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1
Richard, Picchi Anne-Isabelle Gijsbregtje Claire Frederieke Sophie Valérie. "Colonialism and the European movement in France and the Netherlands, 1925-1936". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609320.
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Curtis, Peter. "Corporatism and the state in the Netherlands, 1945-1979". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc981.pdf.
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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
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Inglis-Jones, James John. "The Grand Condé in exile : power politics in France, Spain and the Spanish Netherlands 1652-1659". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ab667bf-f5af-45b7-985f-1d936f8299a4.
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This thesis looks at the career of the Grand Condé - Louis II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé - between 1652 and 1660. During this period the prince was in exile in the Spanish Netherlands. As a consequence of his power and status in France the prince's exile had a decisive impact not just upon the politics of the captaingeneral's court in Brussels, but more widely, upon the foreign policy of Cromwell's Protectorate, Philip IV's government in Madrid, the regime of Cardinal Mazarin in Paris and the Franco-Spanish war. International relations between France and Spain during the 1650's have been largely ignored by historians, so too has French political history in this period. Yet, the 1650's were a vital decade for France and Spain both historically and historiographically. The period saw the final stage of the costly and attritional conflict between the two 'great' crowns, whilst in France the regime of Cardinal Mazarin was the last ten years of government by a cardinal-minister before Louis XIV's declaration of personal rule in 1661. This has assumed enormous significance for historians many of whom see it as an important period of transition. Ten major European archives have been consulted to build a detailed picture of the impact of Condé's exile upon politics within France and the war being fought in the Flanders theatre. The cardinal's regime existed throughout the 1650's in an environment of acute uncertainty and instability whilst it was by no means clear that the war with Spain was a demonstration of an 'ascendant' France dealing the death blows to a 'declining' Spain. By raising questions about France's 'rise' to European supremacy and the internal stability of Mazarin's regime the thesis rejects the straightforward terms in which this period has been treated. In particular, using the example of Condé and placing his exile and Mazarin's regime in the context of aristocratic politics, it demonstrates that there were no indications that grandee power was in decline. Indeed, the thesis argues that the power of the grands as a crucial element in the power structure of Ancien Regime France, was set to continue into the next century.
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Kraaier, Niels. "The Politics of Government Communication: An Examination of the Work Practices of Government Communication Professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands". Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365377.
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The nature of government communication in a range of global settings has received growing attention from scholars around the world. However, no considered examination of the subject exists that provides either an account of the contemporary landscape regarding government communication, or an exploration of common and diverging themes on a cross-national basis. This thesis aims to fill this gap. It
elucidates the work practices of government communication professionals in Queensland and the Netherlands and considers these practices within their political contexts and national cultures: the Westminster system and a “masculine” society in Australia versus the multiparty system and a “feminine” society in the Netherlands. The study builds on the work of Dutch-American political scientist Arend Lijphart, who found that policies supported by a broad consensus are more likely to be successful
than policies imposed by a “decisive” government against the wishes of broad sections of society; as well as on research done by Dutch social psychologist Geert Hofstede, who distinguishes between so-called “masculine societies” such as Australia where “the winner takes it all” and “feminine societies” such as the Netherlands where participation is more important than winning. The degree and forms of changes surrounding the work practices of government communication professionals are to a large extent determined by the cultural and political context in which they take place and thus cannot be assumed universal.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
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Snyder, Amanda J. "The politics of piracy : pirates, privateers, and the government of Elizabeth I, 1558-1588 /". Electronic version (PDF), 2006. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/snydera/amandasnyder.pdf.
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MATUS, Adrian-George. "The long 1968 in Hungary and Romania". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/74278.
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Defence date: 25 February 2022Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Prof.Federico Romero (European University Institute); Prof. Constantin Iordachi (Central European University); Prof. Juliane Fürst (Leibniz Centre of Contemporary History ZZF)
The sixties witnessed many youth unrests across the globe. Compared to previous decades, a distinctive decisional category emerged: youth. They gained a central role by defining themselves in opposition to other generations and perceiving themselves as a unique one with a purpose to change history through ‘revolution’. At the same time, the youngsters considered themselves to belong to a movement that transcended their local city, the national borders, and ideological barriers. Yet, there were different ways to express the discontent against the values of the ‘gerontocracy’. This dissertation creates a local, regional, and comparative analysis of the history of sixty-eighters from Hungary and Romania. It will focus on their childhood experiences and on the impact of political decisions. A significant determinant was the cultural and psychological background of each of the protagonists. The group cohesion and the cultural and psychological background of each protagonist determined their protest tactics. Some youngsters were not interested in politics, but the state considered their activities, such as listening to Radio Free Europe or playing in a rock band to be a threat. A variety of cultural genres were involved in this process: music was an essential component of the late 1960s, which had a notable role in challenging the Establishment. Thus, another line of inquiry will explain how musicians and artists used different protest expressions, such as Maoism, rock music, or ‘passive resistance' as protest tactics. The relationship between artists and the state was not always an oppositional one. Instead, this project will use James Scott’s concepts of infrapolitics and hidden transcripts to show there was always a negotiation and a compromise between various networks.
Chapter 5 ‘Ultra-Leftist Revolution in Hungary' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter '‘The long 1968’ in Hungary and its legacy' (2019) in the book ‘Unsettled 1968 in the troubled present revisiting the 50 years of discussions from east and central Europe’
The introduction of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Eastern-European 1968s?' (2019) in the journal ‘Review of international American studies’
Chapter 1 ‘The Childhood of a Generation' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The pre-history of Hungarian and Romanian 1968ers' (2020) in the journal ‘Wroclaw yearbook of oral history’
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Anderson, Stephen Frederick. "Establishing US Military Government: Law and Order in Southern Bavaria 1945". PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4689.
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In May 1945, United States Military Government (MG) detachments arrived in assigned areas of Bavaria to launch the occupation. By the summer of 1945, the US occupiers became the ironical combination of stern victor and watchful master. Absolute control gave way to the "direction" of German authority. For this process to succeed, MG officials had to establish a stable, clearly defined and fundamentally strict environment in which German officials would begin to exercise token control. The early occupation was a highly unstable stage of chaos, fear and confusing objectives. MG detachments and the reconstituted German authorities performed complex tasks with many opportunities for failure. In this environment, a crucial MG obligation was to help secure law and order for the defeated and dependent German populace whose previously existing authorities had been removed. Germans themselves remained largely peaceful, yet unforeseen actors such as liberated "Displaced Persons" rose to menace law and order. The threat of criminal disorder and widespread black market activity posed great risks in the early occupation. This thesis demonstrates how US MG established its own authority in the Munich area in 1945, and how that authority was applied and challenged in the realm of criminal law and order. This study explores themes not much researched. Thorough description of local police reestablishment or characteristic crime issues hardly exists. There is no substantial local examination of the relationship between such issues and the early establishment of MG authority. Local MG records housed in the Bayertsches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Bavarian Main State Archives) provide most of the primacy sources. This study also relies heavily on German-language secondary sources.
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Ngo, Tak-Wing. "The East Asian anomaly revisited : the politics of laissez-faire in Hong Kong 1945-1985". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362714.
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der, Weduwen Arthur. "Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.
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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
11
Motadel, David. "Germany's policy towards Islam, 1941-1945". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609302.
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Paberzyte, Ieva. "Current issues in Lithuanian archaeology : Soviet past and post-Soviet present". Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101890.
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This paper is a case study of Soviet political influences on Lithuanian archaeology. The work explores the application of central political rules of the Soviet Union to Lithuanian archaeology and analyses the consequences of these applications in the Post-Soviet period. The result of the study reveals that under Soviet policy, Lithuanian archaeologists developed a highly descriptive tradition. In Post-Soviet Lithuania, archaeologists continue to practice the descriptive tradition and rarely engage in theoretical debates. The work suggests possible explanations and solutions to the current problems in Lithuanian archaeology.
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Dockerill, R. P. "Local government reform, urban expansion and identity : Nottingham and Derby, 1945-1968". Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28203.
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This study examines changes in the governance of Nottingham and Derby in the period 1945-1968 from a local and national perspective. In so doing it foreshadows the changes wrought by the Local Government Act 1972, which usually receives greater academic attention. Post-war, local authorities became the nation’s principal landlords, while utilities, such as electricity and gas, were nationalised. In fulfilling their new responsibilities, urban authorities were forced to build estates on the periphery of, or outside, their boundaries. The relocation of residents resulted in an exportation of urban identity and greater urban-ness, but was not accompanied by a corresponding redrawing of administrative boundaries. Nevertheless, when urban authorities sought boundary extensions they were fiercely contested by county authorities, local associations, and residents’ groups. Such associations and groups claimed to possess characteristics distinct from the authorities that wished to incorporate them. There was also a fear that democratic accountability would be lost in the creation of larger units of governance. The local feelings aroused by boundary extension proposals demonstrate that local government is more than merely an agent of central government. It is a living organism: changes to it affect not only services, but also the identity of that place. The expansion proposals of the county boroughs of Nottingham and Derby differed markedly. Uniquely amongst county boroughs nationwide, Nottingham sought no expansion under the review initiated by the Local Government Act 1958. The thesis assesses the political motivations behind this and the wider reactions to reconfiguration proposals for both county boroughs. The role of conurbations is considered in terms of local governance, including the extent to which Nottingham and Derby could be classified as one. The thesis concludes that the maintenance of existing party political strengths outweighed local sentiment, and that only those proposals for reform which benefited the former were enacted.
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Love, Gary John. "Conservatives, national politics, and the challenge to democracy in Britain, 1931-37". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608983.
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Hart, John Frederic Vincent. "The political and legal uses of reference cases by the Mackenzie King government, 1935-1940". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/30645.
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This thesis provides an examination of both the political and legal uses of reference cases to the Supreme Court of Canada by the Mackenzie King government. Attention is devoted to the five-year-period, 1935-1940, in which the King administration submitted several politically motivated references to the Supreme Court. This political use of reference
cases to the Supreme Court began immediately after the Liberals returned to power in October 1935 when the government submitted the Bennett government's New Deal legislation
for judicial scrutiny. Within the five-year-period the government forwarded two other references to the Supreme Court, again where highly controversial legislation was involved: the Alberta Social Credit statutes passed in 1937 and the private member's bill sponsored by CH. Cahan in 1939 to abolish overseas appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, then the final court of appeal for Canada.
The underlying premise of this thesis is that in each of the above instances the King government found it politically expedient to involve the Supreme Court in issues where questions of law were clearly subordinate to the political concerns of the federal government. Furthermore, in each instance, avenues of action, other than a reference case to the Supreme Court, were available to the federal government but were rejected by cabinet. Only in one instance, when Quebec's controversial 1937 Padlock Act was under close scrutiny, did the federal government avoid submitting a patently political issue to the Supreme Court, apprehensive of the consequences of such action. The federal government's
reluctance to forward a reference to the Supreme Court in the case of Quebec's Padlock Act thus provides a revealing contrast to both the New Deal and the situation in Alberta where reference cases were initiated almost immediately. The federal government's
marked reluctance to deal with Quebec in a comparable manner therefore merits close attention and as such is an important element of this thesis.
The background to each reference case, its political origins, the reasons for the federal
government's insistence on a reference--or in the case of Quebec, the reasons for
avoidance of a reference—are the central issues addressed in this thesis. The cases are examined
from another viewpoint as well. Once before the Court, the political issues gave way as the Court focused primarily upon the legal issues involved. The Court's decisions thereby provide another important vantage point from which to view the implications of the federal government's actions. For example, an assessment of the legal argument and judicial reasoning in the New Deal cases helps one answer these questions: First, did King's lawyers really try to win? Second, did the courts (both the Supreme Court of Canada and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council) simply bow to King's obvious desire
that the legislation be declared ultra vires? Third, did the courts, as some have alleged,
decide that the depression was not an emergency?
Although the King government may have found it preferable for short-term considerations
to submit contentious political issues involving questions of law to the Supreme Court for its legal opinion, in the long-term it found itself dealing with unexpected complications
arising from the very decisions it sought. Even if the government successfully predicts
the legal outcome of a court case, it may find itself dealing with a political outcome it had not anticipated. Certainly if the actions of the King government are any indication in the five-year-period under discussion, this is a complication a government seldom expects, although one as I argue, that it should prepare itself for.
This thesis also demonstrates that when reference cases are employed by the federal
government, politicians, constitutional scholars, political journalists and other concerned
citizens should ask two important questions: First, is the reference being initiated to avoid or delay assuming political responsibility in a given situation? Second, are like situations
indeed receiving like treatment? As indicated throughout this thesis, such questions are of great importance. Indeed, this thesis demonstrates that in the period between 1935 and 1940 the King administration initiated not only the New Deal reference, but forwarded
C.H. Cahan's private member's bill to the courts as well, in order to avoid dealing with a controversial political issue. So, too, the period provides a telling example of an in-stance where like situations were not treated alike as the striking similarities between the situation in Alberta and Quebec indicates. Clearly, a failure to ask questions such as the ones posed above leads to the possibility that the full meaning of the reference cases themselves,
their origins and their implications, will not be realized by the interested onlooker.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Wang, Fu-chang. "The unexpected resurgence: Ethnic assimilation and competition in Taiwan, 1945-1988". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184850.
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Taiwan recently witnessed a sudden increase of opposition political activities among the Taiwanese. Given that the social, economic, political and cultural developments Taiwan experienced during the past four decades were expected to facilitate assimilation between the Mainlanders and the Taiwanese, the Taiwanese insurgence at this time was somewhat unexpected. To account for this development, this dissertation examines: (1) the causes and pattern of ethnic assimilation between the two groups; and (2) the connection of ethnic assimilation and the recent insurgence. The central thesis of this dissertation is that development of the opposition movement after 1986 was a result of a successful ethnic mobilization among the Taiwanese who rose to request for renegotiating the ethnic distribution of political power. The ethnic mobilization was facilitated by the change in the external environment of the movement, which included: (1) the increase of regime permissiveness, (2) the emerging opportunities of political competition, and (3) the emerging regional persistence of ethnic differences. Ironically, all three elements were caused by the pattern of ethnic assimilation. The main body consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 raises the question of the unexpected resurgence among the Taiwanese and proposes a framework of ethnic mobilization to its explanation. Chapter 2 provides a historical overview of the formation of the two ethnic groups, and patterns of intergroup relation during the past four decades. Chapter 3 examines two dimensions of cultural assimilation among the Taiwanese: language shift and identification with China. Using a survey data set collected by the Global Views Monthly in 1987, chapter 3 shows that the two major elements of ethnic differences were well preserved among the less-educated Taiwanese who reside outside the northern region of Taiwan. Chapter 4 investigates the alleged ethnic discrimination in the labor market by analyzing a data set coded from the Managers of the Creditable Enterprises in the R.O.C.. A pattern of ethnic assimilation similar to chapter 3 is found. Chapter 5 examines the various forms of participation in the opposition movement to test the ethnic mobilization argument. The development of the opposition after 1986 was found to begin in more assimilated areas and rapidly spread to the less assimilated areas through the tactic of ethnic mobilization. Chapter 6 draws a brief conclusion of what has been found.
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Lemelin, Bernard. "Les hommes politiques de l'Etat de New York et les débats d'immigration, 1945-1953 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=70270.
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The New York State politicians, notably members of Congress such as Irving Ives, Herbert Lehman, Samuel Dickstein, Emanuel Celler and Jacob Javits, were very involved in the immigration debates for the period from 1945 to 1953. By their interventions, they emerged as fiery supporters of a liberalization of American immigration policy. A willingness to satisfy a multiethnic electorate largely explains their position. But these individuals, mostly defenders of President Truman's foreign policy, also believed in this cold war context that an attenuation of restrictionism in immigration would provide numerous advantages to the nation. If their attitude seems dictated by considerations that were both pragmatic and idealistic, it generated non-negligible results. Thus, the granting of a quota to India in 1946, the act on the war brides in 1945, as well as the legislation affecting the refugees in 1950, were among the measures mainly ascribable to the activities of these politicians.
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Kim, Koo-Hyun. "Prospects of Korean Reunification: Analysis of Factors Affecting National Integration". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277979/.
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This study examined the prospects of Korean reunification. The study explores how the factors of integration affect North and South Korea after the country was divided into the two sides despite its millennium of unity. A sample of both North and South Korean newspapers covering a 47-year period of Korean reunificational efforts were analyzed as a major source of data to discover if there is any evidence of Korean national will to integrate among Koreans in the two countries. Content analysis is a major method of this research. The most obvious findings of this study are that the newspapers in North Korea did not show any significant change in their tones or attitudes throughout 47-year period studied. The North Korean regime which controls what is published in the papers is still fiercely ideological and hostile toward South Korea. The South Korean papers, on the other hand, showed marked changes in their tones and attitudes toward reunification during this period. Korean reunification remains a matter of time because the political development of South Korea, combined with remarkable economic progress, can surely heal the broken unity and national will among Koreans. The enormous financial burden to rebuild the North Korean economy which will fall upon South Koreans is a major challenge. The road to Korean reunification and the future of reunified Korea depend upon the willingness, wisdom, patience, freedom and courage of the South Koreans to assume the tremendous burden to rebuild North Korea and to strengthen diplomatic relations with the United States as well as neighboring countries to develop more positive inter-Korean relations based upon their cultural, social and economic contacts, cooperations and transactions between the two sides. If Koreans have such willingness, wisdom, patience and courage to accomplish their freedom and hope of unity, the divided Korean peninsula will be reunified and will become one nation again.
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DULLAGHAN, Neil. "Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.
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Defence date: 09 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.
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Rensted, Paul Milo. "Political reform in the Republic of China on Taiwan". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29144.
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The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically it examines the question of whether or not political liberalization has occurred simply as a result of economic development. The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political reform that has occurred. After examining a variety of information on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms. The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite. Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. Reforms occur only as they serve that particular goal.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Cook, Jonathan Harry. "Senator Henry M. Jackson and the Cold War, c. 1953-1983". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709377.
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Reibman, Max Yacker. "Cairo and the international politics of Egypt and Syria, 1914-1920". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708103.
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Fuwongcharoen, Puli. "Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.
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HASHIM, WAHID HAMZA. "THE IMPACT OF MODERNIZATION ON MIDDLE EASTERN POLITICS". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184061.
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This study analyzes various perspectives of modernization theory in some Middle Eastern countries and examines the impact of modernization, both in its western and eastern formula, on the legitimacy and stability of these countries. It also examines those external factors that influenced these countries' internal and external policies. The study's major hypothesis is that Modernization + Secularization = Instability, whereas Modernization - Secularization = Stability in Middle Eastern Islamic countries. Secularization is a component of both the western and eastern paths; consequently, a Middle Eastern country that attempts to modernize and secularize along either of these paths is doomed to instability. The hypothesis suggested herein is analyzed in regard to twelve Middle Eastern countries. The principal conclusions are that the collapse of the Shah's regime in 1979 was a direct result of his western and secular policies; Egypt's political and economic instability was a result of its unsuccessful oscillation between west and east; Lebanon's limited experience with liberal democracy was a failure because of internal secularization and sectarian politics, and external interference by foreign powers; the instability of the Ba'athist regimes of Syria and Iraq is a consequence of their secular socialist policies; and South Yemen's Marxist-Leninist policies were a major cause for its unstable political regime. Even though Libya's Third International Theory of Modernization, based on an Islamic framework, seems to generate political stability for Qadhafi's regime, his latest adoption of Marxist-Leninist ideology may delegitimize his rule; on the other hand, the latest external pressures by the United States and Western European powers on Libya have legitimized Qadhafi's rule and boosted his popularity, for the time being. In contrast, Algeria's pragmatic socialism has been carefully tailored to its Islamic tradition and therefore has resulted in one of the major stable political systems in the Middle East. Contrary to the pessimist modernization theorists who predict the demise of the traditional monarchies when attempting to rapidly modernize, modernization in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Morocco seems for the most part to have been accompanied by political stability due to their exclusion of the secular component of the western path.
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Bruce, Gary. "Resistance in the Soviet Occupied ZoneGerman Democratic Republic, 1945-1955". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35663.
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The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).
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Elk, Robert E. "A study of the effects of the Southeast Asian intrusive power system on the foreign policy of Indonesia /". Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64076.
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Lakes, Ross Allen. "The making of a hero : Franklin Roosevelt's preparation for a third-term presidential election". Virtual Press, 1988. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544137.
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This study offers a mythical examination of the addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt during his first two terms of presidency. The direction of the study is to determine the use of the hero persona in Roosevelt's goal of gaining an unprecedented third-term presidential reelection.The study overviews the historic American public attitude toward the concept of a president being elected for a third consecutive term. Close attention is given to the fears of Americans during the late thirties generated from both the Great Depression and the current war in Europe and Asia. Drawing upon comments from various authorities and particularly those of Roosevelt's 1940 election opponent Wendal Willkie, the study establishes that many Americans were afraid that a third-term election would give Roosevelt too much power, and that many compared this power to/ dictatorships like those in Italy and Nazi Germany.-.Examination of numerous addresses by Roosevelt before the 1940 election reveals that FDR established a dramatistic rhetorical framework in which he cast a variety of players including the American people, Congress, the financial leaders of the Nation, foreign countries and dictatorships. These were cast as villains, victims and heroes.Two of the victims were democracy and the American Dream, both being threatened from without and from within America. The study looks at ways Roosevelt cast himself in this drama as the hero and defender of these two myths.Department of Speech Communication
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Sraka, Anthony M. (Anthony Mirko). ""Peasant Concord" between the wars : an examination of the cultural wing of the Croatian Peasant Party with special reference to the 1920s". Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61339.
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Between the two World Wars the Croatian Peasant Party emerged as the largest political party among the Croats. It consistently received between seventy and ninety per cent of the Croatian vote and it ranked as the largest party in Croatia, and the second largest in Yugoslavia.In 1925 Rudolf Herceg, a leading party ideologue, created the CPP's cultural wing: Peasant Concord (Seljacka Sloga): which worked to promote peasant culture as separate from and superior to that of modern industrial society elsewhere in Europe.
Although the political aspects of the Croatian Peasant Party have been well-covered, its cultural wing has been comparatively neglected. This thesis presents an account of Peasant Concord: its aims, activities and influence.
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Wood, Michael John. "The historical past as a tool for nation-building in new order Indonesia /". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84684.
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This study describes how the New Order regime created and used a particular version of the Indonesian past. This official past drew on the work of "the history industry" (archaeological and historical research) and is reflected in approved works of history writing. The New Order past can also be seen in textbooks and in what monuments the regime erected. The New Order chose to emphasize fourteenth century Majapahit empire; this hierarchical, Java-centred, Hindu empire was identified as the true ancestor of the present nation. Although Indonesia is overwhelmingly Muslim in population, subsequent Muslim advances were not stressed, except as part of the "palace culture" of Central Java, which was seen as an extension of Majapahit. Islam also provided its share of "national heroes" who fought against the Dutch colonialists. Dutch control, was looked upon with some ambiguity; the colonial regime was oppressive but it also provided stability. The Dutch were driven out during the 1945--1949 Revolution. The New Order gave credit for the Indonesian victory in this struggle to the military rather than to civilians such as Sukarno. The Revolution later took on a more radical character that culminated in an attempt on the part of the Indonesian Communist Party to seize power. The suppression of the September 30 Movement in 1965 was seen as a righting of the nation's proper path of development, a course that could in fact be traced back to Gajah Mada's Majapahit. Not all were impressed with this official history. A more Islamic "history in waiting," which differed significantly from that of the regime, was created by historians and archaeologists working within the New Order. This "ummat-oriented" past stressed long connections between Indonesia and the rest of the Muslim world. The New Order's past was used to foster national integration and the legitimacy of the regime itself. The fate of the Suharto Presidency might indicate that the past was utiliz
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Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence Anne. "Class, community and individualism in English politics and society, 1969-2000". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708279.
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Hsu, Chen-kuo. "The political base of changing strategy toward private enterprise in Taiwan, 1945-1955". The Ohio State University, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18694101.html.
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Gafuik, Nicholas. "More than a peacemaker : Canada's Cold War policy and the Suez Crisis, 1948-1956". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83103.
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This paper will rather seek to uncover and emphasize Cold War imperatives that served as significant guiding factors in shaping the Canadian response to the Suez Crisis. The success of Canadian diplomacy in the 1956 Suez Crisis was in the ability of Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester B. Pearson and his Canadian colleagues to protect Western interests in the context of the Cold War. Suez threatened Anglo-American unity, and the future of the North Atlantic alliance. It also presented the Soviets an opportunity to gain influence in the Middle East. The United Nations Emergency Force ensured that Britain and France had a means to extricate themselves from the Crisis. Canada wished to further protect Western credibility in the eyes of the non-white Commonwealth and Afro-Asian bloc. It was, therefore, important to focus international attention on Soviet aggression in Hungary, and not Anglo-French intervention in Egypt.
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Savelli, Mat. "Confronting the problems of the individual and society : psychiatry and mental illness in Communist Yugoslavia (1945-1991)". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669947.
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Glozier, Matthew Robert. "A nursery for men of honour : Scottish military service in France and The Netherlands, 1660-92". Thesis, View thesis View thesis, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/67.
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The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad.
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Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.
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Tomblin, Stephen G. "In defense of territory : province-building under W.A.C. Bennett". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25982.
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The thesis is primarily an attempt to provide a better understanding on how territorial conflicts influenced infrastructural development in British Columbia between the years 1952 and 1972. Primary emphasis is placed upon exploring the territorial component of province-building in British Columbia. The major theme which emerges is that the spatial pattern of economic development witnessed in the province during these years was not merely the product of societal pressure, but instead, reflected the dreams, and ambitions of the W.A.C. Bennett government. Bennett's efforts to build a better integrated provincial society played a major role in strengthening the provincial government's control over the provincial territory.
Six case studies on infrastructural development are investigated: railway transportation, oil and gas development, hydro development, ferry transportation, port development, and highway transportation. The thesis analyzes infrastructural development because it is assumed that the state-centred paradigm is much more useful for explaining provincial expansionism within this policy context.
The thesis has four sections. The first section provides a review of province-building, and assesses how territorial conflicts influence state infrastructure development. The second section includes a review of the political setting. The third section presents the case studies. The final section provides a summary of the findings and concludes that the Bennett government's desire to exploit infrastructure for the purpose of building a more integrated and united territory had a major impact upon the spatial pattern of economic development in British Columbia.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Bar-on, Tamir. "The ambiguities of the intellectual European New Right, 1968-1999 /". Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36750.
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The subject of this dissertation is the intellectual European New Right (ENR), also known as the nouvelle droite. A cultural "school of thought" with origins in the revolutionary Right and neo-fascist milieus, the nouvelle droite was born in France in 1968, the year of the spectacular student and worker protests. In order to rid the Right of its negative connotations, the nouvelle droite borrowed from the New Left ideals of the 1968ers. In a Gramscian mould, it situated itself exclusively on the cultural terrain of political contestation in order to challenge what it considered the ideological hegemony of dominant liberal and leftist elites. This metapolitical focus differentiated the nouvelle droite from both the parliamentary and radical, extra-parliamentary forces on the Right.This dissertation traces the cultural, philosophical, political, and historical trajectories of the French nouvelle droite in particular and the ENR in general. The dissertation argues that the ENR worldview is an ambiguous synthesis of the ideals of the revolutionary Right and New Left, and that it is neither a new form of cultural fascism, nor a completely novel political paradigm. In general, the ENR symbiotically fed off the cultural and political twists of the Left and New Left, thus giving it a degree of novelty. In the 1990s, the ENR has taken on a more left wing and ecological aura rather than a right-wing orientation. As a result, some critics view this development as the formulation of a radically new, post-modern and post-fascist cultural and political paradigm. Yet, other critics contend that the ENR has created a repackaged form of cultural fascism.
The nouvelle droite has been able to challenge the main tenets of its "primary" enemy, namely, the neo-liberal Anglo-American New Right. Moreover, it has restored a measure of cultural respectability to a continental right-wing heritage battered by the burden of 20th century history. In an age of rising economic globalization and cultural homogenization, its anti-capitalist ideas embedded within the framework of cultural preservation might make some political inroads into the Europe of the future.
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Mansour, Imad. "The domestic sources of regional orders : explaining instability in the Middle East". Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115631.
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This dissertation addresses the puzzle as to why some regions in the world are engulfed in militarized disputes among member states, while other regions live under peaceful conditions. It argues that domestic regime-societal management strategies have significant explanatory value to understand variance in regional orders. These domestic factors have largely been ignored in International Relations (IR) literature. A domestic politics-based analytical framework explains how states with inclusionary governing regimes (those which account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to move the regional order towards stability. On the other hand, states with exclusionary regimes (those which do not account for the interests of societal actors in policy formulation and consequently do not give them stakes in the survival of the regime) are more likely to push the regional order toward instability.The dissertation also addresses a frequently underexposed dimension of IR theory: exactly how do major powers influence regional orders? It argues that major powers penetrate regional states in support of either societal actors or regimes (and sometimes both). In that process major powers help alter the power asymmetries inside regional states affecting their preferences and strategies, and hence their behaviour towards the regional order.
The analytical framework is used to explain variations in Middle East regional orders through four paired comparisons of six states: Israel-Egypt, Israel-Turkey, Israel-Syria, and Iran-Saudi Arabia. The time frame under study is from 1950 to 2000. The change in the Middle East regional order post-1990 did not correspond in magnitude to the change in the international system, adding credibility to this framework which prioritizes domestic level variables in shaping regional orders.
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Al-Olimat, Muhamad S. (Muhamad Salim). "The State of Democracy in the Arab World". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279024/.
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This comparative study assesses the state of democracy and examines the process of democratization in the Arab World between the years 1980-1993. It addresses shortcomings in the mainstream democracy literature that excluded the Arab World from the global democratic revolution on political cultural grounds. To fulfil the objectives of this study, I employ both the qualitative and quantitative research approaches to test a number of hypothesized relationships. I hypothesize that transition to democracy is negatively associated with economic development, militarism, U.S. foreign policy, the political economy of oil, and dependency. I contend that emerging civil society institutions so far have had no significant effect on democratization in the Arab World. Finally, I hypothesize that the level of democracy in the Arab World is influenced greatly by the issue of civil rights. In order to investigate the hypothesized relationships, the following data sets have been used: Gastil's Freedom House Data set, "Repression and Freedom in the 1980s" data set, and Vanhanen's 1990 data set. The findings of this study support the aforementioned hypothesized relationships. I find that Arab countries, in general have made modest progress toward democracy, making the Arab World part of the global revolution.
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Prawiradinata, Muhamad Salmun. "Stability, elites and development policy in the new order Indonesia 1966-1983". Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111321.
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One of the most striking characteristics of Third World countries is
political instability. Although not all Third World states are politically unstable,
witness for example Saudi Arabia and Nepal, many nations of both
democratic and authoritarian leanings have experienced strong political
challenges in maintaining established political order and national unity. These
political challenges can take the forms of mass demonstration, riots or even
coups.
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Koontz, Christopher N. (Christopher Noel). "The Cultural Politics of Baldur von Schirach, 1925-1940". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278546/.
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Paterson, David W. (David William). "Loyalty, Ontario and the First World War". Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65476.
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Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. (Peter Karl Heinz). "The Kriegsmarine, Quisling, and Terboven : an inquiry into the Boehm-Terboven affair, April 1940-March 1943". Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63255.
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Fok, Wai-lun, i 霍偉倫. "A study of Chinese negotiating behaviour in the Sino-British negotiations over Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29766035.
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Benruwin, Mohammed (Mohammed A. ). "The Political Leadership Crisis and Violation of Human Rights in the Arab World: A Study of the Rulership of the Arab Countries, 1970-1990". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278872/.
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This dissertation analyzes the political leadership crisis and the violations of human rights in the Arab countries during the period 1970 to 1990. The main purposes of this study could be briefly summarized as follows: (1) to explore scientifically whether there is a political leadership crisis in the Arab World; (2) to explore the concept of political leadership, i.e., what constitutes political leadership, what are its necessary requirements, and what differentiates it from dictatorship; and (3) to examine the effects of political leadership in the Arab countries upon the violation of human rights.
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TIMMERMANS, Arco I. "High politics in the Low Countries : functions and effects of coalition policy agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands". Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5406.
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Defence date: 19 January 1996Examining Board: Prof. Rudy B. Andeweg (Rijksuniversiteit Leiden) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) ; Prof. Ernst ten Heuvelhof (Technische Universiteit Delft)
First made available online on 15 December 2016
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VAN, DER HARST Jan. "European union and Atlantic partnership : political, military and economic aspects of Dutch defence, 1948-1954, and the impact of the European Defence Community". Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5831.
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Defence date: 1 February 1988Examining Board: Prof. A. S. Milward (supervisor), London School of Economics and Political Science ; Prof. R.T. Griffiths, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam ; Prof. Prof. A. Kersten, Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden ; Prof. Dr. W. Loth, Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität, Münster ; Prof. R. Poidevin, Université de Strasbourg III
First made available online 21 March 2019
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VAN, GELDEREN Martin. "The political thought of the Dutch revolt (1555-1590)". Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5766.
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Defence date: 25 November 1988Supervisor: Gisela Bock; Co-supervisor: Athanasios Moulakis
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Evans, Case Rhonda Leann. "The politics and law of Anglo-American antidiscrimination regimes, 1945-1995". Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1313.
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