintenance of the purchasing power of the currency,” a provision that coincided with the central banking system adopted by countries that have been successful in controlling inflation. In 1999, in Ruling 481, the Constitutional Court stated that “the duty to maintain the purchasing power of the currency applies to not only the monetary, credit, and exchange authority, i.e., the Board of Banco de la República, but also those who have responsibilities in the formulation and implementation of the general economic policy of the country” and that “the basic constitutional purpose of Banco de la República is the protection of a sound currency. However, this authority must take the other economic objectives of state intervention such as full employment into consideration in their decisions since these functions must be coordinated with the general economic policy.” The reforms to Banco de la República agreed upon in the Constitutional Assembly of 1991 and in Act 31/1992 can be summarized in the following aspects: i) the Bank was assigned a specific mandate: to maintain the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy; ii) the BDBR was designatedas the monetary, foreign exchange, and credit authority; iii) the Bank and its Board of Directors were granted a significant degree of independence from the government; iv) the Bank was prohibited from granting credit to the private sector except in the case of the financial sector; v) established that in order to grant credit to the government, the unanimous vote of its Board of Directors was required except in the case of open market transactions; vi) determined that the legislature may, in no case, order credit quotas in favor of the State or individuals; vii) Congress was appointed, on behalf of society, as the main addressee of the Bank’s reporting exercise; and viii) the responsibility for inspection, surveillance, and control over Banco de la República was delegated to the President of the Republic. The members of the National Constitutional Assembly clearly understood that the benefits of low and stable inflation extend to the whole of society and contribute mto the smooth functioning of the economic system. Among the most important of these is that low inflation promotes the efficient use of productive resources by allowing relative prices to better guide the allocation of resources since this promotes economic growth and increases the welfare of the population. Likewise, low inflation reduces uncertainty about the expected return on investment and future asset prices. This increases the confidence of economic agents, facilitates long-term financing, and stimulates investment. Since the low-income population is unable to protect itself from inflation by diversifying its assets, and a high proportion of its income is concentrated in the purchase of food and other basic goods that are generally the most affected by inflationary shocks, low inflation avoids arbitrary redistribution of income and wealth.2 Moreover, low inflation facilitates wage negotiations, creates a good labor climate, and reduces the volatility of employment levels. Finally, low inflation helps to make the tax system more transparent and equitable by avoiding the distortions that inflation introduces into the value of assets and income that make up the tax base. From the monetary authority’s point of view, one of the most relevant benefits of low inflation is the credibility that economic agents acquire in inflation targeting, which turns it into an effective nominal anchor on price levels. Upon receiving its mandate, and using its autonomy, Banco de la República began to announce specific annual inflation targets as of 1992. Although the proposed inflation targets were not met precisely during this first stage, a downward trend in inflation was achieved that took it from 32.4% in 1990 to 16.7% in 1998. At that time, the exchange rate was kept within a band. This limited the effectiveness of monetary policy, which simultaneously sought to meet an inflation target and an exchange rate target. The Asian crisis spread to emerging economies and significantly affected the Colombian economy. The exchange rate came under strong pressure to depreciate as access to foreign financing was cut off under conditions of a high foreign imbalance. This, together with the lack of exchange rate flexibility, prevented a countercyclical monetary policy and led to a 4.2% contraction in GDP that year. In this context of economic slowdown, annual inflation fell to 9.2% at the end of 1999, thus falling below the 15% target set for that year. This episode fully revealed how costly it could be, in terms of economic activity, to have inflation and exchange rate targets simultaneously. Towards the end of 1999, Banco de la República announced the adoption of a new monetary policy regime called the Inflation Targeting Plan. This regime, known internationally as ‘Inflation Targeting,’ has been gaining increasing acceptance in developed countries, having been adopted in 1991 by New Zealand, Canada, and England, among others, and has achieved significant advances in the management of inflation without incurring costs in terms of economic activity. In Latin America, Brazil and Chile also adopted it in 1999. In the case of Colombia, the last remaining requirement to be fulfilled in order to adopt said policy was exchange rate flexibility. This was realized around September 1999, when the BDBR decided to abandon the exchange-rate bands to allow the exchange rate to be freely determined in the market.Consistent with the constitutional mandate, the fundamental objective of this new policy approach was “the achievement of an inflation target that contributes to maintaining output growth around its potential.”3 This potential capacity was understood as the GDP growth that the economy can obtain if it fully utilizes its productive resources. To meet this objective, monetary policy must of necessity play a countercyclical role in the economy. This is because when economic activity is below its potential and there are idle resources, the monetary authority can reduce the interest rate in the absence of inflationary pressure to stimulate the economy and, when output exceeds its potential capacity, raise it. This policy principle, which is immersed in the models for guiding the monetary policy stance, makes the following two objectives fully compatible in the medium term: meeting the inflation target and achieving a level of economic activity that is consistent with its productive capacity. To achieve this purpose, the inflation targeting system uses the money market interest rate (at which the central bank supplies primary liquidity to commercial banks) as the primary policy instrument. This replaced the quantity of money as an intermediate monetary policy target that Banco de la República, like several other central banks, had used for a long time. In the case of Colombia, the objective of the new monetary policy approach implied, in practical terms, that the recovery of the economy after the 1999 contraction should be achieved while complying with the decreasing inflation targets established by the BDBR. The accomplishment of this purpose was remarkable. In the first half of the first decade of the 2000s, economic activity recovered significantly and reached a growth rate of 6.8% in 2006. Meanwhile, inflation gradually declined in line with inflation targets. That was how the inflation rate went from 9.2% in 1999 to 4.5% in 2006, thus meeting the inflation target established for that year while GDP reached its potential level. After this balance was achieved in 2006, inflation rebounded to 5.7% in 2007, above the 4.0% target for that year due to the fact that the 7.5% GDP growth exceeded the potential capacity of the economy.4 After proving the effectiveness of the inflation targeting system in its first years of operation, this policy regime continued to consolidate as the BDBR and the technical staff gained experience in its management and state-of-the-art economic models were incorporated to diagnose the present and future state of the economy and to assess the persistence of inflation deviations and expectations with respect to the inflation target. Beginning in 2010, the BDBR established the long-term 3.0% annual inflation target, which remains in effect today. Lower inflation has contributed to making the macroeconomic environment more stable, and this has favored sustained economic growth, financial stability, capital market development, and the functioning of payment systems. As a result, reductions in the inflationary risk premia and lower TES and credit interest rates were achieved. At the same time, the duration of public domestic debt increased significantly going from 2.27 years in December 2002 to 5.86 years in December 2022, and financial deepening, measured as the level of the portfolio as a percentage of GDP, went from around 20% in the mid-1990s to values above 45% in recent years in a healthy context for credit institutions.Having been granted autonomy by the Constitution to fulfill the mandate of preserving the purchasing power of the currency, the tangible achievements made by Banco de la República in managing inflation together with the significant benefits derived from the process of bringing inflation to its long-term target, make the BDBR’s current challenge to return inflation to the 3.0% target even more demanding and pressing. As is well known, starting in 2021, and especially in 2022, inflation in Colombia once again became a serious economic problem with high welfare costs. The inflationary phenomenon has not been exclusive to Colombia and many other developed and emerging countries have seen their inflation rates move away from the targets proposed by their central banks.5 The reasons for this phenomenon have been analyzed in recent Reports to Congress, and this new edition delves deeper into the subject with updated information. The solid institutional and technical base that supports the inflation targeting approach under which the monetary policy strategy operates gives the BDBR the necessary elements to face this difficult challenge with confidence. In this regard, the BDBR reiterated its commitment to the 3.0% inflation target in its November 25 communiqué and expects it to be reached by the end of 2024.6 Monetary policy will continue to focus on meeting this objective while ensuring the sustainability of economic activity, as mandated by the Constitution. Analyst surveys done in March showed a significant increase (from 32.3% in January to 48.5% in March) in the percentage of responses placing inflation expectations two years or more ahead in a range between 3.0% and 4.0%. This is a clear indication of the recovery of credibility in the medium-term inflation target and is consistent with the BDBR’s announcement made in November 2022. The moderation of the upward trend in inflation seen in January, and especially in February, will help to reinforce this revision of inflation expectations and will help to meet the proposed targets. After reaching 5.6% at the end of 2021, inflation maintained an upward trend throughout 2022 due to inflationary pressures from both external sources, associated with the aftermath of the pandemic and the consequences of the war in Ukraine, and domestic sources, resulting from: strengthening of local demand; price indexation processes stimulated by the increase in inflation expectations; the impact on food production caused by the mid-2021 strike; and the pass-through of depreciation to prices. The 10% increase in the minimum wage in 2021 and the 16% increase in 2022, both of which exceeded the actual inflation and the increase in productivity, accentuated the indexation processes by establishing a high nominal adjustment benchmark. Thus, total inflation went to 13.1% by the end of 2022. The annual change in food prices, which went from 17.2% to 27.8% between those two years, was the most influential factor in the surge in the Consumer Price Index (CPI). Another segment that contributed significantly to price increases was regulated products, which saw the annual change go from 7.1% in December 2021 to 11.8% by the end of 2022. The measure of core inflation excluding food and regulated items, in turn, went from 2.5% to 9.5% between the end of 2021 and the end of 2022. The substantial increase in core inflation shows that inflationary pressure has spread to most of the items in the household basket, which is characteristic of inflationary processes with generalized price indexation as is the case in Colombia. Monetary policy began to react early to this inflationary pressure. Thus, starting with its September 2021 session, the BDBR began a progressive change in the monetary policy stance moving away from the historical low of a 1.75% policy rate that had intended to stimulate the recovery of the economy. This adjustment process continued without interruption throughout 2022 and into the beginning of 2023 when the monetary policy rate reached 12.75% last January, thus accumulating an increase of 11 percentage points (pp). The public and the markets have been surprised that inflation continued to rise despite significant interest rate increases. However, as the BDBR has explained in its various communiqués, monetary policy works with a lag. Just as in 2022 economic activity recovered to a level above the pre-pandemic level, driven, along with other factors, by the monetary stimulus granted during the pandemic period and subsequent months, so too the effects of the current restrictive monetary policy will gradually take effect. This will allow us to expect the inflation rate to converge to 3.0% by the end of 2024 as is the BDBR’s purpose.Inflation results for January and February of this year showed declining marginal increases (13 bp and 3 bp respectively) compared to the change seen in December (59 bp). This suggests that a turning point in the inflation trend is approaching. In other Latin American countries such as Chile, Brazil, Perú, and Mexico, inflation has peaked and has begun to decline slowly, albeit with some ups and downs. It is to be expected that a similar process will take place in Colombia in the coming months. The expected decline in inflation in 2023 will be due, along with other factors, to lower cost pressure from abroad as a result of the gradual normalization of supply chains, the overcoming of supply shocks caused by the weather, and road blockades in previous years. This will be reflected in lower adjustments in food prices, as has already been seen in the first two months of the year and, of course, the lagged effect of monetary policy. The process of inflation convergence to the target will be gradual and will extend beyond 2023. This process will be facilitated if devaluation pressure is reversed. To this end, it is essential to continue consolidating fiscal sustainability and avoid messages on different public policy fronts that generate uncertainty and distrust. 1 This Report to Congress includes Box 1, which summarizes the trajectory of Banco de la República over the past 100 years. In addition, under the Bank’s auspices, several books that delve into various aspects of the history of this institution have been published in recent years. See, for example: Historia del Banco de la República 1923-2015; Tres banqueros centrales; Junta Directiva del Banco de la República: grandes episodios en 30 años de historia; Banco de la República: 90 años de la banca central en Colombia. 2 This is why lower inflation has been reflected in a reduction of income inequality as measured by the Gini coefficient that went from 58.7 in 1998 to 51.3 in the year prior to the pandemic. 3 See Gómez Javier, Uribe José Darío, Vargas Hernando (2002). “The Implementation of Inflation Targeting in Colombia”. Borradores de Economía, No. 202, March, available at: https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/5220 4 See López-Enciso Enrique A.; Vargas-Herrera Hernando and Rodríguez-Niño Norberto (2016). “The inflation targeting strategy in Colombia. An historical view.” Borradores de Economía, No. 952. https://repositorio.banrep.gov.co/handle/20.500.12134/6263 5 According to the IMF, the percentage change in consumer prices between 2021 and 2022 went from 3.1% to 7.3% for advanced economies, and from 5.9% to 9.9% for emerging market and developing economies. 6 https://www.banrep.gov.co/es/noticias/junta-directiva-banco-republica-reitera-meta-inflacion-3