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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "New British Order"
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Scoular, Spencer. "State-Sponsored Abduction to Enforce British Law for Aotearoa New Zealand Pre-Annexation". Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 54, nr 3 (6.12.2023): 739–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v54i3.8789.
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Prior to the annexation of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840, British authorities sponsored and practised the abduction of suspects from the islands of New Zealand to New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, where they could be charged and tried before British courts for infringing laws for New Zealand passed by the British Parliament, as well as orders for New Zealand issued by governors of New South Wales. The sponsorship and practice of state-sponsored abduction occurred in two distinct periods: between 1814 and 1823, governors of New South Wales sponsored "magistrates" to practise abduction; and, between 1833 and 1840, the British Government sponsored British Residents to practise abduction. Specific cases are examined where the sponsorship of abduction was put into practice. The unlawful, expensive and impractical nature of state-sponsored abduction contributed to the ineffectiveness of the British system of law and order for New Zealand pre-annexation, which ultimately influenced Britain's decision to annex New Zealand after first signing a treaty with Māori. With the arrival of Hobson, the signing of te Tiriti o Waitangi/the Treaty of Waitangi and Britain's annexation of New Zealand in 1840, state-sponsored abduction became unnecessary and was quietly discontinued.
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Genn, Rowel. "New British public order bill proposes changes in racial incitement offences". Patterns of Prejudice 20, nr 1 (styczeń 1986): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1986.9969848.
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Morgan, Kenneth. "Peopling a new colony: Henry Jordan, land orders, and Queensland immigration, 1861–7". Historical Research 94, nr 264 (22.04.2021): 380–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab002.
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Abstract This article analyses the first years of the land order system of immigration that dominated Queensland’s settlement as a colony. Queensland issued land orders worth £30 per adult to fare-paying British and Irish immigrants who were mechanics, agriculturalists and people with modest amounts of capital. This form of immigration was facilitated through the work of an Emigration Commissioner – later an Agent-General – based in the British Isles. Henry Jordan held these positions in the period 1861–6. The article argues that land orders only partly met their intended outcomes, but that Jordan’s activities were essential for the scheme’s limited success.
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Pashman, Howard. "The People's Property Law: A Step Toward Building a New Legal Order in Revolutionary New York". Law and History Review 31, nr 3 (23.07.2013): 587–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000254.
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Like revolutionaries throughout the modern world, Americans built a new, stable legal order on property confiscated from their enemies. Early in the American War for Independence, colonial governments collapsed, British courts closed, and ordinary people took the law into their own hands. They created committees that enforced harsh, revolutionary justice. But remarkably, by the end of the War, they were able to develop the stable legal institutions of new governments.
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Won, Tae Joon. "British ‘Guilt’ Concerning Anglo-New Zealand Relations and the Migration of Former IRA Detainees, 1970-1977". Institute of British and American Studies 58 (30.06.2023): 173–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.25093/ibas.2023.58.173.
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This article examines how Britain’s deteriorating relations with New Zealand in the early 1970s rendered the London government to accommodate the Wellington administration’s foreign policy decisions at the risk of exposing Britain’s contentious internal policy arrangements to the wider world. Britain’s decision in the late 1960s and early 1970s to withdraw her troops from Southeast Asia and to join the European Economic Community had a negative impact on her diplomatic relations with various Commonwealth partners, including her traditionally strong bond with New Zealand. This was evident in the increasing anti-British sentiment amongst the people of New Zealand and in the introduction of anti-British policies by the Wellington government in the early 1970s. Consequently, Britain actively sought to placate New Zealand’s feelings and to improve Anglo-New Zealand relations by agreeing to accommodate New Zealand Prime Minister Robert Muldoon’s policy of allowing former IRA detainees in Northern Ireland to emigrate to New Zealand, even though this meant that Britain’s controversial detention policy in Northern Ireland could be laid bare to global scrutiny. London’s high-risk decision to give unofficial advice to Wellington on the suitability of candidates for emigration had to be concealed in order to give the impression that the British government was not in any way involved in New Zealand’s decisions. Therefore, when questions were raised in the British Parliament over the question of London’s involvement in Muldoon’s scheme, the British government went so far as to mislead the Commons on the issue.
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Bradbury, J. H. "New Settlements Policy in British Columbia". Urban History Review 8, nr 2 (13.11.2013): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019377ar.
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Between 1965 and 1972 the provincial government of British Columbia introduced a new resource towns policy aimed at changing the relationship between corporations, the provincial government, and resource based settlements. The Instant Towns Act, together with the creation of new municipalities, represented a new level of government involvement and intervention in resource towns. The policy served to pass townsite costs from the companies to the workforce and to rationalise the further involvement of the state in resource extraction activities. The provincial government and the companies argued that a new settlements policy was necessary to replace the older model of company towns in order to attract a new and more stable labour force. At the same time as this policy was being shaped, the government was also engaged in developing industrial infrastructure to facilitate the expansion and the changing needs of capital. The Instant Towns Act of 1965 was part of the legislation for the expansion of large firms in the resource extraction sector. This form of infrastructure planning, to coincide with the changing structure of capital, reflects a level of state intervention in the economy of British Columbia, in other Canadian provinces, and indeed in most other western capitalist societies in recent years.
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Aung-Thwin, Michael. "The British “Pacification” of Burma: Order Without Meaning". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 16, nr 2 (wrzesień 1985): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008432.
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One of the most frequently made remarks concerning British colonialism, both in print and in informal settings, has been the British role in bringing “law and order” to the colonies. Although serious scholarship has successfully questioned this assertion for some areas of the world, particularly India, for Burma, very little has been done. The reasons for proposing that Britain brought law, and especially order to Burma seem to stem from at least two factors. First, the study of Burmese law in the West is at best in its infancy, despite recent efforts by Burmese historians. Second, and more importantly, historians by and large have tended to ignore Burmese criteria for defining order, and have therefore misinterpreted as simple lawlessness what were on many important occasions traditional forms of expressing dissent and symptoms of social dysfunction, as well as cultural and psychological ambivalence of identity, especially amongst certain new classes created by colonialism itself. Thus what often appeared on the surface as order after so-called “pacification” and in general throughout the colonial period is an incomplete picture, for it was almost certainly as well, if not more so, the political, military, and psychological inability of the Burmese to present a united front against a technologically superior power. But because the entire colonial period cannot be dealt with here—although I suspect it would only further support the major thesis of this essay—and because the British concept of “pacification” (and as a result the literature on the subject) had established the intellectual framework and parameters for evaluating the subsequent colonial and post-independence periods, I feel it is adequate to have centered my arguments around the so-called period of “pacification” only. I intend to approach this topic by first describing briefly what we might call indigenous methods of pacification, contrast it to the general pacification policies and methods pursued by the British, observe the significance of the differences, and then conclude by showing how the coup of 1962 could be interpreted more as a resurrection than a true revolution.
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Allen, Matthew. "Convict police and the enforcement of British order: Policing the rum economy in early New South Wales". Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 53, nr 2 (8.01.2020): 248–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865819896398.
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Among the many peculiarities of early New South Wales was the absence of a police force to manage a population largely composed of convicted criminals. Instead, the early Governors were forced to employ trusted convicts and ex-convicts to act as watchmen and constables and police their fellows. This article explores the history of these neglected convict police in the context of the contemporary development of modern policing in the British world. Using a case-study of a crack-down on illicit distilling under Governor King in 1805–1806, I demonstrate that the convict police were both surprisingly effective and prone to corruption, reflecting the legacy of British policing traditions and the influence of reformist ideas.
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Bakhiet, Salaheldin Farah Attallah, i Richard Lynn. "A Note on a New Study of Intelligence in Egypt". Psychological Reports 115, nr 3 (grudzień 2014): 810–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/04.pr0.115c27z3.
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Three studies of intelligence in Egypt published between 1957 and 1989 and based on small samples gave British IQs between 77 and 83. The present paper reports the results of a recent study based on a much larger sample in order to examine how far the results of the older studies can be replicated. The Coloured Progressive Matrices was standardized in Egypt in 2011–2013 on a sample of 11,284 children aged 5.6 to 10.5 years. The sample obtained a British IQ of 84.2 and provides a satisfactory replication of the earlier studies.
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Rumley, Dennis. "The Asia-Pacific region and the new world order". Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, nr 422/423 (1.12.2003): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370422/423259.
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The author is Associate Professor, School of Social and Cultural Studies, University of Western Australia. He gained a Geography Honours degree and MA in Applied Geography at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, and a Ph. D at the University of British Columbia. He has taught at the University of Western Australia since then, apart from 1991-1993 when he was Professor of Australian Studies at the University of Tokyo attached to the Department of International Relations at Komaba. He has published widely in various areas of political geography, including electoral geography, local government, federalism and more recently geopolitics. His most recent book, is The Geopolitics of Australia's Regional Relations (Dordrecht, Kluwer, 1999, reprinted 2001). His current research projects are in the areas of water security, Australia's "arc of instability," regionalism and Australia-Asia relations. He is a full member of the IGU Commission on the World Political Map and English-language editor of Chiri, the Japanese journal of human geography. He will be Visiting Professor at the University of Kyoto during 2003.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "New British Order"
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Sothcott, Keir. "Crime, fear of crime and social order in a post-war British new town : a humanistic contribution to environmental criminology". Thesis, Middlesex University, 2009. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6256/.
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This study examines the continuing viability of the New Town Idea – an influential post-war Town Planning Model – in relation to current government imperatives that all future urban developments contribute to crime prevention and the diminishment of fear. The study advances an 'urbanism from below' by considering how residents of Harlow, one of the first built New Towns, experience their everyday environment and the impact it has upon their perceptions of crime, fear and disorder. By focusing upon the 'lived experiences' of a whole urban environment and its compatibility with human need, the study offers a 'Humanistic' approach to Environmental Criminology. It should, therefore, interest not only those responsible for current and future urban development but also those hoping to move Environmental Criminology beyond a narrow concern with risk reduction. The thesis suggests that the New Town Idea, as manifest in Harlow, is a weak foundation for establishing a strong urban public realm. This is probably a major reason why the town has a crime rate incommensurate with the idea's original utopian aspirations. Nevertheless, the same idea succeeds in enhancing a 'sense of place' which residents of Harlow experience in a way that reduces fear of crime. Especially important is the experience of 'mystery' and local familiarity within a context of environmental legibility and coherence that simultaneously satisfies ontological and bio-psychological human needs for security and risk. Thus, the study concludes that the New Town Idea, contrary to the claims of its many detractors, does retain a partial viability. Some important modifications to the Idea, however, are necessary. The study finishes, therefore, by suggesting that the New Town Idea may successfully combine with the principles of New Urbanism in the development of towns with both 'safe' and pleasurable environments.
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Le, Bricquer Kevin. "Mobilités sociales traditionnelles au sein de l’élite anglicisée des Bhadralok : renégociations de caste menées par les Kayastha au Bengale, 1793-1885". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0143.
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En 1765, la saisie du Dewani du Bengale par l’East India Company y amorça la mise en place d’un nouveau système aux nombreuses déclinaisons. Celui-ci reprenait certains éléments de l’ancien régime moghol et son fonctionnement reposait sur la participation d’Indiens. Ce fut notamment le cas au niveau foncier avec le Permanent Settlement (1793) qui fit des zamindar, fermiers traditionnellement chargés de lever les impôts agricoles, de véritables propriétaires terriens. Ainsi libérés de leur attachement aux terres, ceux-ci émigrèrent massivement à Calcutta où ils prospérèrent en tant qu’intermédiaires entre la puissance britannique et la population locale. Ils avaient ainsi accès à des opportunités inédites qui leurs permettaient de se différencier du reste de la population locale en acquérant une connaissance de l’anglais, en s’enrichissant grâce aux activités britanniques et en adoptant des comportements inspirés des mœurs anglaises. Au début du XIXe siècle, ces individus appartenant principalement aux jati de Brahmanes, Baidya et Kayastha formèrent la nouvelle élite bengalie des bhadralok.Alors que cette nouvelle élite investit tout le spectre social, culturel et politique de la scène bengalie contemporaine, les modèles historiographiques dominants se sont focalisés largement sur son anglicisation au détriment des autres aspects de ses activités, et encore moins de la façon dont elle composait avec les hiérarchies traditionnelles de la société hindoue. En effet, les étudiant par le prisme moderniste et en s’appuyant principalement sur des sources coloniales, les historiens ont tendance à décrire les Bhadralok comme un bloc monolithique composé d’Indiens de hautes castes dont les comportements visaient uniquement à s’angliciser et qui se servaient ainsi de leur statut de caste pour légitimer leur statut de classe. Ainsi, l’utilisation de ce prisme pour interpréter les sources ne rend compte que d’une partie des comportements des Bhadralok. Toutefois, en consultant des sources coloniales telles que des documents administratifs officiels, des productions scientifiques contemporaines, des recensements, des sources judiciaires ; mais également des sources locales en bengali telles que des sources littéraires, des traités religieux, ainsi que des généalogies, nous avons observé que les Kayastha bengalis, également membres des Bhadralok, étaient considérés comme des Satsudra et n’appartenaient donc pas aux hautes castes. Nous nous sommes demandé comment leur appartenance aux Bhadralok interagissait avec ce statut de caste inférieur et avons remarqué que ce nouveau statut de Bhadralok leur permettait de renégocier leur place au sein de la hiérarchie des castes. Pour approfondir ce constat, nous avons relu un ensemble de sources, qu’elles soient rédigées en anglais ou en bengali, afin d’y percevoir les signes des renégociations de caste menées par les Kayastha appartenant aux Bhadralok. Nous avons ainsi montré que les Kayastha saisirent d’abord les opportunités de projeter un statut de haute caste, puis qu’ils cherchèrent à légitimer ce statut en fabriquant des preuves scripturaires de leur appartenance au varna de Ksatriya, pour enfin en obtenir la reconnaissance par la population bengalie à travers l’équivalent de jugements de caste tels que les recensements décennaux et les verdicts prononcés par les tribunaux britanniques. En 1885, date à laquelle s’arrête cette thèse, les Kayastha n’étaient pas encore reconnus comme des Ksatriya.Nous invitons donc à remettre en question les connaissances établies à propos des Bhadralok en resituant leurs comportements dans le contexte singulier de la société bengalie du XIXe siècle, et ainsi en fournir une meilleure compréhensionIn 1765, the seizure of the Dewani of Bengal by the East India Company marked the implementation of a new system of governance that took various forms. This was based on certain elements of the old Mughal regime and relied on the participation of Indian elites, as was the case with the Permanent Settlement (1793) which made the zamindar, traditionally a rent farmer under the Mughal system, into true landowners. Thus freed from their attachment to the land, these rural elites emigrated massively to Calcutta where they prospered as intermediaries between the British power and the local population. There, they had access to unprecedented opportunities that enabled them to differentiate themselves from the rest of the local population by acquiring a knowledge of English, enriching themselves through British-sponsored activities and adopting behaviours inspired by English customs. In the early nineteenth century, these individuals, mainly from the Brahmin, Baidya and Kayastha jatis, began to emerge as a new Bengali elite known as the Bhadralok.While this new elite is hugely visible in the social, cultural and political spectrum of the contemporary Bengali scene, the dominant historiographical models have focused largely on its anglicisation to the detriment of other aspects of its activities, and even less on how it interacted with the traditional hierarchies of Hindu society. Indeed, studying them through the prism of modernism and relying mainly on colonial sources, historians describe the Bhadralok as a monolithic entity made up of high-caste individuals whose identity was defined solely by their anglicisation and who thus used their caste status to legitimise their class status. Thus, using this prism to interpret the sources only captures a part of the Bhadralok’s behaviour. However, by also consulting local sources produced largely in Bengali, we observed that the Bengali Kayasthas, also members of the Bhadralok, were considered to be Satsudras and therefore did not belong to the upper castes. We wondered how their belonging to the Bhadralok interacted with this lower caste status and noted that their new-found Bhadralok status enabled them to renegotiate their place within the caste hierarchy. To investigate this further, I re-read a range of sources, including colonial sources such as official administrative documents, contemporary scientific productions, censuses and judicial sources, as well as local Bengali sources such as literary sources, religious treatises and genealogies, for signs of caste renegotiations led by Kayasthas belonging to the Bhadraloks.I have thus shown that the Kayasthas first seized opportunities to project a high-caste status, then sought to legitimise that status by constructing scriptural evidence of their membership to the Ksatriya varna, and finally obtained its recognition by the Bengali population through the equivalent of caste judgements such as the decennial censuses and verdicts handed down by the British courts at the turn of the twentieth century – shortly after the period under consideration in this thesis. This thesis is thus a plea to reconsider established knowledge about the Bhadralok by resituating their behaviour in the singular context of nineteenth-century Bengali society, and thereby provide a better understanding of it
Książki na temat "New British Order"
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Gallery, Saatchi, red. New order: British art today. [London]: Saatchi Gallery, 2013.
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Street, Ben. New order II: British art today. [London]: Saatchi Gallery, 2013.
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Seidel, Gill. The white discursive order: The British New Right's discourse on cultural racism with particular reference to the Salisbury Review. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1987.
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Guida, Michael. Listening to British Nature. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190085537.001.0001.
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This cultural history of early twentieth-century Britain shows how the sounds and rhythms of the natural world were listened to, interpreted, and used amid the pressures of modern life. The book argues that despite and sometimes because of the chaos of wartime and the struggle to recover, nature’s voices were drawn close to provide everyday security, sustenance, and a sense of the future. Nature’s sonic presences were not obliterated by the noise of war, the advent of radio broadcasting, and the rush of the everyday, rather they came to complement and provide alternatives to modern modes of living. This book examines how trench warfare demanded the creation of new listening cultures in order to understand danger and to imagine survival. It tells of the therapeutic communities who used quiet and rural rhythms to restore shell-shocked soldiers, and of ramblers who sought to immerse themselves in the sensualities of the outdoors. It shows how home front listening in the Blitz was punctuated by birdsong, broadcast by the BBC. In focusing on the sensing of sounds and rhythms, this study demonstrates how nature retained its emotional potency as the pace and unpredictabilities of life seemed to increase and new man-made sounds and sonic media appeared all around. To listen to nature, in relation to the changing soundscape of the modernizing world, was to cultivate an intimate connection with its vibrations and to sense an enduring order and beauty that could be part of the future.
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Oxley, John. Journals of Two Expeditions into the Interior of New South Wales: Undertaken by Order of the British Government in the Years 1817-18. HardPress, 2020.
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Food and Rural Affairs Committee Great Britain: Parliament: House of Commons: Environment i Anne McIntosh. Draft British Waterways Board Order 2012 and the Draft Inland Waterways Advisory Council Order 2012: Oral and Written Evidence, Tuesday 13 March 2012, [Tony Hales, Chairman, British Waterways and Chair of Canal and River Trust Transition Trustees, Robin Evans, Chief Executive, British Waterways, and John Kittmer, Head of British Waterways Sponsorship and New Waterways Charity Project, Defra; Clive Henderson, Chairman, Inland Waterways Association, and Howard Pridding, Executive Director, British. Stationery Office, The, 2012.
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Alford, Sarah. Art Botany in British Design Reform, 1835-1865. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350350564.
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Drawing on the fields of design history and the history of science, this book examines the important role that botanical science played in the emergence of Victorian design theory. In early 19th-century Britain, a rapid influx of plants from other countries began to confuse the orders of classification. As these new specimens arrived in nurseries and conservatories, botanists revised and promoted a new taxonomy: the Natural System. In parallel, in 1835, British manufacturers faced a government inquiry in order to improve the output of the British design industry. They needed a nationally identifiable design aesthetic and the inquiry led to the creation of the Government Schools of Design and the Design Reform movement. This book explores how, whilst botanists used drawings to clarify new systems of plant classification, designers learnt ‘art botany’, the practice of basing decorative form and ornament on the hidden, natural laws that govern plant growth and structure. Design reformers used botany as a model for how to create and identify what is new and incorporate it into what was already familiar and meaningful, all within the purview of developing a professional field of practice. Sarah Alford provides a rich, interdisciplinary study of how the fields of design and botanical science came together. Through a framework of material culture, Alford sheds new light on the work of leading botanists, designers and illustrators such as Sarah Drake, John Lindley, Richard Redgrave, Owen Jones and Christopher Dresser. This book reveals how the designation of what design reformers deemed appropriate for the surface decoration of material structures as varied as carpets, jugs, wallpaper, and furniture, was an embrace of botanical science as a source of fantasy and imagination.
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Barylo, William. British Muslims in the Neoliberal Empire. Oxford University PressOxford, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/9780198924975.001.0001.
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Abstract Muslims in Europe and North America have been under scrutiny since 9/11 and have faced numerous barriers to attain financial stability, media visibility, and political representation. From the occupation of lands, the world has entered the era of the occupation of minds. State strategies have evolved to offer a dangerous gamble to people from post-colonial diasporas: remain at the margins or silently blend in for the sake of an illusory liberation. Power-hungry Muslim politicians in elite private clubs, politically apathetic social media influencers, multi-million-pound neo-colonial ‘humanitarian’ charities, Muslim far-right sympathizers, and Muslim white supremacists are examples of metacolonialism, turning the oppressed into the new oppressors. Under the promise of financial stability and representation, it has effectively put God for sale at the cost of people’s culture, ethics, identity, and faith. However, in the wake of social justice movements, Muslim activists, artists, and community organizers in Britain have crafted creative responses inspired by their faith in order to resist, heal, and flourish despite minimal resources and support. Informal and independent from institutions, they have established pioneering alternatives in the fields of mental health, community organizing, the protection of the environment, heritage, the arts, and more. Since leadership divides, they have undertaken a duty of stewardship: considering the world and humanity as a one ecosystem that one needs to care for future generation. This work is both a diagnosis and a toolkit looking at the initiatives that reshape public debates and offering working ideas for building a fair and just society.
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Ferris, Natalie. Abstraction in Post-War British Literature 1945-1980. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852698.001.0001.
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This book traces a line of literary experimentation in post-war British literature that was prompted by the aesthetic, philosophical, and theoretical demands of abstraction. Spanning the period 1945 to 1980, it observes the ways in which certain aesthetic advancements initiated new forms of literary expression to posit a new genealogy of interdisciplinary practice in Britain. It is the first sustained chronological study to consider the ways in which a select number of British poets, authors, and critics challenged the received views of their post-war moment in the discovery of the imaginative and idealizing potential of abstraction. At a time in which Britain became conscious of its evolving identity within an increasingly globalized context, this study accounts for the range of Continental and Transatlantic influences in order to more accurately locate the networks at play. Exploring the contributions made by individuals, such as Herbert Read, Ian Hamilton Finlay, and Christine Brooke-Rose, as well as by groups of practitioners, such as the British concrete poetry movement, small press initiatives, and Art & Language, and bringing a wide range of previously unexplored archival material into the public domain, this book offers a comprehensive account of the evolving status of abstraction across cultural, institutional, and literary contexts. The discussions build a vision of an era that increasingly jettisons the predetermined critical lexicon of abstraction to generate works of a more pragmatic abstract inspiration: the spatial demands of concrete poetry, language as medium in the conceptual artwork, the absence of linear plot in the new novel. The post-war period, this book suggests, was witness to the intensification of the meeting between spatiality and visuality in literature.
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Sailing Directions for the Coast of North America Between Cape Canso in Nova Scotia and New York [microform]: Compiled Principally from the Surveys Made by Order of the British and UnitedStates Governments. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.
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Hill, John. "Transitioning to a New Order". W The British Newspaper Industry, 103–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-56897-7_11.
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Bentivoglio, Giulia. "Italy Through British Eyes, 1919–1920". W Italy in the New International Order, 1917–1922, 41–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50093-1_3.
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West, Hannah. "A Negotiated Gender Order: British Army Control of Servicewomen in ‘Front Line’ Counterinsurgency, 1948–2014". W New Directions in War and Culture Studies, 41–63. London: Routledge, 2024. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003583905-4.
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"THE AMERICO-BRITISH NEW ORDER OF 1941". W Tomorrow, the World, 80–114. Harvard University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv33wwv2x.6.
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Carté, Katherine. "The New Protestant Order". W Religion and the American Revolution, 287–334. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469662640.003.0008.
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The destruction of British imperial protestantism had profound consequences for the organization of religious communities on both sides of the Atlantic. Most importantly, it gave rise to new awakened protestant denominations, especially the fracturing of the Methodists out of the Church of England. The era also saw new missionary movements and collaborations that were fundamentally different in organization and orientation from those of the prior era. These new movements left behind the framework of Britain's imperial fight for protestantism and sought instead to bring the world to Christianity.
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Byrne, Jo. "A New Fishing World Order". W Beyond Trawlertown, 58–82. Liverpool University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800856554.003.0003.
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This chapter explores the arrival and consequences of the global emergence of fishing limits that culminated in the 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In the North Atlantic, the Icelandic push for limits ahead of international consensus met with British resistance and defeat in three Cod Wars that took place between 1958 and 1976. The resultant expulsion of British trawlers from new Icelandic limits coincided with Britain’s own waters becoming part of a shared European Economic Community common pond. The chapter examines first-hand accounts and remembered attitudes towards conflict, limits, quotas, and the uncertainty surrounding the content of a common fisheries policy (CFP). It reveals a fragmented industry, set in its ways and not immediately responsive to the need to adapt.
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Harper, Tobias. "New World Orders". W From Servants of the Empire to Everyday Heroes, 138–71. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841180.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on the most immediate and visible change of the post-war era: decolonization and the slow disintegration of the underlying imperial structure of the honours system. In India and Pakistan nationalist movements agreed that the honours system was an undesirable relic of empire, even as British officials tried to make the new states keep it in 1947 in order to maintain connections and power in the subcontinent. The process of decolonization of honours was slower, more partial, and complex in other parts of the world, reflecting complicated balances between loyalty and pragmatism. At the same time, within Britain a wide variety of people—including members of the royal family, Colonial, Dominions, and Commonwealth Office officials, honours recipients, newspaper columnists, and politicians—criticized the growing incongruity of the name of the Order of the British Empire. However, the administrators of the honours system staunchly defended the growing anachronism. In order to make the honours system work for Britain, the state and the public had to forget that the Order of the British Empire was not just of, but for, the empire.
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"The New Order Under Strain, 1752–3". W British Politics and Foreign Policy, 1744–57, 147–68. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315570242-7.
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"The British Empire in the New World Order". W Decolonisation, 85–105. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315780207-5.
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"3. The Americo-British New Order of 1941". W Tomorrow, the World, 80–114. Harvard University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674250611-004.
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Lima do Nascimento, Tuany Mariah, Laura Emmanuella Alves dos Santos Santana i Márjory Da Costa Abreu. "Fake News on the Covid-19 outbreak: a new metadata-based dataset for the analysis of Brazilian and British Twitter posts". W Simpósio Brasileiro de Segurança da Informação e de Sistemas Computacionais. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbseg.2021.17332.
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The dissemination of fake news is a problem that has already been addressed but by no means is solved. After the manipulation made by Cambridge Analytica which was based on classifying users by their political views and targeting specific political propaganda on the Brexit campaign, the Trump election and the Bolsonaro election, there is no doubt this issue can have a real impact on society in ‘normal times’. During a pandemic, any type of fake news can be the difference between life and death when the data shared can directly hurt the people who are believing in it. Moreover, there is also a new trend of using artificial robots to disseminate such news with a special target on Twitter which can be linked with political campaigns. Thus, it is essential that we identify and understand what kind of news is selected to be 'dressed' as fake and how it is disseminated. This paper aims to investigate the dissemination of fake news related with Covid-19 in the UK and Brazil in order to understand the impact of fake news on public sector actions, social isolation and quarantine imposition. Those two case studies are well versed on the fake news dissemination. Our initial dataset of Twitter posts have focused on posts from four different cities (Natal, São Paulo, Sheffield and London) and have shown interesting pointers that will be discussed.
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Lima do Nascimento, Tuany Mariah, Laura Emmanuella Alves dos Santos Santana i Márjory Da Costa Abreu. "Fake News on the Covid-19 outbreak: a new metadata-based dataset for the analysis of Brazilian and British Twitter posts". W Simpósio Brasileiro de Segurança da Informação e de Sistemas Computacionais. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbseg.2021.17332.
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The dissemination of fake news is a problem that has already been addressed but by no means is solved. After the manipulation made by Cambridge Analytica which was based on classifying users by their political views and targeting specific political propaganda on the Brexit campaign, the Trump election and the Bolsonaro election, there is no doubt this issue can have a real impact on society in ‘normal times’. During a pandemic, any type of fake news can be the difference between life and death when the data shared can directly hurt the people who are believing in it. Moreover, there is also a new trend of using artificial robots to disseminate such news with a special target on Twitter which can be linked with political campaigns. Thus, it is essential that we identify and understand what kind of news is selected to be 'dressed' as fake and how it is disseminated. This paper aims to investigate the dissemination of fake news related with Covid-19 in the UK and Brazil in order to understand the impact of fake news on public sector actions, social isolation and quarantine imposition. Those two case studies are well versed on the fake news dissemination. Our initial dataset of Twitter posts have focused on posts from four different cities (Natal, São Paulo, Sheffield and London) and have shown interesting pointers that will be discussed.
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Sarabandikachyani, Samira. "Sistan Mapped: A History of Cartographic Representations of a Borderland Region". W 112th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.112.50.
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In the late 19th century Qajar Dynasty, British imperialism in Iran changed the essence of the Sistan region by imposing a new border line between Iran and Afghanistan. The British redefined territorial boundaries, all influenced by a “colonial gaze”— seeing the region as a miserable space, awaiting reclamation by supposedly more civilized cultures. This paper takes a qualitative, interpretive-historical approach along with visual analysis to examine five historical maps of Sistan as primary sources. This study examines how the border imposition was artificially created through mapping and cartographic representations, how the British showed various moments of confrontation and displacement of regional identities, and how Persians resisted to save their territoriality and reverse the colonial gaze. Initially, a 10th-century world map crafted by Ibn Hawqal indicates the historical significance of Sistan in both Persian culture and the Islamic world. Then, Dhulfaqar Kirmani’s 1871-1873 map invokes the “mythical unity” of Sistan, drawing inspiration from Abu’l Qasim Firdausi’s Shahnameh (Book of Kings) to assert Iran’s claim. Frederic Goldsmid’s 1872 map, reflecting British interests, serves as an “ideological construct” to assert colonial control. Mirza Mohammad-Reza Tabrizi’s map as a “cultural construct” blends indigenous territoriality with British influence, showcasing a complex hybrid. Finally, Henry McMahon’s 1905 map highlights the interplay between meanings and power while revealing the impact of local resistance on Sistan’s cartographic representation. These interpretations demonstrate that maps are not disembodied representations or neutral constructs. Sistan is depicted on these maps as a “region interrupted” by Eurocentric perspectives, a “region united” by Persian maps, and a “region in-between” when the British maintained their political order and relied on the locals to resist the imposed border, resulting in an ongoing “place of conflict.” Overall, this paper unveils how these maps transformed Sistan into an “in-between” region, striated by delineated boundaries, disrupting its seamless territorial perception.
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Малкин, С. Г. "Escalation and Colonial Control in the British Empire during the Interbellum". W Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.027.
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Эпоха Интербеллума сопровождалась непрекращавшимися спорами сторонников различных правовых режимов функционирования колониального порядка в условиях роста повстанческой активности в Британской империи после Великой войны. Дискуссии по этому вопросу отражали теоретические и доктринальные противоречия, а также споры военных и гражданских властей по поводу границ их ответственности в этом вопросе. В статье анализируются изменения в подходах военных к определению параметров обеспечения внутренней безопасности в империи после Великой войны в связи с ограничениями правового характера и новыми вызовами колониальному правлению, обусловленными ростом национально-освободительного движения. В фокусе исследования – взгляды военного класса на юридическую рамку механизма управления колониальными кризисами: цель, задачи, параметры и назначение введения военного и чрезвычайного положения. Такой ракурс исследования позволил по-новому поставить вопрос об эволюции управленческих практик на завершающем этапе развития Британской империи, в эпоху ее деколонизации и трансформации. Особенности развития имперской школы военной мысли Великобритании в условиях возраставшего значения вооруженных сил и одновременного сокращения возможностей использования других рычагов влияния на сохранение власти метрополии в колониях и на иных зависимых территориях также рассматриваются в данной статье. The Interbellum era was accompanied by ongoing disputes between supporters of various legal regimes of the functioning of the colonial order amid the growth of rebel activity in the British Empire after the Great War. Discussions on this issue reflected theoretical and doctrinal contradictions, as well as disputes between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility in this matter. The article analyzes changes in the military's approaches to determining the parameters of internal security in the empire after the Great War due to legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule due to the growth of the national liberation movement. The focus of the study is the views of the military class on the legal framework of the mechanism for managing colonial crises: the purpose, tasks, parameters and purpose of the introduction of martial law and emergency. This perspective of the study made it possible to raise the question of the evolution of management practices in a new way at the final stage of the development of the British Empire, in the era of its decolonization and transformation. The peculiarities of the development of the imperial school of military thought of Great Britain in the context of the increasing importance of the armed forces and the simultaneous reduction in the possibility of using other levers of influence on the preservation of the metropolis power in the colonies and other dependent territories are also considered in the article.
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Marinescu, Roxana. "FUTURE OPPORTUNITIES FOR LEARNING ENGLISH THROUGH NEW MEDIA AND E-TOOLS". W eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-171.
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This paper seeks to present some of the effects the new media and e-tools usage have on learning styles in the context of foreign language education, with an emphasis on the English language, which is the most widely learned and used 'foreign language' in Europe. In connection with this, the notions of 'international English', along with 'English as a lingua franca', 'British English', 'American English' are explored to verify their functionality within the European space. The hypothesis is that the increased use on a large scale of social media (such as facebook and twitter), as well as the widely spread educational e-tools, affect the way people select and design their educational strategies in general, and in particular their English language learning strategies. In order to verify this hypothesis a small scale survey was conducted within the Bucharest University of Economic Studies among students and staff on how they use the new media and technologies in formal and informal language learning and on the effects of this usage on how they learn English. The results, presented in the paper, were collected by means of a questionnaire and informal discussions. Also this paper presents some of the possible future opportunities, as well as future challenges that the inclusion of the use of new media and technologies in educational policies may pose. The paper puts forward some ideas concerning assessment of English language proficiency and language competence acquired through formal, informal and non-formal learning, and questions the usefulness of the existing systems and mechanisms designed to recognize and certificate language proficiency, while also making suggestions on ways to improve them.
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MAȚOI, Ecaterina. "TEHREEK-E-LABBAIK PAKISTAN (TLP): A RISING EXTREMIST FORCE, OR JUST THE TIP OFA LARGER RADICALISED ICEBERG IN THE AFPAK REGION?" W SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of “Henri Coanda” Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2021.22.26.
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As if Afghanistan’s recent takeover by the Taliban was not a sufficiently significant development in the AfPak region, reports indicate that Pakistan’s largest sect, the Barelvi, becomes increasingly militant and aggressive by the day. Since another important movement for the history of Pakistan - the Deobandi - has generally dominated the violence scene in Pakistan starting with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, this trend within the Barelvis is a rather new one, and deserves extensive attention keeping in mind the recent regional developments. Taking a brief look at the history of the region to identify possible causes that may underlie the radicalization of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan group, it is noticeable that emergence of Barelvi and Deobandi sects in the first part of 19th century was part of a larger movement to revive Islam in the Northern part of India, but in different manners: while the Deobandi kept close to the Hanafi Sunni teachings in a strictly manner, the Barelvi sect – developed itself mostly on a Sufi legacy, as part of a larger Folk Islam inherited from the Mughal Empire, despite being itself affiliated with the Hanafi school. The differences between the two movements became critical from a political, security and social point of view, especially after the division of British India in 1947, into two states: a Muslim one – present day Pakistan, and a Hindu one - present day India, of which, the first, became the state entity that encompassed both Hanafi revivalist movements, Deobandi and Barelvi. Therefore, this research is aiming to analyse the history of Barelvi movement starting with the British Raj, the way in which Pakistan was established as a state and the problems that arose with the partition of the former British colony, the very Islamic essence of the new established state, and the potential for destabilization of Barelvi organisations in an already prone to conflict area. Consequently, the current research aims to identify the patterns of latest developments in Pakistan, their historical roots and causes, main actors active in religious, political and military fields in this important state-actor from the AfPak region, in order to project Barelvi recent in a defined environment, mainly by using a historical approach.
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Stansfield, Mark, i Kevin Grant. "Barriers to the Take-Up of Electronic Commerce among Small-Medium Sized Enterprises". W 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2662.
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Since small-medium sized enterprises (SMEs) play a vital role within many major economies throughout the world, their ability to successfully adopt and utilize the Internet and electronic commerce is of prime importance in ensuring their stability and future survival. In this paper, initial findings will be reported of a study carried out by the authors into the use made of the Internet and electronic commerce and key issues influencing its use by SMEs. In order to broaden the scope of this paper, the results gained from the study will be compared with figures relating to businesses in the rest of Scotland and the UK, as well as the US, Canada and Japan, and European countries that include Sweden, Germany, France and Italy. The issues raised from this study will be compared with similar studies carried out in other countries such as Australia, New Zealand and British Columbia, as well as countries within the European Union in order to provide a wider meaningful international context for the results of the study.
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Kulkarni, Mugdha. "Unfolding the Secrets of Vijaydurg Fort". W The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5028p2dab.
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In India historic forts have been attracting the attention of Indian and Western scholars in recent times. National and international heritage institutions like ICOFORT-ICOMOS (International Scientific Committee on Fortifications and Military Heritage – International Council on Monuments and Sites), ASI (Archaeological Survey of India) and State Archaeology Departments are focusing on the study of these forts, aiming for their conservation. This paper presents a history and analysis of Vijaydurg Fort, one of the Maratha Sea forts of the Konkan region of Maharashtra, built along the coastline of Arabian Sea from 1657 to 1740 C.E. Vijaydurg Fort was an important naval station during the Maratha rule in order to administer the southern part of the Konkan coastline. This paper provides a brief review of the literature on Vijaydurg Fort, and an historical overview of it, and then focuses on a graphic record of the place that comprises maps from both the Maratha and British periods as well as drawings and paintings. The paper seeks to establish what this unique and significant graphic record contributes to an understanding of Vijaydurg Fort. Why was it located where it was, what factors affected its design and its evolution, and why did it maintain its importance over time despite change in the ruling dynasties? The paper shows that Vijaydurg Fort was strategically placed, given the cultural and maritime context, and that the design of the fort has evolved as per the requirements of each ruler and the activities carried out in and around it. Today the fort is accessed only from land, but the design and shape, including the proximity of gates and bastions to the inner built forms, convey its former maritime purpose. The fort was certainly placed at a strategic location using the natural features and it has evolved and undergone physical changes with the changing dynasties. The amendments mostly dealt with expansion and strengthening with smart defence mechanism aimed at safeguarding the trade and maritime activity of the region.
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Сергеев, Е. Ю. "THE ROLE OF HIGH-RANKING POLITICAL INSTITUTES IN SOVIET-BRITISH RELATIONS DURING 1920s – EARLY 1930s (the case of the Soviet Union’s Revolutionary Military Council and the United Kingdom Committee of Imperial Defence)". W Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.98.79.025.
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Реввоенсовет Советского Союза и Комитет имперской обороны Соединенного Королевства явились важнейшими военно-политическими структурами обеих великих держав, которые оказы-вали значительное влияние на формулирование и проведение в жизнь решений государственной важности. Автор рассматривает ключевые факторы этого воздействия на советско-британские от-ношения 1920-х – начала 1930-х гг., характеризовавшиеся «иллюзиями пацифизма» в неустанных попытках творцов Версальско-Вашингтонского миропорядка предотвратить формирование пред-посылок для нового глобального вооруженного конфликта. The Soviet Union’s Revolutionary Military Council and Committee of Imperial Defence of the United Kingdom were the most important military and political structures of both great powers, which had a significant influence on the formulation and implementation of decisions on national importance. The author examines some key factors of this impact on the Soviet-British relations in the latter half of the 1920s and early 1930s, characterised by “illusions of pacifism” in relentless attempts by the Versailles world order creators to prevent the origins of a new global armed conflict.
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Keränen, Susanna. "Content Management - Concept and Indexing Term Equivalence in a Multilingual Thesaurus". W 2002 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2511.
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Languages and the thinking they reflect stem mainly from cultural needs for expression. A controlled vocabulary, thesaurus, can be seen as a cultural product. The focus of this study is the translatability of British-English social science indexing terms into Finnish language and culture on a conceptual, term and indexing term level. The emphasis is on Finnish language and human factors. The study is quantitative-qualitative and the perspectives are both linguistic and sociological - a combination through which a broader understanding of the phenomena is being aimed at in the general frame of information science. The study uses multiple cases aiming at theoretical replication. It is thus an empirical case study and the goal is to illustrate a new theory of “pragmatic indexing (term) equivalence”. Several data collection and analysis methods will be used in order to construct a theory by triangulation of evidence. The aim of this research is a doctoral thesis in information studies.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "New British Order"
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Greinert, Jens. Mine Monitoring in the German Baltic Sea 2020; Dumped munition monitoring AL548, 03rd – 16th November 2020, Kiel (Germany) – Kiel (Germany) „MineMoni-II 2020“. GEOMAR Helmholtz Centre for Ocean Research Kiel, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3289/cr_al548.
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ALKOR cruise AL548 took place as part of the EMFF (European Maritime and Fisheries Fund)-funded project BASTA (Boost Applied munition detection through Smart data inTegration and AI workflows; https://www.basta-munition.eu) and as continuation of the munition monitoring started within the BMBF-funded project UDEMM (Environmental Monitoring for the Delaboration of Munition in the Sea; https://udemm.geomar.de/). In October 2018, a first cruise (POS530 MineMoni2018) was conducted, to gather data for a broad baseline study in the German Baltic Sea. Results show a moderate contamination level on regional and coastal scale, but indicate higher levels for specific local areas. Within UDEMM, expertise was developed to detect, exactly locate and monitor munition (e.g. torpedoes, sea mines, ground mines) on the seafloor using optical and hydroacoustic means. In addition, chemical analyses of dissolved contaminants in the water and sediments was performed. Data acquired during this cruise are used in BASTA, which aims for enhanced munition detection via AUV-based artificial intelligence applied on multi-sensor datasets. At the same time, the project ExPloTect (Ex-situ, near-real-time exPlosive compound deTection in seawater) (also EMFF-funded) addresses the need for an innovative approach to detect explosive compounds in seawater. A prototype system was used and successfully tested for the first time during this cruise. The main focus was placed onto the two already known dumpsites Kolberger Heide and Lübeck Bight. Additionally, new areas Falshöft (Schleswig-Holstein) and Cadet Channel, Trollegrund and Großklützhöved (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern) were explored. In each area high-resolution multibeam mapping was performed and contact lists, indicating potential munition objects were produced on board. AUV surveys were conducted to ground-truth possible contacts via detailed photograph and magnetometer mapping. This was complemented with towed video (TV)-CTD profiles. The transits to and between those sites were planned along former constraint routes during WWII. These routes were main targets of the British Air Force and mines and bombs can be expected along these ways. During transits water samples were taken with on a CTD- (conductivity, temperature, depth) rosette-mounted Niskin bottles in regular distances, in order to obtain a comprehensive understanding munition compounds (inter alia trinitrotoluene (TNT)) measurements across the German Baltic Sea.
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Hamici, Anastasia-Lina, i Margo Hilbrecht. Fertility treatment in Canada. The Vanier Institute of the Family, 2025. https://doi.org/10.61959/mvmz3030e.
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Since the birth of the first baby conceived through in vitro fertilization (IVF) in the UK in 1978, millions of people around the world have built their families using fertility treatments. One in six people of reproductive age worldwide experience infertility in their lifetime. That statistic does not account for single parents by choice, for 2SLGBTQI+ couples wanting to have children, or for those who require fertility preservation for medical reasons (such as a cancer diagnosis), who will need fertility care to form their families. Although it is often the only option for those who want to have children and can’t by other means, fertility care is expensive, making it inaccessible to many. The average, upfront out-of-pocket cost of one round of IVF in Canada is between $10,000 and $20,000, including medication. IVF with a donor embryo costs approximately $30,000 and surrogacy costs range from $80,000 to $100,000. In an effort to ensure people in Canada can access fertility care, the federal and some provincial governments have created measures, provided public funding, and established parentage laws. There is no national fertility funding strategy and three provinces (Saskatchewan, Alberta, and British Columbia) and the three territories are without any public funding for fertility care (as of January 2025). Access to fertility care varies from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, financially as well as geographically. Many residents are required to travel out of province to receive these treatments, which adds to the cost. The Assisted Human Reproduction Act is a federal act that regulates the administration of fertility treatments across provinces and territories. This report provides an overview of the principles that the Government of Canada abides by when creating such regulations. These are followed by a set of prohibitions and regulations surrounding consent and reimbursements. Finally, since many parties may be involved in fertility treatment, steps have been taken to protect the rights of all parties, including the intended parents, donors of reproductive materials, surrogate mothers, and the children being born. As such, most provinces and territories have established acts that determine the legal parents at birth as well as the process to become a legal parent of a child born by fertility treatments. These laws vary across jurisdictions, with some requiring a court order to change parentage, while others do not even recognize surrogacy. This report allows readers to form a better understanding of the fertility treatments, policies, and provincial subsidies available in Canada. Fertility treatments continue to evolve. As new discoveries are made, it is important to discuss and consider the potential policy changes that might be needed to accommodate this evolution in technology.