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BOLDEA, Sorin-Dan. "The limits of freedom: Eu sunt! Și? Case". Theatrical Colloquia 14, nr 1 (1.05.2024): 130–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35218/tco.2024.14.1.10.
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In 2019, in Romania, there has been an active debate about the limits of theatre expression in the Eastern European cultural space. It is acknowledged that documentary and political theatre have a strong influence on the cultural scene in Eastern Europe, especially after the emergence and appreciation of new techniques such as Verbatim or Devised Theatre among theatre makers. Notwithstanding the fact that these forms of theatre, which have an extremely strong social and critical voice, have appeared in the European space for decades and have started to become more and more widespread, in 2018, in Cluj-Napoca, the premiere of the performance Eu sunt! Și?, directed by Loran Betty, for which I wrote the text. This performance was performed for a year all around Romania, and in 2019 it was proposed for censorship and amendment by the Romanian Orthodox Church. This was one of the first cases of its kind after the exit from the Romanian communist regime, one of the first, or even the first, to be fined by the National Council for Combating Discrimination in Romania, for discriminating against people of faith. Therefore, it is important to understand the context in which this event occurred, as well as the history of performances with similar concerns after Communism, and of course, the opinion of the authors of this performance. In addition to all this, we will also analyze performances that addressed similar themes in the Romanian space and discuss the limits and freedoms of theatre in the Romanian cultural space.
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Brooten, Lisa. "Power grab in a pandemic: Media, lawfare and policy in Myanmar". Journal of Digital Media & Policy 13, nr 1 (1.03.2022): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00087_1.
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The 1 February 2021 coup d’etat in Myanmar did more than force the country’s journalists and other media makers to operate under extreme conditions to continue their work, and win back the space for freedom of expression and the press lost to them. The coup also provoked a massive cultural shift, and the country’s independent media are playing a key role. After a half century of military dictatorship, a decade of much-lauded democratic opening (2011‐20) prior to the coup had ushered in game-changing developments to the media landscape. Yet since the coup, the junta and its appointed State Administrative Council (SAC) have inflicted the kinds of brutalities in response to peaceful protesters that the military has used for decades with impunity against the country’s ethnic minorities, all justified, they claim, to ensure ‘the rule of law’ and ‘law and order’. The SAC has also attempted complete control over Myanmar’s media, cutting off at various times nearly all internet and mobile access. This included Facebook, Twitter and other apps, thereby silencing the country’s independent media or forcing them into forms of self-censorship, hiding or exile, and allowing only a military-controlled narrative of unfolding events through military- and state-run media. Yet the independent media sector has not only survived, it has proven to be a key voice in efforts to thwart the regime’s attempts to control public mediated space. This article explores the various approaches to media policy-making in Myanmar during the COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of the coup, as employed by the military, the elected but later overthrown National League for Democracy government, various key components of the pro-democracy forces, and international aid and advocacy organizations working to increase freedom of expression and the press. It draws from interviews with key media policy-makers, journalists, academics and free expression advocates, and analyses of content from the (now) junta-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar and other key documents. It explores the various approaches taken and lessons learned by key stakeholders working to control or change public discourse and freedom of expression and the press in the country.
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Chomintra, Melissa. "National Coalition Against Censorship". Charleston Advisor 21, nr 2 (1.10.2019): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.21.2.20.
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The National Coalition Against Censorship (NCAC), a not-for-profit organization, provides robust open access resources to students, teachers, parents, librarians, artists, curators, and others who are faced with first amendment issues. The content is comprehensive and can be easily implemented and utilized in a multitude of settings. While there are myriad organizations dedicated to freedom of thought and expression the NCAC focuses on providing actionable resources that set them apart from their peers. This review focuses on the curated content and educational resources.
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Recher, Harry. "National Biodiversity Council". Pacific Conservation Biology 3, nr 1 (1997): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc970002.
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The National Biodiversity Council was formed in December 1994. The Council is an independent body that acts as a scientific voice for biodiversity conservation in Australia. It consists of a council of 12 scientists, elected by their peers, and an Assembly of representatives from scientific societies and institutions and those nominated by the Council to provide balance and additional expertise. The Council was formed because many people were concerned about the lack of an independent scientific voice on environmental and development issues, and because many Australian scientists lacked full freedom to comment on government and institutional policies affecting biodiversity. The Council was to be that voice and Council members were empowered to speak freely and openly on behalf of the Council.
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Sass, Maria. "Die Angst war „Ein Gefängnis ohne Mauern”1 Rezension zu: Spiridon-Șerbu, Claudia: Zensur in der rumäniendeutschen Literatur der 1970er und 1980er-Jahre. Wien: LIT Verlag 2018. ISBN 978-3-643-90998-5. Reihe: Osteuropa Bd. 12., 272 S." Germanistische Beiträge 47, nr 1 (1.12.2021): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gb-2021-0017.
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Abstract The present article is an interpretation of Claudia Spiridon-Șerbu’s study on censorship in Romania during the last 30 years of communist rule. Drawing on unreleased documents from the CNSAS (National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives) Archive dwelling on German ethnic authors from Romania, the author paints a vivid picture of the complex phenomenon of literary censorship. The study follows both the official censorship undertaken by the General Office for Press and Publishing and the unofficial prosecution of writers by Securitate agents and their collaborators.
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Slutskiy, Pavel. "Freedom of Expression, Social Media Censorship, and Property Rights". Tripodos, nr 48 (2.12.2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.48p53-68.
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Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property.
Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.
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Slutskiy, Pavel. "Freedom of Expression, Social Media Censorship, and Property Rights". Tripodos, nr 48 (2.12.2020): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.48p53-67.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property.
Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.
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KR, Shiva Shankaran. "A LETTER FROM SPECIAL EDITION EDITOR IN CHIEF - DR. SHIVA SHANKARAN KR". ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing Arts 5, nr 1NCJCFPC (15.02.2024): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/shodhkosh.v5.i1ncjcfpc.2024.952.
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Dear Readers and Contributors,The Department of Journalism & Mass Communication, Faculty of Science & Humanities, SRM Institute of Science & Technology, Kattankulathur organized a Two- Day National Conference on Journalistic and Creative Freedom: Prospects and Challenges on 21, & 22 September 2023. The conference had eight sessions, including two hybrid mode sessions; the conference has papers across India.The conference included eight different panel experts in the field of our conference themes, such as Press freedom, Media independence, Free speech, Editorial independence, Censorship, Information access, Journalistic ethics, Media pluralism, Artistic expression, Creative autonomy, Freedom of imagination, Intellectual property, Cultural diversity, Creative license, Copyright protection, Artistic integrity, Unrestricted creativity, Online censorship, Social media moderation, Content filtering, Information control, Digital censorship, Content moderation policies, Online speech restrictions, Content removal, Online surveillance. During the research presentation, the experts and participants discussed and cultivated knowledge on the specific topic among the audience.Significantly, the keynote speaker Dr. Debi Chatterjee, Former Professor, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, emphasized the role of media in safeguarding democracy in a nation. Transparency and accountability are essential for the functioning of a healthy democracy. Investigative journalism exposes corruption, abuse of power, and other threats to democratic principles. The notable speaker has highlighted the important factor that Media plays a fundamental role in providing citizens with accurate and timely information about political events, policies, and issues. She also asked the media students as well as professionals to be torch bearers for media as well as creative freedom. The valedictory speaker Mr. Nandakummar R, Director, Directorate of Communication, SRM Institute of Science and Technology has incited a diverse and pluralistic media landscape ensures that a variety of perspectives and opinions are represented. And Media diversity is crucial for preventing the concentration of power and fostering a more inclusive democracy.The conference research papers had Sixty-Seven research papers have presented during the two days National conference: Forty-Seven (47) papers on the physical mode and twenty (20) on hybrid mode, including special sessions. Few papers related to scope were selected to be published in the UGC Care-Listed Journal "ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing Arts" as a special issue titled "National Conference on Journalistic and Creative Freedom: Prospects and Challenges”. I express my sincere thanks to the publisher of Granthaalayah Publications for their noble partnership with our institution, inspiring and acknowledging researchers.
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Polymenopoulou, Eleni. "Arts, Censorship and the Greek Law". International Human Rights Law Review 6, nr 1 (24.05.2017): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00601006.
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The article discusses the Greek legal framework concerning artistic freedom and highlights the discrepancy between international human rights standards and the Greek practice as exemplified by a variety of incidents of censorship. Focusing on specific features of the Greek constitution and the national laws on obscenity and hate speech, the article examines the practice of censorship on the grounds of either blasphemy or offence to public morals and national values. At the same time it underscores the exponential rise in hate crimes, including against artists, as exemplified by the murder of young rapper Fyssas in 2014. It argues that the practice of seizure of publications, along with the lack of effective legal framework that combats hate speech, have both significantly contributed to raising self-censorship among artists and maintaining the culture of vexatious jurisdiction from which Greece suffers.
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Kelichavyi, Bogdan, i Katrin Nyman Metcalf. "Is Internet Access a Matter of Freedom of Expression? Some Examples from Ukraine". Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, nr 3 (1.09.2019): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0022.
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Abstract Freedom of expression does not only mean absence of censorship or other restrictive content laws—it also means that people have real access to communication. Nowadays, internet is a key means of communication. In this article we explain the relevance of access to internet from legal, practical and market aspects for freedom of expression. To illustrate the question, we present the situation in Ukraine. We look at legislation, including restrictions due to national security—availability, affordability and accessibility of internet. Ukraine is an interesting example of a mixture of very positive indicators and some remaining restrictions.
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Malița, Liviu. "The Self-Portrait of Censorship in Socialist Romania". Caietele Echinox 39 (1.12.2020): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2020.39.02.
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"Censorship in socialism was a longlasting institution. Frightening and invisible, it harboured, in fact, various institutions and underwent different historical phases. It prescribed attitudes and themes by partially or totally suppressing them. What was incriminated at some point could be accepted a few years later. A theme, however, has always been taboo: censorship itself, political power’s discretionary and abusive act of limiting the freedom of expression in literature. Based on archival documents (mainly from the National Archives of Romania), this paper aims to reconstruct the way in which the Censorship removed fragments or whole texts in which it could see (or appeared to see) its own image. The reports of the censors may be seen as self-portraits, including the points of collision and the lines of tension between literature and power."
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Maliakan, Joseph, i Lek Hor Tan. "Victory for press freedom". Index on Censorship 17, nr 9 (październik 1988): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534528.
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Last month, following nationwide protests from journalists, editors and publishers, the Indian government withdrew its controversial Defamation Bill and announced that a national debate on the defamation issue would be intiated. The government's decision, announced by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the end of September, was greeted with jubilation by members of the press and public. The Bill, which would have considerably weakened the position of defendants in defamation cases, had been introduced into the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) on 29 August without any prior consultation with the press, and was passed next day with very little debate. The haste with which the Bill was passed was widely seen as the government's latest attempt to impose censorship on the media, especially on investigative journalism. Here a journalist on the Indian Express and lndex's Asia specialist look at the Bill and the controversy it provoked.
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Kulesza, Joanna. "Freedom of Expression On-Line". International Journal of E-Politics 5, nr 4 (październik 2014): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2014100103.
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This article analyses the contents of the universal right to free expression in the context of its applicability on-line. It starts off with a brief recapitulation of the origin, definition and interpretation of the right to free expression, derived from article 19 UDHR. It then goes on to name the three composite rights (the right to hold, impart and receive information and ideas) and details the limitations that may be put by states upon the individual exercise of those freedoms. States' duty to protect free expression is than identified as their negative obligation to refrain from infringement as well as a positive one, to guarantee that human rights are “protected, respected and remedied” within national legal systems. Then the role of Internet Service Providers is introduced as the gate keepers of free expression in the information society. Different schemes for national ISP liability mechanisms are presented: the notice-and-take down procedure as well as Internet content filtering (preventive censorship). The paper goes on to criticize both mechanisms as enabling ISPs too much freedom in deciding upon the shape and scope of individuals' right to impart and receive information.
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Hooper, Robert A. "When the barking stopped: Censorship, self-censorship and spin in Fiji". Pacific Journalism Review 19, nr 1 (31.05.2013): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.237.
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After four military coups in 20 years, Fiji is poised to return to democracy in elections promised for 2014. An emergency decree placing censors in newsrooms was lifted in January 2012, but with domestic media gagged by lawsuits and Fiji Television threatened with closure for covering opposition figures, a pervasive climate of self-censorship imposed by government decrees is enforced by a government-appointed judiciary. As elections draw closer, the illusion of press freedom is framed by highly paid American ‘spin doctors’ from a prominent Washington DC public relations and lobbying firm. Paralysis in the newsroom is reflected at Fiji’s premier University of the South Pacific, once a leader in journalism education. The author taught television journalism at the university and trained reporters for Fiji TV in the 1990s, but returned to find Fiji’s media and higher education in a crisis reflecting the decline of Western influence in the Pacific. Student grievances over harassment and expulsion in retaliation for independent reporting echo the deceit and dysfunction unfolding on the national stage. As traditional allies Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom and the United States anguish over sanctions, unprecedented visits to the Fijian government by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and incoming Chinese Premier Xi Jinping portend diplomatic rivalry and raise the stakes for a fragile Pacific nation.
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Zamir, Itzhak. "Human Rights and National Security". Israel Law Review 23, nr 2-3 (1989): 375–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016782.
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The State of Israel came into being forty years ago. Its Declaration of Independence proclaimed that the State “shall guarantee complete equal social and political rights to all its citizens without regard to religion, race or sex”. At the time there was a war being waged for Israel's independence, a war which is not yet over. The threat to Israel's security, both from within and without, is still very real. The struggle for security has been going on, unabated, for forty years, and it exacts a price. Among other things, it exacts a price in human rights. Freedom of expression, for example, is subject to military censorship. As a British judge once remarked, war is not waged in accord with the principles of the Magna Carta.
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Natalia G., Patrusheva. "On the twentieth anniversary of the publication of the collection «Censorship in Russia: history and modernity»". Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, nr 1 (50) (2022): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2022-1-178-183.
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Since 2001 The Russian National Library, together with the Institute of the History of Natural Science and Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, is working on the publication of a collection of scientific papers «Censorship in Russia: History and Modernity. Along with research on the history of censorship in pre-revolutionary Russia and in the Soviet Union, the collection presents work on topical issues of today, including the restriction of freedom of speech in the electronic environment, on the problems of the «information society». Along with research articles, documents, bibliographic and reference materials, and reviews are published. The materials of the collection cover more than two centuries of Russian history. The publication unites researchers whose interests are related to the study of the history of censorship in Russia and the Soviet Union. Its typological and thematic features are a multidimensional reflection of the research topic, a wide source base, a variety of genres of published materials, the participation of specialists from domestic and foreign scientific institutions.
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Ayalew, Yohannes Eneyew. "From Digital Authoritarianism to Platforms’ Leviathan Power: Freedom of expression in the digital age under siege in Africa". Mizan Law Review 15, nr 2 (31.12.2021): 455–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v15i2.5.
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The right to freedom of expression on the internet is under constant siege in Africa due to the actions of States and social media platforms. Many African States have been implementing various authoritarian techniques to trammel freedom of expression in the digital age, including internet shutdowns, repressive national security laws, internet censorship and digital surveillance. Social media companies, on the other hand, exert unbridled power over user-generated contents on their platforms. Their discretionary power to moderate content continues to threaten the right to freedom of expression in Africa. For example, the tug of war between the Nigerian government and Twitter following Twitter’s removal of President Buhari’s speech epitomises how social media platforms are policing free speech in Africa. I argue that African States must end the practice of digital authoritarianism and robustly respect and protect freedom of expression on the internet based on a human rights-based approach in limiting speech. Beyond superficial human rights vocabulary, platforms must also take human rights seriously and ensure that content moderation practices are guided by human rights-based approach.
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Shumilo, Olga, Tanel Kerikmäe i Archil Chochia. "Restrictions of Russian Internet Resources in Ukraine: National Security, Censorship or Both?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, nr 3 (1.09.2019): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0023.
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Abstract In this paper, the authors analyse the ambiguous political decision to ban the major Russian web resources from access to the Ukrainian market, in spite of heavy criticisms from local and foreign experts. While the supporters of the new internet policy claimed the new strategy to be coherent with cybersecurity priorities of the country, the opponents pointed out a set of legal and political limitations. Drawing on the setting and results of taking a new approach to information policy, we describe the fragility of Euromaidan democratic heritage and drawbacks of the current political regime. The logical method of legal interpretation has been applied to analyse the controversies of the current legislation on Russian internet resources restriction. The article concludes that Ukrainian post-Euromaidan governance model needs to consolidate the efforts in order to prove the commitment to freedom of speech as a core European value and replace spontaneous actions with an evidence-based approach to political decision-making.
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Hollis, Sylvea. "The Rhetoric of Freedom". Public Historian 46, nr 1 (1.02.2024): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2024.46.1.7.
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Over the past few years, the National Council on Public History (NCPH)’s annual meeting has given attention to the forthcoming 250th anniversary of the American Revolution. NCPH has worked with the National Park Service (NPS) to present a scholar’s roundtable with different annual themes. The roundtable at the 2023 meeting examined “The Rhetoric of Freedom.” This essay opens with an exploration of the theme. What follows is an introduction to the scholars who participated in the roundtable; a description of their suite of programming; and a summary of their findings. I close with a “best practices” case study of the Aiken-Rhett House, an urban plantation mansion in Charleston, South Carolina. The case study answers a reoccurring question that emerged from roundtable discussions: How do historians engage public(s) in narratives of freedom, bondage, and nation building?
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ZAITSEV, Yurii. ""I HATE GRILL ON THE WINDOWS"". Contemporary era 6 (2018): 249–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-249-257.
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The author offers the reader a document - a unique monument of the political thought of the Ukrainian Resistance movement to the communist regime of the 1960-1980s. The eleven-page manuscript "Ostanne slovo Niny Strokatoi na protsesi v Odeskomu oblasnomu sudi 17 travnia 1972" reveals the opposition's view on the "freedom of speech" in the USSR, the reasons for samizdat (self-publishing), stigmatizing nationalism, and the government's disregard for Ukraine's right to secede from Russia declared by Lenin. The document focused on the need to hand over "senseless censorship" to justice, to stop ignoring the principles of democracy, which "opens the way to tyranny." It emphasizes the urgent need for a critical estimate of imperfections and social distortions, the use of the constitutional right to receive and disseminate information, and the recognition of the indivisibility of freedom and the finality of the realization of the national idea. At the same time, the source shows the way to solve the problem of publicity through the adoption of the law on the press and information, which would specify the constitutionally guaranteed "freedom of speech in general and freedom of the printed word in particular." It meant the transfer of declared guarantees in the field of specific social practice. In response to the charge of acquainting with the work of samizdat stated, "the natural right of intellectuals and scholars to read and preserve any literature." Ukrainian patriotism is characterized as the natural essence of the Ukrainian, "which is inherited, becomes a moral asset, and does not allow to become a bastard, a fatherless, a janissary." Against the background of modern flirting between Western Europe and the Moscow aggressor, N. Strokata's reminder that "hordes of Batu Khan, khans and sultans stopped with Ukrainian blood" is relevant – this allowed European nations to rise so high. She not only convicted the anti-democratic communist dictatorship but also expressed confidence that "better times are already within us." Keywords: independence, nationalism, national idea, samizdat, freedom of speech, censorship, human rights.
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Saro, Anneli. "Nõukogude tsensuuri mehhanismid, stateegiad ja tabuteemad Eesti teatris [Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre]". Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, nr 4 (9.09.2019): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.02.
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Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre
Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed.
This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom.
The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship.
Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged.
The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection.
In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues.
It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.
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Sumiati, Wina. "THE NON-COOPERATIVE JOURNALISTS’ STRUGGLE AGAINST SELF-CENSORSHIP DURING THE NEW ORDER INDONESIA (1967-1998)". Metahumaniora 10, nr 1 (1.05.2020): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/metahumaniora.v10i1.26409.
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In the Soeharto era, the Indonesian journalists were divided into two categories: the cooperative and the non-cooperative ones. Different from the former that obeyed to the government to do self-censorship, the latter category challenged against the government by publishing not only good news, but also any sensitive news about the national problems. In this research, I will analyze the struggle of the non-cooperative journalists, later called the independent journalists, against the regulation of censorship. How they responded to the censorship, and what ways they used to resist the regulation will be the main focuses of the study. In conducting this research, I use history method including heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of the study shows that the independent journalists took actions by founding an organization called the AJI (the Alliance of Independent Journalists) to organize the journalists with the same goal: ceasing freedom of expression. They also had several alternative media to disseminate the information to avoid the government surveillance, like publishing books, using the internet, conducting seminars, and founding discussion forums with Indonesian students. Their efforts, triggered by the economic collapse factor, succeeded to end the authoritarianism regime.
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Sumiati, Wina. "THE NON-COOPERATIVE JOURNALISTS’ STRUGGLE AGAINST SELF-CENSORSHIP DURING THE NEW ORDER INDONESIA (1967-1998)". Metahumaniora 10, nr 1 (1.05.2020): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/mh.v10i1.26409.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the Soeharto era, the Indonesian journalists were divided into two categories: the cooperative and the non-cooperative ones. Different from the former that obeyed to the government to do self-censorship, the latter category challenged against the government by publishing not only good news, but also any sensitive news about the national problems. In this research, I will analyze the struggle of the non-cooperative journalists, later called the independent journalists, against the regulation of censorship. How they responded to the censorship, and what ways they used to resist the regulation will be the main focuses of the study. In conducting this research, I use history method including heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of the study shows that the independent journalists took actions by founding an organization called the AJI (the Alliance of Independent Journalists) to organize the journalists with the same goal: ceasing freedom of expression. They also had several alternative media to disseminate the information to avoid the government surveillance, like publishing books, using the internet, conducting seminars, and founding discussion forums with Indonesian students. Their efforts, triggered by the economic collapse factor, succeeded to end the authoritarianism regime.
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FitzPatrick Dean, Joan. "Irish Stage Censorship in the 1950s". Theatre Survey 42, nr 2 (listopad 2001): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557401000072.
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At the end of the 1940s, individuals and groups, as well as the government in Ireland, recognized the need for and benefits of arts enterprises. The Inter-Party coalition, which came to power in early 1948 (under John Costello), recognized the importance of tourism as an industry and the potential of theatre to attract foreign visitors to Ireland. In 1949, the Cultural Relations Committee of Ireland, operating under the auspices of the Minister for External Affairs, undertook production of a series of pamphlets designed “to give a broad, vivid, and informed survey of Irish life and culture.”1 In 1951, the Republic of Ireland established the Arts Council; the first National Fleadh (Festival) for traditional music was held in Mullingar; Liam Miller founded the Dolmen Press; and Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann (Traditional Irish Music Advisory) was established. Even after the 1951 election returned de Valera and Fianna Fáil to power, organizational infrastructures to support the arts continued to appear: the Irish tourist board (Bord Failte) and Gael-Linn (an organization to promote Irish language, literature, and culture) both debuted in 1952. Cork held its first International Choral and Folk Dance Festival and its first International Film Festival in 1953. Some of these developments may have anticipated the imminent inauguration of regular air passenger service to North America, but all responded to cultural opportunities precluded during what Ireland knows as the Emergency and other nations as World War II. These agencies and events all sought to project a positive, progressive image of Ireland. Most important, they all mark a departure from the isolationism that prevailed in Ireland before and during the Emergency and that characterized de Valera's tenure as Taoiseach in the 1930s and 1940s.
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De Carvalho, Lucas Borges. "A CENSURA POLÍTICA À IMPRENSA NA DITADURA MILITAR: FUNDAMENTOS E CONTROVÉRSIAS / POLITICAL CENSORSHIP OF THE PRESS IN MILITARY DICTATORSHIP: FOUNDATIONS AND CONTROVERSIES". Revista da Faculdade de Direito UFPR 59, nr 1 (29.04.2014): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rfdufpr.v59i1.36349.
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O artigo analisa o quadro jurídico da censura à imprensa na ditadura militar (1964-1985). Com esse intuito, sustenta que, fundada na Doutrina da Segurança Nacional e com o objetivo de conter o avanço do comunismo internacional, a censura à imprensa: (i) baseou-se em uma legalidade ambígua, marcada por práticas institucionais não oficializadas e sigilosas e por uma ausência de formalização expressa dos órgãos competentes para sua implementação; e (ii) ainda que com alguma resistência inicial, foi chancelada por decisões judiciais, em particular do Supremo Tribunal Federal, que reconheceu a impossibilidade de contestação às proibições da censura, haja vista estarem acobertadas pelas normas do Ato Institucional nº 5, de 13 de dezembro de 1968. PALAVRAS-CHAVEAutoritarismo. Censura. Ditadura militar. Liberdade de expressão. ABSTRACTThe article analyzes the legal framework of press censorship during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). For that purpose, argues that, based on the National Security Doctrine and aiming to contain the advance of international communism, the press censorship: (i) relied on an ambiguous law, characterized by secret and unofficial institutional practices and by a lack of explicit formalization in the competent bodies for its implementation, and (ii) although with some initial resistance, was legitimated by court decisions, in particular those from the Supreme Court, which recognized the impossibility of challenging the censorship rules, considering they were covered up by the standards of the Institutional Act nº 5 of December 13, 1968. KEYWORDSAuthoritarianism. Censorship. Freedom of Speech. Military Dictatorship.
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Craddock, Patrick. "Fragments from a coup diary". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 15, nr 1 (1.05.2009): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v15i1.964.
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Fiji has endured four coups in the past 22 years. On 10 April 2009, President Ratu Josefa Iloilo suspended the Constitution, sacked the judiciary, postponed any general election until 2014 and appointed himself as head of state. He reinstated 2006 coup leader Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama as interim Prime Minister, who in turn reappointed his cabinet in defiance of international condemnation. A censorship crackdown on the media and civil society followed. The author is a media educator and journalist who worked for a total of 11 years at the University of the South Pacific, including experiencing both the 2000 and the 2006 coups. He later returned to Fiji as social media educator for the National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF). The Council was critical of the media during the period it developed a draft of the People’s Charter. It recommended changes to the law to establish a Media Tribunal, which was also planned to encourage qualified local personnel for editorial, subeditorial and publisher positions; provide a wide diversity of local programmes for television media and develop community radio and community television through a media tax. While the People’s Charter was seen as a necessary and constructive contribution to the future of Fiji, the leadership of Bainimarama was questioned after the repeal of the constitution. This article, opening with the author’s open letter to Bainimarama after the Easter putsch, offers reflections from a coup diary.
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Koss, Melanie D., i Kathleen A. Paciga. "Curricular Freedom in the Contemporary Sociopolitical Context of the United States". International Journal on Social and Education Sciences 5, nr 4 (5.10.2023): 760–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46328/ijonses.594.
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Using a mixed-methods approach, this study uses an Internet survey to investigate the curricular freedom reported by Prekindergarten through Grade 8 teachers in the United States concerning the inclusion of children's literature into their classrooms and curriculum, particularly in the current sociopolitical climate. Drawing upon Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Theory, survey responses were analyzed based on the four levels of the ecological model (micro, meso, exo, and macro systems). To account for regional variations existing at the sociopolitical macro level, the study's findings were organized according to the five geographical regions of the United States: Midwest, Northeast, Southeast, Southwest, and West. Analysis indicated distinct variation in the patterns of the responses across the geographical regions, aligned with the dominant political ideology of their state. Responses of teachers from the Northeast and West were heavily influenced by events and experiences at the national level, whereas teachers from the Southeast and Southwest focused on matters concerning individual, local, and state issues. Teachers from the Midwest, a politically mixed region, least frequently commented on issues related to censorship, a trend noted in the other four regions.
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Kokoly, Zsolt. "Audiovisual Media Regulation during the COVID-19 Pandemic - Measures Undertaken by the Romanian Authorities during the State of Emergency". Acta Universitatis Sapientiae Legal Studies 10, nr 1 (sierpień 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2021.10.1.05.
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The present study aims to offer a review of measures taken by the Romanian authorities in the field of audiovisual media regulation during the state of emergency instituted in March 2020 following the COVID-19 outbreak. The legal framework has been adjusted, drawing both from extant norms, such as the 2003 Constitution of Romania, and from newly adapted legal norms such as the Presidential Decree declaring the state of emergency. Also, the competent authorities have been invested with additional powers, this being the case of the National Audiovisual Council and the National Authority for Management and Regulation in Communications. These institutions have faced multiple challenges regarding the clash between freedom of opinion and freedom of speech and the right to correct information of the public and the campaigns to counter misinformation.
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Hobozashvili, Artur. "Formation of the national socialist educational policy during the Third Reich". InterConf, nr 39(179) (20.11.2023): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51582/interconf.19-20.11.2023.012.
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This article is devoted to the study of the formation of the National Socialist educational policy during the Third Reich in Germany (1933-1945). The author examines the ideological roots and goals of this educational policy, its impact on curricula and teaching methods, as well as on the younger generation. The article highlights how the National Socialist ideology played a key role in shaping the educational system under the control of the regime, emphasising nationalist and racist ideas. Changes in the curriculum and censorship of educational material brought education to positions that were in line with national socialist ideology. The article also draws attention to the mass indoctrination and propaganda that turned students into supporters of the regime. The study of this period emphasises the importance of preserving academic freedom and the independence of education from political pressure and ideological manipulation. The conclusions of the article question the effectiveness of using education to implement political ideology and emphasise the consequences of this influence on society and young people.
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Sánchez-Camacho, Jesús. "The Defense of Religious Freedom in the Catholic Magazine Vida Nueva during a Catholic Confessional Dictatorship". Religions 13, nr 7 (4.07.2022): 615. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13070615.
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After the Second Vatican Council ended in 1965, and during a National Catholic dictatorship in Spain, the religious magazine Vida Nueva tried to support the principles of religious freedom promoted by the conciliar assembly. This study focuses on the promotion of liberties during a regime in which political power was not separated from religious power. The study conducts a quantitative and qualitative content analysis to explore the editorials published by the Vida Nueva weekly between 1968 and 1975. The results show the impact of the Second Vatican Council on the editorial approach of a journal constrained by Franco’s Regime. I show that the weekly reflected the thinking of a significant number of Spanish Catholic readers; it was deeply democratic and promoted the freedom of religion, press, political thought, and association. Consequently, Vida Nueva opposed the repression of the Regime and aimed for a separation of powers between Church and State, mainly so that the Church could preach and promote its social thought in public life.
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Knol-Radoja, Katarina, i Dejan Bodul. "How to stop placing false information and hate speech on the Internet?" Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 61, nr 95 (2022): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn1-40003.
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The subject matter of this paper will be the protection of fundamental human rights from false and offensive information and hate speech on the Internet. The authors analyze the regulations and case law of the national courts of the Republic of Croa-tia, the ECtHR and EU Court of Justice. In conclusion, the authors note that the legal framework governing the protection of human rights in the digital environment has not been precisely developed, either at the national or at the international level. Nor has the case law thus far demonstrated clear and unambiguous precision in the interpretation of existing regulations. It is extremely difficult and challenging to achieve the right balance between the freedom of expression of the media and the right of individuals to protection of personality rights. The media should react to inappropriate content in a timely manner, but the general obligation to 'filter' comments of online media users is incompatible with the freedom of expression. Excessive control of information can easily turn into censorship. However, we believe that it is necessary to clearly regulate the rights and obligations of participants on the Internet because transparency and predictability of accountability is the only way to establish protection of fundamental rights of individuals and certain vulnerable groups.
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Schmitt, Michael N. "The conduct of hostilities during Operation Iraqi Freedom: an international humanitarian law assessment". Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 6 (grudzień 2003): 73–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138913590000129x.
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The war in Iraq thrust international law into the global spotlight as has no conflict since Vietnam.Jus ad bellumdebates grew increasingly heated as the launch of hostilities in March 2003 approached. Did Security Council resolution 1441 authorise Operation Iraqi Freedom (hereafter, OIF)? Perhaps the attack was an exercise of self-defence against state-support to terrorism. Did the purported doctrine of ‘preemptive self-defence’, enunciated in the 2002 US National Security Strategy, offer a legal justification? What of humanitarian intervention, democratisation or regime change? Or was the sole normative basis the one formally asserted by the United States and United Kingdom — breach of a ceasefire set forth in a Security Council resolution adopted a dozen years earlier? Thejus ad bellumbrouhaha resurfaced in April 2005 with the revelation that British Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had issued a classified memorandum on the legality of hostilities that differed from the public justification he proffered, with OIF days away, just over a week later.
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Logarušić, Dejan, i Sanja Škorić. "TENDENCIES IN IMPROVING THE APPLICATION OF LEGAL RULES OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND ETHNIC GROUPS". SCIENCE International Journal 3, nr 1 (14.03.2024): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/sciencej0301121l.
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In the paper, the authors discuss the tendencies of development and improvement of legal guarantees of international and national regulations of individual countries and definitions of the term national minority and ethnic groups. We start from the hypothesis that international and national legal rules are well established, with the aim of improvement, but in practical application at the local level, the provisions of the Council of Europe Convention on the Protection of National Minorities, which represents the first comprehensive regional international agreement and legally binding international instrument, are bypassed or omitted, dedicated to the protection of national minorities. The definition of new and special rights and freedoms of man and citizen, that is, the scope and application of human rights and freedoms can be classified into different groups. The work will deal with the analysis of the rights and freedoms of ethnic groups and national minorities, the rights and freedoms of foreigners and stateless persons, the position of law in the field of governance, the constitutional duties of man and citizen in accordance with the criteria of the mutual relationship between the individual, that is, the citizen and the state. Researching the right to education, freedom of scientific and artistic creation represents freedom of thought as one of the spiritual freedoms. The Constitution of the Republic of Serbia guarantees the freedom of scientific and artistic creativity, the publication of scientific and artistic works, guarantees moral and material rights to authors, and more. The essential part of the analysis refers to the research and strict application of the rights of members of national minorities, that is, the detailed elaboration and respect of minority rights, the prohibition of discrimination of national minorities, equality in the management of public affairs, the prohibition of forced assimilation, the right to preserve uniqueness and develop the spirit of tolerance, as well as the right to association and cooperation with compatriots. The Framework Convention of the Council of Europe on the Protection of National Minorities - represents the first comprehensive regional international agreement and the first legally binding international instrument, which is entirely dedicated to the protection of national minorities.
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Mokryk, Radomyr. "The beginning: The poetry of Lina Kostenko during the Thaw". Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 9 (9.05.2022): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.9.11.
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A short period of time after Khrushchev’s Secret Speech in 1956 was characterized by relative freedom of speech, plurality of cultural approaches and the easing of censorship in Soviet Ukraine. Under these favorable conditions, a new generation of young writers, artists and intellectuals emerged in Ukraine, known as the Generation of the Sixties, or “the Sixtiers.” Despite the fact that they were part of Soviet culture, they gradually formed a kind of cultural opposition to the official culture. Lina Kostenko played a significant role in this process, and some opposition motifs in her works appeared from the very beginning of her career. This study traces the emergence of some of these motifs, which later became the basis of Kostenko’s literary career: anthropocentrism, solidarity among the oppressed and national issues.
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Dwipa, Fajar Dwi Putra, i Syamsuddin Aziz. "Journalism as a Killing Machine (Study of Press Freedom and Information Restraint in Indonesia)". JCommsci - Journal of Media and Communication Science 5, nr 3 (30.09.2022): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29303/jcommsci.v5i3.192.
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The Purpose of This Study Is to Provide a Straightforward Picture of The Shift in The Primary Meaning of Journalism from An Information Provider to An Information-Killing Machine. Journalism Has Now Reached the Cusp of Its Failure, Without A Clear Purpose and Becoming the Place of The Press for Capitalism. Currently, People Are Forced to Access Inappropriate Information About Fake News and Information That Kills the Personality of The Indonesian Nation. The Results of This Study Show That Most Media In Indonesia Experience Deformation And Shift In Primary Meaning. Journalism Is Called the Information Killing Machine, He Slaughters All the Messages Until It Runs Out So That Communication Loses Its Main Role and Function. This Change in The Form of Journalism Is Somewhat Controversial Indeed Because In Every Publication Information Tends To Display Scary News And Is Not Safe. The Change Is Dominated by Online Media Even Though There Are Several Major Media in Indonesia Also Become Psychopaths in The World of Journalism. Although The Modern Era, The Main Function of Journalism Must Still Stand Under Journalistic Ethics. Freedom Does Not Mean Fomenting Market Forces Limiting Public Ownership and Reducing the Number of Votes in The Territory of Society. Government Censorship Is Long Gone, Therefore, The Government Through the Ministry of Information and The Press Council Must Play a Residual Role in Ensuring Responsible Press Performance. The Recommendations of The Broadcasting Commission and The Press Council Are Important in Their Position So That the Existence of Information In Indonesia Is Suitable For Widespread Public Consumption. The Conclusion Is That Although It Seems Nothing Is Significantly Different the Ontological Status of Journalism Has Undergone Major Changes and It Should Be Well Thought Out. Currently, What Is Happening in Indonesia Is Journalism That Is Full of Logical Mistakes. For Example, The Overarching Criticism of The Recommendation to Restrict Some Corruption and Covid 19 Suspects Was Disguised and Expanded So That Some of The Information Received by The Public Became Biased. Currently, Indonesia Is Looking for The Existence of Independent Journalism, Not Taking Sides Except For The Truth.
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Slavko, A., i A. Chernyavskii. "Academic freedom restrictions in the practice of the European Court of Human Rights". Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, nr 2 (11.05.2024): 773–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.02.127.
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Academic freedom is one of the cornerstones of the development of society as a whole, as it plays a critical role in scientific research and technological progress. The importance of academic freedom is also evidenced by its mention in many documents, from the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union to the Magna Carta of European Universities. The Council of Europe also devotes considerable attention to academic freedom. Academic freedom manifests itself in research, teaching, and learning. Among the components of academic freedom, individual researchers also cite the ability to disseminate the results of their research and maintain intellectual property rights over them. Academic freedom is interpreted both as an individual right and as an institutional right, which manifests in their ability to be autonomous and pursue independent policies. In the light of the European Court of Human Rights' practice, academic freedom is a component of the freedom of expression. Accordingly, restrictions on academic freedom are considered permissible if they meet the general requirements of the three-part test (legality, legitimate aim, proportionality). The European Court of Human Rights analysed these circumstances in several cases concerning academic freedom, including Lombardi Vallauri v. Italy, Sorgug v. Turkey, Kharlamov v. Russia, Mustafa Erdogan and Others v. Turkey, Ayuso Torres v. Spain, and Kula v. Turkey. The Court's examination of these cases indicates that it recognises the importance of academic freedom, even in cases where statements are declared offensive, disturbing, or causing outrage (for example, criticism of the procedure for electing the academic council, judgments of the Constitutional Court, or the Constitution itself). Academic community members should have the opportunity to participate in public discussions within the scope of their activities. When balancing the right to privacy and academic freedom, it is crucial to consider additional guarantees that academic community members possess. In doing so, when restricting academic freedom, national courts should consider the so-called "chilling effect” that any sanctions for expressions may have on the overall state of academic freedom in the country.
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Kouba, Miroslav. "„Článek 12: tisk je svobodný v mezích zákona.“ Podoby cenzury v knižní kultuře vrcholných fází bulharského obrození". Kultúrne dejiny 13, Supplement (2022): 53–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.53-81.
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The formation of modern ethnic and cultural identities in non-state communities is a process that, in addition to general assumptions, also required increased cultivation of the institutional backdrop of the given national movement. In the case of the Bulgarian national revival, one of the characteristic features is the systematic and long-term absence of domestic printing presses, which during almost the entire 19th century limited the development of book culture. A key factor in this cultural situation is not only the weak representation of cultural elites, but also the systematically enforced legislative measures by the Ottoman state, which prevented the establishment of a polygraphic center on Bulgarian territory. For this reason, the printing of nearly all production of Bulgarian books and periodicals was realized outside the Bulgarian lands until the late 1870s. The Tanzimat reforms also had a paradoxical effect, in the context of which the Turkish Press Act came into force. Based on it, the initial prerequisites were created for the gradually introduced censorship, which concerned the entire Ottoman Empire. As part of it, applications for the establishment of printing presses, which were systematically rejected for the Bulgarian lands, were also under thorough control. This paper therefore tries to present a basic typology of censorship measures, which it follows on two basic levels – in the aspects of the external and internal effects of the Ottoman power, at the same time pointing out the fact that the traditions of freedom of speech were not established either during the so-called national revival or after the introduction of the Ottoman constitution from 1876, or even after the liberation of Bulgaria in 1878.
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Ferranco, Achilles Alfred C. "Taboos, Censorship, and Student-Centered Learning: A Critical Review of the Melayu Islam Beraja and its Implications to Liberal Education". International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation X, nr X (2023): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51244/ijrsi.2023.101017.
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This paper critically reviews the Melayu Islam Beraja (MIB) national philosophy of Brunei and its implications to student-centered learning (SCL) paradigm. It uses Ralph Tyler’s Basic Principles of Curriculum and Instruction in reviewing SCL teaching and learning assumptions in relation to that of MIB’s national philosophy. In this paper, I present my personal teaching experiences in a private higher education institution in Brunei. Reflexivity is given focus by presenting my experiences as a student in a teacher-centric and learner-centered setting, and from being a teacher in a learner-centered setting in the Philippines and the adjustments I had to make in my first year of teaching in Brunei. I pointed possible issues in the integration of SCL and MIB and its implications to higher education pedagogy. Ultimately, this reflexive account aims to generate discussions about SCL as a paradigm its adaptability in different contexts, and the importance of academic freedom.
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Yakushenkov, Serguey N. "When the Naked Body Speaks: Brazilian Theater in the Search of National Identity". Corpus Mundi 3, nr 1 (30.05.2022): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/cmj.v3i1.59.
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The naked body is a complex phenomenon, combining a variety of functions. Nudity can be symbols of threat/insecurity, aggression/victim, freedom/slavery. Teatro Oficina, located in the São Paulo suburbs, offers us a unique example of nudity for the construction of national identity. Based on the Brazilian poet Oswald de Andrade's "Anthropophagic Manifesto," the theatre founders made nudity and anthropophagy their theatrical credo. Formed in 1958 the theater has taken a leading place in the cultural life of São Paulo and Brazil. Despite censorship during the military dictatorship, Teatro Oficina consistently defended their right for freedom of expression.
Drawing attention to the first descriptions of the Brazilian natives by the Portuguese, de Andrade declared the importance of two main symbols from these characteristics: anthropophagy and nudity. The anthropophagy is understood by Teatro through the idea of the Brazilians capacity to devour the European achievements. Without rejecting the Western theater, the head of Teatro Jose Celso offers the audience the new corporeality concept. In this regard, not only the possible nudity of the actors, but also the willingness for actors and spectators to break the fragile edge of the customary. In theater there is no conventional theatrical stage, no generally accepted dialogues with the audience, which can also become part of the theatrical action, undressed or conversely dressed in theatrical costumes.
The Teatro Oficina’s phenomenon lies in their ability to construct a new corporeality in Brazil, based on the artificial construct by de Andrade and traditions of Brazilian culture: carnivalesque atmosphere, openness, hybridity.
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Keil, André. "The National Council for Civil Liberties and the British State during the First World War, 1916–1919*". English Historical Review 134, nr 568 (19.05.2019): 620–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez103.
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Abstract The First World War saw an unprecedented expansion of the executive powers of the British government that radically changed the relationship between individual citizens and the state. This article offers a new perspective on these developments by analysing the activities of the National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) between 1916 and 1918. It explores the emergence of civil liberties activism in Britain during the war and its impact on British political culture. The NCCL became an efficiently organised pressure group, campaigning against press censorship, political policing and the suppression of anti-war dissent. This article argues that the innovative campaigning and propaganda methods used by the NCCL mark a moment of innovation that can be described as a revolution in activism. It represents a shift from the grass-roots political associations of the nineteenth century towards more professional forms of political activism that foreshadowed the rise of modern pressure groups and NGOs. The article also explains the emergence of a new discourse about the relationship between civil liberties, democracy and socialism in Britain during the First World War. The NCCL became an important locus for the networks of protest and dissent that emerged in Britain in response to the expansion of the wartime state. The article thus presents a new perspective on the beginnings of civil liberties activism in Britain and the impact of the First World War on its political culture.
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BEÇET, Rabiya, i M. Bedri MERMUTLU. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE MEDIA ON THE FEBRUARY 28 POSTMODERN COUP". SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, nr 32 (15.07.2022): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.670.
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Turkish politics have faced coups throughout history, and all of them have left heavy traces on society. The thought that governments could not manage the social structure and economy well led to the military seizing the government. These coups have also revealed socio-economic problems in the society. Each coup has done different damage to the society. All coups are implemented differently from each other. The factor that distinguishes the February 28 intervention, which is described as a “postmodern coup” from other coups, is that the military intervened in the government through the media without using an armed force. During this period, the government was forced to resign due to the resignation calls of soldiers and media bosses. The process leading up to the coup started months ago with the media and continued after February 28. With the decisions taken at the National Security Council meeting on February 28, 1997, the 'postmodern coup' took place. The decisions taken here have affected the lives of many people. The freedom of education of women wearing headscarves and the freedom of work of soldiers working in the army were taken away. Everyone who contradicted the decisions taken at the National Security Council meeting faced different practices. Apart from this, there were also problems in the economic field, some of the capital owners were marginalized, and they were treated differently on the grounds that it was against the country's interests. Media is a powerful field that transfers all kinds of information to societies. The media, which informs and guides with its strong influence on society, was also used as an important effect tool during the 28 February process. In this process, the society was divided into two as ideas with media discourses. In this research, the relationship between media and politics, postmodern coup process, MGK decision (National Security Council Meeting) are emphasized. Content analysis technique was used in the research. In the research, publications such as journals, articles, theses, etc. were taken as a source, and newspaper headlines (right media headlines and left media headlines) were examined.
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Gaffney, Loretta M. "The Common Core State Standards and Intellectual Freedom: Implications for Libraries". Journal of Intellectual Freedom and Privacy 1, nr 1 (6.06.2016): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/jifp.v1i1.5977.
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The Common Core State Standards are a single set of codified, grade-by-grade K-12 educational standards in both English/language arts (ELA) and math that were intended to replace previous state K-12 standards and align them with one another. The National Governors’ Association (NGA) and the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO) developed Common Core in consultation with educational testing companies and with funding from the Bill Gates Foundation. While Common Core has enjoyed bipartisan support from Democrats and Republicans, opposition to Common Core has also generated strange bedfellows, mingling groups that would ordinarily clash, such as the Tea Party and teachers’ union locals. Disparate challenges to Common Core are best understood not as individual curricular challenges, but as moving pieces in a larger social movement context.
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Gioltzidou, Fotini, Georgia Gioltzidou i Theodoros Chrysafis. "Coverage of International News in TV News Broadcasts: The Case of the Greek Public Television". European Journal of Communication and Media Studies 2, nr 3 (22.08.2023): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejmedia.2023.2.3.19.
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The "World Press Freedom Index" is published annually by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and aims to compare 180 countries and territories according to the level of freedom enjoyed by journalists and the media. For 2023, Greece is in position 107 on the list, occupying the last position among the countries of the European Union. As a result of the financial and political crisis, Greek journalists and media faced a deepening lack of trust in the country (Gioltzidou, 2018). In this context, the present study attempts an in-depth study of the potentially problematic aspects of the practice of journalism in Greece, starting from the level of coverage of international news on public television. The theoretical study is based on the research of Lent (1977), who concluded that national interests, censorship (internal or external), and an increasingly shrinking body of correspondents limit international news coverage in the media. In the empirical part, the research results obtained from the study of 66 news bulletins and 1447 separate news topics on the public television ERT3 during September 2021 were presented. The central research question of the study is "What is the role and the position of international news in news bulletins in Greece in cases of global crisis?".
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PAUL, SUBIN, i DAVID DOWLING. "Gandhi's Newspaperman: T. G. Narayanan and the quest for an independent India, 1938–46". Modern Asian Studies 54, nr 2 (5.09.2019): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000094.
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AbstractThe expansion of the colonial public sphere in India during the 1930s and 1940s saw the nation's English-language press increasingly serve as a key site in the struggle for freedom despite British censorship. This article examines the journalistic career of T. G. Narayanan, the first Indian war correspondent and investigative reporter, to understand the role of English-language newspapers in India's quest for independence. Narayanan reported on two major events leading to independence: the Bengal famine of 1943 and the Second World War. Drawing on Michael Walzer's concept of the ‘connected critic’, this research demonstrates that Narayanan's journalism fuelled the Indian nationalist movement by manoeuvring around British censors to publicize and expand Mahatma Gandhi's criticism of British rule, especially in light of the famine and war. His one departure from the pacifist leader, however, was his support of Indian soldiers serving in the Indian National Army and British Army.
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Dedinskiy, Stanislav N. "Carnival Night as a New Type of Post-Stalinist Comedy". ТЕАТР. ЖИВОПИСЬ. КИНО. МУЗЫКА, nr 1 (2022): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35852/2588-0144-2022-1-109-130.
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The debut feature film by Eldar Ryazanov Carnival Night (1956) became one of the landmark events of the first period of the Khrushchev Thaw. But for the society it also marked its real beginning in cinema, showing on the screen the degree of freedom of young heroes and their struggle – albeit within the framework of a genre film. There were both the representatives of the previous generation and at the same time the representatives of the authorities. Studying the history of the film creation simultaneously shows these two interrelated components of the idea and its reliazation: a radical expansion of the showing the change of generations and political paradigms on the screen – and progress of the comedy genre. The creators of the film frankly spoke about the need to update the comedy genre and associated this need with a changing era. The transcripts of the discussions also show the uncertainty that these changes in the society and in the film industry had really come to stay. So the cautions of film authorities and fellow filmmakers found their parallel on the screen and became the “second layer” of the film’s action. The plot of Carnival Night includes resistance to censorship. Thus the screenwriters Boris Laskin and Vladimir Polyakov and the director Eldar Ryazanov introduced overtones of their own confrontation with censorship into the film. The archival materials have made it possible to confirm. The article features excerpts from different versions of the screenplay and the shooting script of Carnival Night. They are from the scenes which were not filmed or were significantly changed. The article also includes material from the preserved transcripts of the production’s discussions at the meetings of the Artistic Council of the Mosfilm studio (speeches by Ivan Pyryev, N. Orlov and others). The publication establishes the relationship between the demands of the Soviet film distribution (about which the journal Iskusstvo Kino (The Art of Cinema) wrote at the time), and the motivation of the leadership of the country’s largest film studio.
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Arifin, Ridwan, Rasdi Rasdi i Riska Alkadri. "TINJAUAN ATAS PERMASALAHAN PENEGAKAN HUKUM DAN PEMENUHAN HAK DALAM KONTEKS UNIVERSALIME DAN RELATIVISME HAK ASASI MANUSIA DI INDONESIA". Jurnal Ilmiah Hukum LEGALITY 26, nr 1 (15.08.2018): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jihl.v26i1.6612.
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The four principles of freedom (four freedoms) include freedom of speech and expression, freedom of religion and belief, freedom from want, and freedom from fear, are basic principles recognized by countries and translated into many more specific forms of human rights fulfillment human. The fulfillment and protection of human rights is one indicator of the progress of a country. The scope of fulfilling human rights that covers a very broad field, from education, health, to law enforcement, is a challenge. The UN Security Council 2017 Universal Periodical Review (UPR) session provides recommendations for strengthening human rights in Indonesia, including the ratification of international human rights instruments, the continued cooperation of UN human rights, the abolition of the death penalty, matters related to sexual orientation and efforts to protect tolerance and diversity. The Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) 2017 records 84 cases of violence and human rights violations that occurred. The issue of interpreting different human rights standards is one of the causes of this high problem in Indonesia. Many different interpretations are caused by the running of different political systems of state administration, causing the implementation of human rights fulfillment to be different. This paper looks at and compares the practices of human rights enforcement covering the four principles of freedom in Indonesia. This paper will compare the implementation of human rights standards and norms in national domestic practices based on international human rights principles and norms.
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Aloui, Marwa, Yosr Hrichi i Chokri Slim. "Impact of Cultural and Environmental Factors on the Adoption of AAOIFI Accounting Standards in MENA Countries: Logistic Regression and Neural Networks". Asia-Pacific Management Accounting Journal 17, nr 2 (31.08.2022): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/apmaj.v17i2-01.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of cultural and environmental factors on the decision of adoption of Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI) in MENA countries. Precisely, we empirically diagnosed the impact of culture, the origin of the legal system, economic growth, the presence of National Shariah Council and the political freedom on the adoption of AAOIFI. Data from 44 countries belonging to the MENA region was used and compared between 26 countries adopting the standards of AAOIFI and 18 not adopting during the period 2007-2017. The paper used a Logit regression analysis to model the binary decision to adopt the AAOIFI or not. Additionally, neural networks were performed to test the robustness of the results of the logistic regression. We found that all macroeconomic factors affected the decision of adoption. Furthermore, the neuronal model showed that the level of education and the political freedom were the most important factors influencing the adoption of AAOIFI. Keywords: AAOIFI standards, culture, legal origins of law, political freedom, economic growth, logistic regression, neuronal networks.
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McKeown, Jamie. "A corpus-based investigation of techno-optimism and propositional certainty in the National Intelligence Council’s ‘Future Global Trends Reports’ (2010–2035)". Discourse & Communication 12, nr 1 (4.11.2017): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481317735625.
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This article reports the findings from a study of discursive representations of the future role of technology in the work of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC). Specifically, it investigates the interplay of ‘techno-optimism’ (a form of ideological bias) and propositional certainty in the NIC’s ‘Future Global Trends Reports’. In doing so, it answers the following questions: To what extent was techno-optimism present in the discourse? What level of propositional certainty was expressed in the discourse? How did the discourse deal with the inherent uncertainty of the future? Overall, the discourse was pronouncedly techno-optimist in its stance towards the future role of technology: high-technological solutions were portrayed as solving a host of problems, despite the readily available presence of low-technology or no-technology solutions. In all, 75.1% of the representations were presented as future categorical certainties, meaning the future was predominantly presented as a known and closed inevitability. The discourse dealt with the inherent uncertainty of the subject matter, that is, the future, by projecting the past and present into the future. This was particularly the case in relation to the idea of technological military dominance as a guarantee of global peace, and the role of technology as an inevitable force free from societal censorship.
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Roos, Christof, i Laura Westerveen. "The conditionality of EU freedom of movement: Normative change in the discourse of EU institutions". Journal of European Social Policy 30, nr 1 (2.08.2019): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719855299.
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Freedom of movement (FOM) in the European Union (EU) has become a highly salient issue in political and public debates. Most of the literature on FOM is heavily focused on the judiciary interpretation of this EU right, or on conflicting attitudes towards FOM within the national arena. However, the EU and its institutions as political actors that define and shape the content and meaning of FOM are largely absent from this literature. If mentioned, EU actors are often depicted as ideological and orthodox defenders of FOM. We argue that this perspective is empirically inaccurate, which leads to skewed theoretical assumptions. It not only overlooks an EU-level discourse on FOM that has changed significantly in recent years but also fails to acknowledge that even fundamental rights and key pillars of EU integration can be subject to discursive change at the EU level. A frame analysis of documents from the European Commission, the European Council, the Council of the EU and the European Parliament from 2004 to 2016 forms the basis of our argument. During this period, restrictionist arguments have increasingly entered EU actors’ discourse on FOM. Viewed almost as an absolute right of EU citizens during the 2000s, FOM during the 2010s has been framed in terms of the conditions underlying the exercise of this right. We conclude that EU actors are engaged in a political debate over what FOM means and that their discourse has shifted to support an increased conditionality of FOM.
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Bielova, M. V., O. M. Byelov i K. R. Megesh. "The right to be forgotten: separate conceptual issues". Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, nr 2 (11.05.2024): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2024.02.18.
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The article is devoted to the study of the emergence and formation of the human right to be forgotten as the right of an individual to request the removal of his or her personal data from public access through search engines, under certain conditions. It is found that the establishment of the right to be forgotten is often associated with one of the key decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union, namely, in the case of Google Spain v. Costeja Gonzalez, which has gained wide international publicity. However, it is important to note that freedom of speech and freedom of access to information are conflicting fundamental rights to the right to be forgotten. The right to privacy and the data protection regime do not exist in a vacuum: the right to privacy can often clash with other rights, in particular the right to freedom of expression, for example, in terms of censorship. The author analyses international judicial precedents regarding the acknowledgement of the right to be forgotten in the sphere of the digital human rights system, and finds that the rulings typically pertain to data that might drastically influence the fundamental rights to privacy and personal data protection. Furthermore, the courts explicitly assert their intention to achieve an equitable balance between these rights and the public's right to access information. Hence, the resolution of numerous conflicts is largely contingent on the factual context of each case. The author reviews the legal regulation of the right to be forgotten, in particular, the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation), the 1995 Data Protection Directive, as updated and supplemented by the above-mentioned Regulation, and the European Convention on Human Rights, etc. Although the concept of the right to be forgotten is not recognised in the Ukrainian legal system, the Law of Ukraine "On Personal Data Protection” states that deletion or destruction of personal data in the information landscape is possible upon filing a complaint or going to court.