Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Nation-building – Spain

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Nation-building – Spain”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 30 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Nation-building – Spain"

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Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen. "Catalan ‘nation-building’ and the Transition to Democracy in Spain". Scottish Affairs 37 (First Serie, nr 2 (listopad 2001): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2001.0072.

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Irigoin, Alejandra, i Regina Grafe. "Bargaining for Absolutism: A Spanish Path to Nation-State and Empire Building". Hispanic American Historical Review 88, nr 2 (1.05.2008): 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-117.

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Abstract Social scientists use the history of Spain and her empire as a standard against which they establish the relatively superior efficiency of Anglo-Saxon institutions. This historical “experiment” underpins the core argument of new institutional economic history. This essay argues that such comparisons are based on a misleading characterization of Spanish rule in the metropolis and overseas. For some time, historians of Spain and colonial Spanish America have emphasized that the Spanish system of governance was highly negotiated rather than absolutist. This essay confirms this view by analyzing the workings of the peninsular and colonial fiscal systems. Revenues were not extracted to Madrid but instead were widely redistributed across regions. Contrary to received wisdom, there was a great degree of local autonomy in managing and allocating these intraregional transfers of revenues. The crown barely controlled the system; yet it acted as the ultimate arbiter of a very flexible arrangement that effected the distribution of the fiscal burden across colonial regions and economic sectors. This setup explains the lack of serious challenges from within during three hundred years of imperial rule. Napoleon’s invasion of Spain in 1808 and the abduction of the king caused a major shock to this system of redistribution. The implosion of Spanish rule led to conflict over revenues and resources among constituent parts of the empire. The ensuing search for a legitimate replacement ruler consumed the following century in postcolonial Spanish America. A comparable pattern of constitutional failure, political instability, and poor economic performance was replicated in Spain throughout the nineteenth century.
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García-Mejuto, Diego. "Theorizing nation-building through high-speed rail development: Hegemony and space in the Basque Country, Spain". Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 54, nr 3 (6.12.2021): 554–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x211061747.

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Despite a variegated body of academic work on nation-building and rail infrastructures, attention to the relationship between nation-building and wider processes of economic and political restructuring and an explicit and theoretically robust consideration of space have been largely missing. This paper seeks to address both limitations by advancing a spatially sensitive conceptualization of how rail infrastructures may be used as a tool for nation-building in contemporary capitalist societies. Particularly, I draw on Jessop's strategic-relational approach to the state and on theoretical contributions on the spatiality of social relations to propose the synthetic notion of ‘spatial hegemonic vision’ to explain the legitimacy and substantive coherence of state action, argue for the inherent spatiality of nation-building projects, and facilitate a theoretically robust and nuanced understanding of such spatiality. I further distinguish between political economic and cultural dimensions in nation-building and discuss the materialization and imagining of specific configurations of territories, places, scales and networks involved in spatial hegemonic visions. This conceptualization is then applied to the development of a high-speed rail line in the Spanish region of the Basque Country. This line has been mobilized to advance two competing yet partially compatible spatial hegemonic visions, whilst becoming itself a site where they came into conflict. The paper concludes by examining the validity of the proposed conceptualization and discussing its applicability to other contemporary cases of nation-building through transport infrastructures.
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San Narciso, David. "Being a nation through the crown. Banal monarchism and nation-building in Spain, 1833–68". European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 27, nr 4 (7.11.2019): 474–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2019.1683517.

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Ryan, Paul, i Alina Danet Danet. "Nationalising Women’s Bodies: Discourse and Politics of Prostitution in Ireland and Spain". Clepsydra. Revista de Estudios de Género y Teoría Feminista, nr 24 (2023): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.clepsydra.2023.24.02.

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This article explores how women’s sexuality has played a central role in building and reproducing the collective identity of the nation in two countries, Ireland and Spain. It argues how a nationalisation of women’s bodies created a symbolic and idealised version of womanhood, reinforced by a complex infrastructure of criminal code, places of rehabilitation and a system of surveillance operating through government, medical and religious institutions. We explore these processes through an analysis of the discourses governing prostitution in leading newspapers between 1939 and 1975, corresponding to the public nation-building projects to Catholic nationalism through the idealisation of family, motherhood and domestic life. Three key discourses from the newspaper coverage have been identified around prostitution: protecting the national body, the exile of women in prostitution and ordinary women as a threat, to trace the process of renewed nation building that occurred in both countries from the 1940s onwards.
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Goikoetxea, Jule. "Nation and democracy building in contemporary Europe: the reproduction of the Basque demos". Nationalities Papers 42, nr 1 (styczeń 2014): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.830600.

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The article analyzes the material or objectified reproduction of the Basque demos since democracy was established in Spain in 1980. Spain holds within its territory diverse regions and political communities and the Basque case is a highly illustrative example of how the development of regional state institutions is fundamental for the reproduction of distinct democratic demoi not merely in their political but also socio-economic dimension. This paper argues that, in our current European context, political distinctions cannot become effectively objectified and instituted power structures without state institutions being able to uphold a differentiated system of stratification.
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Cáceres-Delpiano, Julio, Antoni-Italo De Moragas, Gabriel Facchini i Ignacio González. "Intergroup contact and nation building: Evidence from military service in Spain". Journal of Public Economics 201 (wrzesień 2021): 104477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2021.104477.

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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "‘La EspaÒa Ultramarina’: Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Spain". European History Quarterly 34, nr 2 (kwiecień 2004): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691404042507.

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Villa, Laura. "Official orthographies, spelling debates and nation-building projects after the fall of the Spanish Empire". Written Language and Literacy 18, nr 2 (31.08.2015): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.18.2.03vil.

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The collapse of the Spanish Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century prompted a need to reorganize the former colonial space in independent countries by creating territorial, political and identity boundaries in Spanish-speaking America. The imposition of a national language – the officialization of grammatical and orthographic norms and their promotion through emerging public education systems – was a key instrument in the nation-building processes developed in Spain and the newly independent American republics. In this socio-political context resistance to official norms and their implementation was frequent. This article studies three language ideological debates over Spanish orthography, occurring in the central decades of the century: the resistance to the officialization of the Royal Spanish Academy’s orthography in Spain (1844), the opposition to Sarmiento’s simplification proposal in Chile (1844) and the reception of the Chilean orthography in Spain (1846). The significance of spelling as an identity marker and a political tool is emphasized.
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García, César. "Using Strategic Communication for Nation-Building in Contemporary Spain: The Basque Case". International Journal of Strategic Communication 6, nr 3 (lipiec 2012): 212–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1553118x.2012.678523.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Nation-building – Spain"

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Mautner, Kathleen C. "National Identity and the Education of Immigrant Youth in Spain". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/64.

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This thesis examines the present-day educational policies enacted by Spain in response to the country’s growing immigrant populations, specifically by comparing the policies implemented in two of Spain’s distinct autonomies. The thesis ultimately argues that the regions’ differing conceptualizations of national identity and their distinct relationships to the central Spanish state play a fundamental role in their motivations to enact comprehensive and effective policies that promote immigrants’ educational and social success.
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Amado-Borthayre, Lontzi. "La construction collective de l'action publique en faveur de la langue dans un cadre transfrontalier au Pays Basque et en Catalogne". Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40006/document.

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Beaucoup ont qualifié la construction de mouvements identitaires à base linguistique de Nouveaux Mouvement Sociaux dans les années 70. S’il est vrai qu’en France ils se sont fait connaitre à ce moment-là, en réapparaissant sous de nouvelles formes, il n’en demeure pas moins qu’ils puisent leurs racines dans une opposition historique aux Etats modernes européens. La longévité et la structuration des réseaux militants des langues basque et catalane, tant en France qu’en Espagne, en sont la preuve. Ainsi, outre les grands cycles de protestation, ce sont surtout les nouvelles formes de l’action publique locale et de la construction européenne qui vont permettre une prise en compte et une mise en œuvre de politiques linguistiques en Pays Basque et en Catalogne. La construction collective de manière transfrontalière des politiques linguistiques de la langue montre combien les acteurs collectifs deviennent des acteurs essentiels à la mise en œuvre de politiques publiques contemporaines. Et ce, non seulement en les cadrant lors des luttes politiques et lors de leurs élaborations mais également en étant des acteurs essentiels à l’expertise et à la mise en œuvre, puisqu’ils en sont la cause et les bénéficiaires à part entière. Finalement, les réseaux d’action politique en faveur de la langue se transforment, une fois la langue devenue enjeu et objectif de politique publique, en réseaux d’action publique local ouvrant ainsi un nouveau cycle d’action
The construction of language-based identity movements was called New Social Movements in the 70’s. If in France, they make themselves known at that time, reappearing under new forms, the fact remains that they originate from an historical opposition with the Europeans Modern States. The longevity and the structuration of the language-based militant networks of basque and catalonian languages, both in the Basque country and in Catalonia, are the proof. Besides the larges protest cycles, it is above all the new forms of local public policy and of European construction which will permit consideration and implementation of language policies in the Basque country and in Catalonia. The collective construction and across borders of language policies shows how collective actors become key players in the implementation of contemporary public policy, not only framing politics and policy making but also being essentials in the expertise and implementation because they are the cause and the beneficiaries. Finally, policy networks based on language turn, once the language become issue and target of public policy, on local public networks opening a new cycle of action
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Książki na temat "Nation-building – Spain"

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Wood, Jamie P. The politics of identity in Visigoth Spain: Religion and power in the historics of Isidor of Seville. Boston: Brill, 2012.

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McRoberts, Kenneth. Catalonia: Nation Building Without a State. Oxford University Press, 2001.

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State and Nation Making in Latin America and Spain. Cambridge University Press, 2024.

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Building the Basque city: The political economy of nation-building. Reno: Center for Basque Studies, University of Nevada, 2015.

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State and nation making in Latin America and Spain: Republics of the possible. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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Bel, Germa. Infrastructure and the Political Economy of Nation Building in Spain, 1720 - 2010. Sussex Academic Press, 2012.

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Infrastructure and the political economy of nation building in Spain, 1720-2010. Portland, Or: Sussex Academic Press, 2012.

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Armenteros, Carolina, David San Narciso i Margarita Barral Martínez. Monarchy and Liberalism in Spain: The Building of the Nation-State, 1780-1931. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Armenteros, Carolina, David San Narciso i Margarita Barral Martínez. Monarchy and Liberalism in Spain: The Building of the Nation-State, 1780-1931. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Armenteros, Carolina, David San Narciso i Margarita Barral Martínez. Monarchy and Liberalism in Spain: The Building of the Nation-State, 1780-1931. Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.

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Części książek na temat "Nation-building – Spain"

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Sanabria, Enrique A. "Anticlericalism in Modern Spain and Europe: Struggles over Nation-Building". W Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain, 15–38. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230620087_2.

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Molina, Fernando, i Miguel Cabo Villaverde. "An Inconvenient Nation: Nation-Building and National Identity in Modern Spain. The Historiographical Debate". W Nationhood from Below, 47–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355354_3.

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Vampa, Davide. "Ethno-regionalist Parties in Spain: Linking Regional Welfare Governance to ‘Sub-state’ Nation-Building". W The Regional Politics of Welfare in Italy, Spain and Great Britain, 115–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39007-9_7.

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Wisthaler, Verena. "Migrants, New Citizens, Co-Citizens and Citizens by Adoption – Regionalist Parties’ Framing of Immigrants in the Basque Country, Corsica, South Tyrol, Scotland and Wales". W IMISCOE Research Series, 91–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25726-1_6.

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AbstractRelying on a structured comparison of the various Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRPs) in the Basque Country (Spain), Corsica (France), South Tyrol (Italy), and Scotland and Wales (UK) I show that these parties engage, through processes of ‘othering’, in the creation of a hierarchy of diversities, differentiating between markers of diversity based on the perceived proximity of immigrants to the collective identity of the in-group, as well as their constructed distance to the identity of the state in which the minority region is situated. Hence, the construction of ‘wanted’ and ‘unwanted’ migrants and, in the long run, ‘wanted’ and ‘unwanted’ citizens, reflects the perceived potential of newcomers to strengthen the SNRPs’ vision of the territory, their nationalist mobilization and their nation-building project, which then becomes the salient criterion for the inclusion or exclusion of migrants into the construction of regional citizenship.
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Junco, José Alvarez. "The Nation-Building Process in Nineteenth-Century Spain". W Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula, 89–106. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003135791-6.

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McRoberts, Kenneth. "Nation-Building in an Autonomous Community". W Catalonia, 95–141. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198801832.003.0005.

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With the statute of autonomy enacted, Catalonia was at last able to elect its own parliament. But who was to lead Catalonia and in what direction? With the return of democracy to Catalonia, control of the Generalitat was captured by a conservative form of Catalan nationalism that focused on securing and expanding autonomy within Spain, as opposed to full independence. In the hands of conservative nationalists, the Generalitat apparently was not disposed even to pursue the full fiscal independence that the Basque Country had secured. Still, despite the weak constitutional basis of its autonomy and the prevalence of an integral Spanish nationalism in much of the country, the Generalitat was able to pursue a comprehensive program of ‘nation-building without a state’.
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Radatz, Hans-Ingo. "Spain in the 19th Century". W Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 108–22. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6614-5.ch008.

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Spain's nation building in the 19th century came to an early start during the War of Independence, but the new idea of a “Spanish Nation” soon ran into major adversities. When Fernando VII reinstated his absolutist monarchy, most of the American colonies broke away, and a series of civil wars turned Spain into a failed state for the greater part of the 19th century. During this period, an important segment of Catalonia's buoyant bourgeoisie tried to emulate Prussia's role in Germany and Piedmont's in Italy and pushed for Catalonia to become the leader of a modernization process. Catalan aspirations were, however, frustrated when in 1898 the last overseas colonies were lost and the Generación del 1898 rebooted the Spanish nation-building process – now as a European country with a clear-cut centralist and Castilian ideology behind it. Modern regional nationalism in Spain can only be understood against the background of these developments in the 19th century.
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Berman, Sheri. "Political Development in Spain". W Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe, 257–83. Oxford University PressNew York, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197539347.003.0013.

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Abstract Chapter 13 examines Spanish political development. It begins with a consideration of state- and nation-building during the early modern period and examines how these influenced Spain's subsequent political development. The chapter focuses on the instability and violence plaguing Spain during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and asks why traditional conservative forces were able to retain immense power in Spain, while their influence was waning in much of the rest of Europe. The chapter also analyzes why Spain's interwar democratic experiment failed and why this failure led to civil war and a relatively traditional conservative dictatorship rather than fascism.
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Jackson, Justin F. "An Empire of Reconstructions". W Reconstruction and Empire, 287–316. Fordham University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823298648.003.0012.

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This chapter examines through comparative history the U.S. military occupations in the South after the Civil War and Cuba following the war with Spain. It explores continuity and change in the culture of armed occupation, from problems of racial equality and nation-building to economic development. The Cuban occupation remade the original nineteenth-century meanings of reconstruction, from an internal process of social or national transformation, to one in the twentieth century involving the reshaping of capitalist nations abroad.
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Marx, Anthony W. "Cohesion by Exclusion, Redux from Above". W Faith In Nation: Exclusionary Origins Of Nationalism, 143–64. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195154825.003.0005.

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Abstract Fanatical exclusion was not the only course open to or attempted by nation and state builders. In the aftermath of earlier exclusions and some achieved popular coherence, Spain, France, and England to varying degrees had all turned to an inclusive approach to state-building. Earlier fanaticism was put in abeyance to restore order within which central state authority could be built further toward absolutism. Imperatives from above eclipsed and held in check the passions, at least for a time. But the circumstances of popular exhaustion and elite pragmatism allowing for these inclusive efforts at state-building passed. Consolidation of institutional power and of popular allegiance remained incomplete, confronted anew by challengers and factions, themselves enflamed by both tolerance and greater central state power. To shore up authority and cohesion and to dampen potential discord, elites reengaged in the project of national consolidation during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the more conventional focus of analysis of such efforts. But this reengagement revived the pattern of using exclusion to bolster unity that had proven effective a century or more earlier. Thus, nationand state-building in the eighteenth century was neither as inclusive as much analysis has suggested nor explicable without reference to the earlier experiences as foundational.
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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Nation-building – Spain"

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Connell, Devin, Avery Bang i Nicola Turrini. "Partnerships to Provide Critical Access; National Rural Infrastructure Programming in Rwanda". W Footbridge 2022 (Madrid): Creating Experience. Madrid, Spain: Asociación Española de Ingeniería Estructural, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24904/footbridge2022.212.

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<p>Bridges to Prosperity (B2P) is an International Non-Government Organization (INGO) that constructs long- span, cable-supported footbridges for transportation connectivity in rural parts of low-income countries. By building footbridges over impassable rivers, B2P and their partners act as a catalyst in rural communities, providing access to health care, education and market opportunities.</p><p>Following a nation-wide Rwanda needs assessment that involved assessing over 1500 locations where communities reported an inability to access local services year-round, B2P partnered with the Rwandan Government to prioritize the sites that were technically feasible and high impact, culminating in a five-year MOU to co-finance up to 355 bridges to connect over 1.1 million rural Rwandese. The private engineering and construction sectors have played a key role in providing funding and support for this scale up and this paper will address the design innovations brought forth, resulting in lost-cost and low-tech infrastructure for rural applications. To demonstrate the importance of B2P’s Corporate Partnership program on their scale-up in Rwanda, this paper will discuss a few of the innovative design and construction techniques developed in these partnerships through a case study of the Uwarukara footbridge in Rwanda.</p>
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