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Baud, Michiel. "Beyond Benedict Anderson: Nation-Building and Popular Democracy in Latin America". International Review of Social History 50, nr 3 (18.11.2005): 485–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859005002191.
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Beyond Imagined Communities. Reading and Writing the Nation in Nineteenth-Century Latin America. Ed. by Sara Castro-Klarén and John Charles Chasteen. Woodrow Wilson Center Press, Washington DC; Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore [etc.] 2003. 280 pp. $45.00. (Paper: $22.95.)Boyer, Christopher Robert. Becoming Campesinos. Politics, Identity, and Agrarian Struggle in Postrevolutionary Michoacán, 1920–1935. Stanford University Press, Stanford (Cal.) 2003. xii, 320 pp. Ill. £45.95.Forment, Carlos A. Democracy in Latin America, 1760–1900. Volume I, Civic Selfhood and Public Life in Mexico and Peru. [Morality and Society Series.] University of Chicago Press, Chicago [etc.] 2003. xxix, 454 pp. Maps. $35.00; £24.50.Larson, Brooke. Trials of Nation Making. Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes, 1810–1910. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2004. xiii, 299 pp. Ill. Maps. $70.00; £45.00. (Paper: $24.99; £17.99.)Studies in the Formation of the National State in Latin America. Ed. by James Dunkerley. Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, London, 2002. 298 pp. £14.95; € 20.00; $19.95.
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Gutierrez, Natividad. "Indigenous myths and nation building in Latin America". Nations and Nationalism 24, nr 2 (kwiecień 2018): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12387.
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Darmawan, Arif. "Gerakan Populis sebagai Tren Global: Dari Amerika Latin sampai Occupy Movement". Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, nr 02 (3.11.2017): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.02.593.
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AbstractThe gap in Latin American countries is a fertile ground for the emergence of a populist movement, so that populism is not considered as a deviation, but become a rational alternative to address the problems rooted in the failure of the nation-building process. The existence of populism in Latin America indirectly also has an influence on the movement rooted in populism in the global sphere. This paper will analyze the close connection between the recent wave of populism in the international world by looking at the historical roots of how populism developed in Latin America and its effect on the �Occupy Movement� movement phenomenon in order to know how the pattern of populist movements in the global realm. This article will begin by understanding the clear definition of what is populism, then the roots of populist history in Latin America, and how it relates to the emergence of the Occupy Movement as a new form of populist movement that is becoming a global tren.Keywords: populism, Latin America, Occupy MovementAbstrakKesenjangan yang terjadi di negara-negara Amerika Latin memang menjadi lahan subur munculnya gerakan populis, sehingga populisme tidak dianggap sebagai sebuah penyimpangan, tetapi menjadi satu bentuk alternatif rasional untuk mengatasi permasalahan yang berakar pada kegagalan proses nation-building. Keberadaan populisme di Amerika Latin ini secara tidak langsung juga mempunyai pengaruh terhadap gerakan yang berakar pada populisme di ranah global. Makalah ini akan menganalisis keterkaitan yang erat antara gelombang populisme yang akhir-akhir ini terjadi di dunia internasional dengan melihat akar sejarah bagaimana populisme berkembang di Amerika Latin serta pengaruhnya terhadap fenomena pergerakan Occupy Movement dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana pola gerakan populisme di ranah global. Artikel ini akan mengawali dengan memahami definisi yang jelas mengenai apa itu populisme, kemudian akar sejarah populisme di Amerika Latin, dan bagaimana keterkaitannya dengan kemunculan Occupy Movement sebagai bentuk gerakan populis baru yang menjadi tren global.Kata kunci: populisme; Amerika Latin; Occupy Movement
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Young, Stephenie. "Tones of Catastrophe: Modern Nation-Building and Latin America". CR: The New Centennial Review 5, nr 3 (2005): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ncr.2006.0012.
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Ji, Chen. "The Study on the Vulnerability and Countermeasures of Pakistan’s Nation-state Construction". Asia Social Science Academy 2, nr 2 (30.04.2022): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/isr.2022.2.2.21.
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The independence of Pakistan was an important event of the national independence movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America in the 20th century. Behind the event was the capacity building led by political parties. With the process of building a modern nation state, Pakistani political party’s ability has suffered a major “capacity decline” in reverse, which leads to the negative characteristics of Pakistan’s national construction such as “fragility” and “failed state”. Focusing on strengthening the construction of nation-state with party capacity building as its core, we will put forward corresponding countermeasures from four aspects of party capacity building.There are expression and integration of interests, formulation of program and policy, political mobilization and participation, political selection and employment, so as to effectively improve the core governance ability of political parties in many modern nation-states in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
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Van Aken, Mark. "Andrés Bello: Scholarship and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Latin America". Hispanic American Historical Review 82, nr 4 (1.11.2002): 822–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-82-4-822.
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LIE, NADIA. "Postcolonialism and Latin American literature: the case of Carlos Fuentes". European Review 13, nr 1 (20.01.2005): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870500013x.
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Postcolonialism is briefly presented as an academic approach in contemporary literary studies, with two opposite currents as far as the study of Latin American literature is concerned. The first constructs the relationship between Latin American and European literature as oppositional, whereas the second focuses in a more harmonious way on their interrelationship. It is argued that both currents cluster around a divergent reading of the ‘cannibal’ metaphor. The article then centres on the position of the Mexican writer Carlos Fuentes, who covers both postcolonial tendencies. This is shown by focusing upon a specific case, his early novella Aura. Attention is paid to the tension between Europe and Latin America, both on a literary level (intertextuality) and on a historical level (colonization and nation-building).
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Oliveira, Roberto Cardoso de. "Concepts movement in Anthropolgy". Revista de Antropologia 36 (17.12.1993): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/2179-0892.ra.1993.111381.
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Latin-American peripheral anthropology (that which is practiced outside of England, France and the United States) works with a singular epistemic subject. Toe Other which it studies is not distant and transoceanic; it is internai and nearby. From the standpoint of the knowing subject, this entails an ethical engagement with nation building, as n1anifested in the form of indigenismo, a phenomenon which marks the development of Anthropology throughout Latin America. The concepts of interethnic friction and ethnodevelopment indicate the specificity of our dilemmas and reveal the importance which the national context assumes in determining the horizon of our research efforts.
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Kent, Michael, Vivette García-Deister, Carlos López-Beltrán, Ricardo Ventura Santos, Ernesto Schwartz-Marín i Peter Wade. "Building the genomic nation: ‘Homo Brasilis’ and the ‘Genoma Mexicano’ in comparative cultural perspective". Social Studies of Science 45, nr 6 (20.11.2015): 839–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312715611262.
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This article explores the relationship between genetic research, nationalism and the construction of collective social identities in Latin America. It makes a comparative analysis of two research projects – the ‘Genoma Mexicano’ and the ‘Homo Brasilis’ – both of which sought to establish national and genetic profiles. Both have reproduced and strengthened the idea of their respective nations of focus, incorporating biological elements into debates on social identities. Also, both have placed the unifying figure of the mestizo/ mestiço at the heart of national identity constructions, and in so doing have displaced alternative identity categories, such as those based on race. However, having been developed in different national contexts, these projects have had distinct scientific and social trajectories: in Mexico, the genomic mestizo is mobilized mainly in relation to health, while in Brazil the key arena is that of race. We show the importance of the nation as a frame for mobilizing genetic data in public policy debates, and demonstrate how race comes in and out of focus in different Latin American national contexts of genomic research, while never completely disappearing.
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Vilches, Patricia. "Cervantes, Lizardi, and the Literary Construction of The Mexican Rogue in Don Catrín de la fachenda". Open Cultural Studies 1, nr 1 (20.12.2017): 428–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2017-0040.
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Abstract This study explores the socio-economic legacies and critique of nation-building found in the work of Jose Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi (1776-1827). In the nineteenth century, the Latin American elite struggled to disassociate itself from a suffocating colonial machine; they sought their own identity, and writing became a way to express their frustration. As in other parts of Latin America, Mexican intellectuals protested fossilisation via Cervantes’s Don Quijote. Using the Spanish author’s text as a blueprint, Lizardi’s Don Catrín de la fachenda depicted a turbulent society that was in the process of abandoning a decaying colonial order. Don Quijote’s characters engaged in power struggles and were involved in a variety of forms of social antagonism. Lizardi juxtaposed and superimposed these on an American geographical and socio-economic space where there was much dissension around the nation’s direction. The social and economic rules of Mexico (and Latin America) today can be said to be already present in the social exchanges in Don Catrín. It was in this context that Don Quijote was “Mexicanised” by Lizardi and thereby made to participate in local reflections on liberty, patriotism, capitalism, and citizenship. Cervantes’s text thus took on a socio-political meaning in the narrative of Latin America’s past and present.
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Bhattacharjee, Suparna. "Nation Building in Indonesia: Role of President Sukarno". Spectrum: Humanities, Social Sciences and Management 7, nr 1 (15.12.2020): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54290/spectrum/2020.v7.2.0003.
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Nation building became a challenge for many nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America. It was not only a process of a political economic or social restructuring of an erstwhile colony-it was much more to do with creating an identity of a sovereign nation. In post-colonial societies, nation building implies that its citizens have formally been bestowed with nationality. The nationality or nation-ness of a sovereign nation is the cultural artifacts of a particular kind (Anderson, Benedict, 1883). It needs delicate handling as it involves a process of integration and reconstructing of a new sense of unity and belonging. In a multi-cultural society, the issue of integration assumes complexities as it entails integration and accommodation of diverse entities into a common framework. Many nations have failed in that process. Indonesia is one such country which is diverse in every sense of the term. On top of that its vast geographical spread posed serious challenges before the process of nation building. The article is an attempt to examine the issues that came across before the architect of modern Indonesia-president Sukarno and how he had cope up with that. How Indonesia was able to curve out a mechanism to deal with its multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious realities, is what the paper seeks to explore.
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Shumway, Nicolas. "Reviews of Books:Andres Bello: Scholarship and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Latin America Ivan Jaksic". American Historical Review 108, nr 1 (luty 2003): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/533139.
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Tesser, Lynn M. "Identity, Contingency, and Interaction: Historical Research and Social Science Analysis of Nation-State Proliferation". Nationalities Papers 47, nr 3 (maj 2019): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.33.
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AbstractScholars of nation-building and secession tend to prioritize elite or broader nationalist activism when explaining the proliferation of nation-states. Yet, recent historical research reveals a major finding: the influence of great powers tended to eclipse nationalist mobilization for new states in Latin America, the Balkans, Anatolia, and Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on recent trends in historical research largely unknown in other fields, this article examines context, timing, and event sequencing to provide a new approach to multi-case research on nation-state proliferation. Major power recognition of new states in the Balkans also emerges as transformational for the post-World War I replacement of dynastic empires with nation-states in Europe. These findings suggest a shift of focus to the interplay of nationalist activism and great power policy for explaining the spread of nation-states.
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Danilova, G. A., i A. A. Demyannik. "POLITICS OF INDIGENISM IN MODERN LATIN AMERICA". Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 6, nr 1 (21.03.2022): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-111-125.
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The article deals with the politics of indigenism in modern Latin America. Based on the socio-constructivist approach, the changes that took place during the XX-XXI centuries in the public policy of a number of countries in the region in relation to the indigenous population are analyzed, the positions of intellectuals and elites in the formation of the agenda and various options for the policy of indigenism in the context of the colonial European heritage and political events of the XX century are evaluated. Indigenism in this work is considered as a specific public policy towards the indigenous population and a strategy of nation-building in Latin American countries. Special attention is paid to the countries in which a significant part of the population is made up of Indians - Mexico, Peru and Bolivia. These countries have been united by a common history for centuries: the pre-Hispanic civilizations of America - the Maya, Aztecs, Incas, who inhabited their territories, were distinguished by a high level of development of science and culture. However, for a long time, both in colonial times and after independence, indigenous ethnic groups seemed incapable of independent development, they were purposefully destroyed or assimilated. For integrated Mestizo Indians in some Latin American countries, special terms have been adopted aimed at erasing their Indian origin. European liberalism also contributed to the downgrading of the status of Indians and Indian land, which was constantly under attack. Despite the visible positive changes that took place by the end of the XX century in Latin American legislation concerning Indians, they are still forced to fight for their territory, cultural identity, are in a disenfranchised and distressed situation. The article identifies a number of factors (ideological commitment, the nature of the political regime, etc.) that have had one way or another influence on the change in the rhetoric of Latin American elites in setting the indigenist agenda in different time periods. Conclusions are drawn about the variability of the policy of indigenism in these countries at the present stage, depending on a combination of a number of factors.
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ANSELL, BEN, i JOHANNES LINDVALL. "The Political Origins of Primary Education Systems: Ideology, Institutions, and Interdenominational Conflict in an Era of Nation-Building". American Political Science Review 107, nr 3 (10.07.2013): 505–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000257.
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This paper is concerned with the development of national primary education regimes in Europe, North America, Latin America, Oceania, and Japan between 1870 and 1939. We examine why school systems varied between countries and over time, concentrating on three institutional dimensions: centralization, secularization, and subsidization. There were two paths to centralization: through liberal and social democratic governments in democracies, or through fascist and conservative parties in autocracies. We find that the secularization of public school systems can be explained by path-dependent state-church relationships (countries with established national churches were less likely to have secularized education systems) but also by partisan politics. Finally, we find that the provision of public funding to private providers of education, especially to private religious schools, can be seen as a solution to religious conflict, since such institutions were most common in countries where Catholicism was a significant but not entirely dominant religion.
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Hoyte-West, Antony. "A return to the past? The Spanish as the First Foreign Language policy in Trinidad and Tobago". Open Linguistics 7, nr 1 (1.01.2021): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2021-0018.
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Abstract Situated close to the coast of Venezuela, the small twin-island nation of Trinidad & Tobago is geographically South American, but culturally Caribbean. Despite colonisation by various European powers, years of British rule and the ensuing dominance of English have meant that the country’s rich ethnic and cultural heritage is currently not paralleled by equivalent linguistic diversity. Building on the country’s natural position as a bridge between the English and Spanish-speaking worlds, the government launched the Spanish as the First Foreign Language (SAFFL) policy in 2005, with the aim to enhance trade links with Latin America through increased use of Spanish in the education system, civil service, and wider society. After outlining the historical and sociocultural background underpinning the SAFFL policy, this study examines the initiative’s implementation and surveys its impact, seeking to evaluate the policy’s effectiveness as a whole.
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Loveman, Mara. "The Race to Progress: Census Taking and Nation Making in Brazil (1870–1920)". Hispanic American Historical Review 89, nr 3 (1.08.2009): 435–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-002.
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Abstract From the mid-nineteenth century, central statistics agencies contributed to nation-state building through their dual mission of producing statistical description and policy prescription in the name of national progress. This article examines how one such agency, Brazil’s Directoria Geral de Estatística, worked to simultaneously measure and promote national progress from 1870 to 1920. The article documents a fundamental shift in this period in the DGE’s vision of the qualities of the population essential for Brazil’s progress as a nation. In the 1870s, the DGE saw educational statistics as the key measures of national progress and lobbied for government investment in primary schools to ensure the advancement of the nation. By the 1920s, the DGE looked instead to immigration and racial statistics to measure progress and advocated cultural and biological “whitening” of the population to improve the Brazilian nation. Analysis of a broad range of archival and published primary sources reveals the gradual racialization of the DGE’s institutional definition of “progress.” The study contributes to a growing body of research that examines how racial thought influenced the development and official practices of state agencies in Latin America.
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Gautam, Sasmita. "Key Security Challenges of the Third World". Unity Journal 2 (11.08.2021): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38846.
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While shaping an impression of the Third World from post-colonial, non-aligned to less developed states today, security concerns over the region, more or less, remained a status quo in a handful of international security scholars. This article explores various security challenges, including internal, regional, transnational and international of Asia, Africa and Latin American countries, the then considered Third World. Military interventions, illegal migration and narco-terrorism of Latin America; Demographic derivatives, ethnical conflicts and transnational organized crimes in Africa; Terrorism, failing states and climate security issues of Asia are considered to be key security concerns hereunder. This article aims to contribute towards building collective action for stabilizing and sustaining the world peace. It seeks to off er an alternative understanding of constantly evolving security dimensions. Some of those enshrined alternative practical approaches include confinement of military to external defense, Cartegena Declaration implementation for illegal migrants, Custom controls in drug trade, turning youth bulge to demographic dividend, inclusive participation of ethnic groups, technology enforced crime patrol, scooping out Islamism from terrorism, active participation of non-state actors in nation building and finally increased international collaboration eff orts with indigenous technical knowledge for resilient climate strategy Drawing on quantitative data from recognized platforms, elite interviews on security dialogues, reputed newspapers, e-books, and journal articles, this article confronts us with the necessity to fertilize fragile nations of the Third World against the backdrop of economic, social, political, cultural, and environmental origins.
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Nebel, Mathias. "The Theology of the People, Pope Francis, and Populism: A Critical Latin American Perspective". Journal of Catholic Social Thought 20, nr 1 (2023): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcathsoc20232013.
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This paper investigates the Argentinian “theology of the people” (“teología del pueblo”) and how it might run the risk of turning Catholic social thought into an ideology. The first part focuses on the political and theological notion of people and its link to the poor. The author recalls the Argentinian roots of this theology, summarizes its main tenets, and presents Pope Francis’s understanding of the theology of the people. The second part contrasts the theology of the people with the roots of populism in Latin America. The author explores the historical construction of the notion of people in the modern nation-building process, turns to caciquism as the dominant cultural framework of political power, and reviews Nadia Urbinati’s definition of populist regimes. The conclusion proposes to build upon Francis’s principles of common good dynamics to avoid the capture and recycling of the theology of the people’s language by populist regimes.
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Khan, Aisha. "Ecumen(ical) texts: Caribbean nation-states and the global ecumene". New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 74, nr 1-2 (1.01.2000): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002573.
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[First paragraph]The Haunting Past: Politics, Economics and Race in Caribbean Life. ALVIN O. THOMPSON. Kingston: Ian Randle, 1997. xvi + 283 pp. (Cloth US$ 70.95, Paper US$ 27.95)Nationalism and Identity: Culture and the Imagination in a Caribbean Diaspora. STEFANO HARNEY. Kingston: University of the West Indies; London: Zed Books, 1996. 216 pp. (Paper J$ 350.00, US$ 10.00, £6.00)Recharting the Caribbean: Land, Law, and Citizenship in the British Virgin Islands. BILL MAURER. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997. xvii + 301 pp. (Cloth US$ 44.50)Building on views espoused by the American Enterprise Institute, columnist George Will solves the dilemma of unequal development among contemporary nation-states in one fell swoop: Western Europe and North America outstripped Latin America and its environs, among other places, for one reason - culture. Much meaning must be unpacked from that word, but the conclusion is: The spread of democracy, free markets, technology, and information is not enough to rescue ... nations, from the consequences of their cultural deficits. Such deficits, although not incurable, are intractable. (Will 1999:64)Another "lesson to be drawn," he says, is that "Government cannot revise culture, wholesale, but government has - it cannot help but have - cultural consequences" (Will 1999:64). Even as we embark on the twenty-first century, we cling to hoary, Age of Imperialism presumptions about the character and role of culture - signaled implicitly with a capital C. Such presumptions fuel statements like the above; governments convey material and moral improvements but these do not take hold in culturally inadequate environments.
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Da Silva, Cristhian Teófilo. "Movimentos Indígenas na América Latina em Perspectiva Regional e Comparada". Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 9, nr 1 (30.06.2015): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v9i1.10782.
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Resumo Este artigo visa reunir argumentos para construção de uma abordagem comparativa e compreensiva aos movimentos indígenas na América Latina como movimentos sociais anticolonialistas. Os argumentos serão apresentados em duas partes consecutivas. A primeira trata da permanência da colonialidade do poder na economia política dos Estados nacionais na América Latina, articulada que está ao padrão de poder vigente no sistema mundial. A segunda enfatiza os modos diversos como os movimentos indígenas vinculam suas reivindicações por terras e cidadania em lutas por autodeterminação e autonomia segundo uma lógica anticolonialista. Conclui-se que a operacionalização dos direitos indígenas na região está atrelada à superação do padrão de poder capitalista mantido e estimulado pelos Estados nacionais com vistas a assegurar a expansão territorial do capitalismo como condição sine qua non para sua própria perpetuação. Palavras-chave Movimentos indígenas; dependência; desenvolvimentismo; multiculturalismo; América Latina ***Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo reunir argumentos para la construcción de un enfoque comparativo y comprensivo de los movimientos indígenas en América Latina como movimientos anticoloniales. Los argumentos se presentan en dos partes consecutivas. La primera trata de la permanencia de la colonialidad del poder en la economía política de los Estados nacionales en América Latina, que se articula con el patrón de poder del sistema mundial. La segunda hace hincapié en las distintas formas en las que los movimientos indígenas unen sus reclamos por la autodeterminación y la autonomía a sus reclamos por la tierra y la ciudadanía a raíz de una lógica anticolonialista. El artículo concluye que la eficacia de los derechos indígenas se adjunta a la superación del patrón de poder capitalista mantenido y estimulado por los Estados Nación, que tiene por objeto prever la expansión territorial del capitalismo como condición sine qua non para su propia perpetuación. Palabras clave Movimientos indígenas; capitalismo dependiente; desarrollismo; multiculturalismo; Latinoamérica***Abstract This article aims to bring together arguments for building a comparative and comprehensive approach to indigenous movements in Latin America as anticolonial movements. The arguments are presented in two consecutive parts. The first deals with the permanence of the coloniality of power in the political economy of national states in Latin America, which is hinged to the power pattern of the world system. The second emphasizes the different ways in which the indigenous movements attach their claims for self-determination and autonomy to their claims for land and citizenship following an anticolonialist logic. The article concludes that the effectiveness of indigenous rights is attached to the overcoming of the capitalist power pattern maintained and stimulated by the Nation States, which seeks to provide for the territorial expansion of capitalism as condition sine qua non for its own perpetuation. Keywords Indigenous movements; dependence; developmentalism; multiculturalismo; Latin America
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Matos, Carolina. "New Brazilian feminisms and online networks: Cyberfeminism, protest and the female ‘Arab Spring’". International Sociology 32, nr 3 (17.03.2017): 417–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580917694971.
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In the last decades, the region of Latin America has been through many changes, with the reduction of inequality levels and a political trend which has seen the election of female politicians throughout the continent, including a revival of gender politics and feminist movements. Countries like Brazil are still home to gender discrimination and inequality, with high levels of domestic violence towards women, low levels of political representation, a culture of machismo and the predominance still of stereotypical gender representations in the media. Questions asked include how the media can better contribute to assist in gender development and nation-building. How can online platforms make a difference? This article provides a critical summary of feminist theoretical perspectives on the potential of online communications for the advancement of women’s rights, further providing a brief case study of contemporary Brazilian feminism and the mobilization around women’s rights, particularly in 2015.
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Gutiérrez, Gabriel. "Deconstructing Disney". Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 25, nr 1 (2000): 7–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2000.25.1.7.
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This essay examines the shifl of the Walt Disney Company’s ideological program from conservatism (1930s-1970s) to present-day liberal multiculturalism. This ideological shift is contextualized within a brief business history, a synopsis of Disney’s hegemonic dealings with Spanish-speaking communities in Latin America and the southwestern United States, and a brief discussion of Disney’s role as a cultural producer and facilitator of late twentieth-centu y liberal multiculturalism. Disney ’s role in the reconciliation among conservatives and liberals as a strategic and ideological response to Civil Rights policies and its contribution to conformist nation-building agendas and a new politics of exclusion is examined through a narrative analysis of The Lion King/El Rey León. Finally, this paper proposes responses to Disney ’s hegemonic discourse by discussing childhood agency through cultural consumption, and the rote of Critical Race Theory in deconstructing fisney animation.
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Kaysel, André, i Daniela Mussi. "Francisco Weffort and the Dependency Theory: Populism, Class, and Nation". Latin American Perspectives 49, nr 1 (12.11.2021): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211052016.
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Discussion of the notions of populism and dependency as part of Brazilian political thought in the first years after the establishment of the dictatorship in the country, especially of the contributions of the political scientist Francisco Weffort from 1966 to 1972, reveals the bumpy path of these concepts in Weffort’s research on national political history and on the difficulties of building a developed and democratic nation. From the debates between Weffort and Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Weffort’s growing concern with the problem of working-class autonomy and criticism of and retreat from the use of the notion of dependency it is apparent that, contrary to what its own author stated, one of the main theories about populism in Brazil and Latin America was far from homogeneous. A discussão das noções de populismo e dependência como parte do pensamento político brasileiro nos primeiros anos após o estabelecimento da ditadura no país, especialmente das contribuições do cientista político Francisco Weffort de 1966 a 1972, revela o caminho acidentado dessas concepções na pesquisa de Weffort sobre a história política nacional e sobre as dificuldades de construção de uma nação desenvolvida e democrática. Dos debates entre Weffort e Fernando Henrique Cardoso, e da crescente preocupação de Weffort com o problema da autonomia da classe trabalhadora e da crítica e recuo do uso da noção de dependência, é evidente que, ao contrário do que afirmava seu próprio autor, uma das principais teorias sobre o populismo no Brasil e na América Latina estava longe de ser homogênea.
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Attié, Francisco. "Love for the Colonizer: Literary and Psychoanalytic Investigations of Brazil's Foundational Trauma". Interdependent: Journal of Undergraduate Research in Global Studies 2 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/mn24-v7av.
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The Brazilian cultural and political project began in 1822 with the end of colonization. At its outset, colonization stood fictitious in its enormous power to shape reality. In Latin America there was a confluence between the politicians and writers of the 19th century that guaranteed wholly pervasive foundational mythologies—the people building the legal-political state were also setting the mythological ideology of the nation in stone. As such, foundational myths served to unify the people under a common national banner. However, in their attempts to overcome the ghost of colonization, they ended up guaranteeing a wholly pervasive structure wherein the repressed trauma could fester. In Brazil, foundational works, like José de Alencar's Iracema, instead of rejecting the trauma of colonization, engendered myths that repressed it, romanticizing a narrative for the people to fall in love with their colonizer. This love, I argue, led to a specific cultural complex that induces a repetition compulsion of the original traumatic event up to this day, guaranteeing unconscious entrapment and a constant return and submission to the figure of the colonizer.
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Lucero, Jose Antonio. "FANON IN THE ANDES". International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 1, nr 1 (1.01.2008): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v1i1.19.
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In the rise of contemporary indigenous movements in Latin America, indigenous leaders have acknowledged their debt to the Bolivian indigenous intellectual Fausto Reinaga (1906-1994), a major theorist of the anti-colonial and anti-Occidental ideology known as indianisimo. His work, especially his 1969 classic La revolución india had a profound impact on the development of indigenous movements, intellectuals, and leaders including Bolivian President Evo Morales. Yet, curiously, his work remains sorely understudied. This essay examines the continuing relevance of Reinaga by exploring his ‘Atlantic’ encounter with the thought of the Martinican-Algerian theorist Frantz Fanon. Reinaga’s encounter with Fanon, however, is not an unproblematic one and there are instructive commonalities and tensions in their work. This article addresses Fanon’s influence on Reinaga’s views on colonialism, compares Fanon’s and Reinaga’s deployments of the concept of race, and contrasts their views on postcolonial nation-building. Though in some ways Fanon is more attentive to the complexities and tensions of anticolonial struggles than Reinaga, I argue that the work of Reinaga can be read in a Fanonian spirit, as a dialectical analysis in which the focus on the particular is necessary for universal projects of emancipation.
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LYNCH, JOHN. "Iván Jaksić, Andrés Bello: Scholarship and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. xxiv+254, £35.00; $54.95 hb." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, nr 3 (sierpień 2002): 717–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02296546.
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Durston, Alan. "Las lenguas indígenas y la historiografía de América Latina". Allpanchis 45, nr 81/82 (9.01.2020): 437–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36901/allpanchis.v45i81/82.233.
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La historiografía de América Latina está cada vez más consciente del hecho de que el desarrollo de las lenguas indígenas después de la conquista no se puede entender como un proceso lineal de declive, y que en ellas existen fuentes valiosas provenientes de lugares y épocas imprevistas. Hace bastante tiempo que una parte importante de la historiografía del México colonial ha hecho un fuerte uso de las fuentes en lenguas indígenas, y estas han comenzado a tener presencia en la historiografía de otras regiones. Este artículo analiza el tratamiento de las lenguas indígenas y sus fuentes en las historiografías de México, Perú y Paraguay. Sostiene que las nuevas tendencias más prometedoras en este ámbito prestan una mayor atención a la historia social del lenguaje, al uso de las lenguas indígenas por personas no indígenas, y a su utilización en los procesos de construcción nacional.
Abstract
The historiography on Latin America is increasingly cognizant of the fact that the post-conquest development of indigenous languages cannot be understood in terms of a linear process of decline, and that there are valuable sources in these languages from unexpected times and places. An important segment of the historiography on colonial Mexico has long made intensive use of indigenous-language sources, and indigenous languages are beginning to appear on the historiographical radar elsewhere. This article surveys the treatment of indigenous languages and indigenous-language sources in the historiographies on Mexico, Peru, and Paraguay. It argues that the most promising new trends in the field include greater attention to the social history of language, to the use of indigenous languages by non-Indians, and to their use in nation-building processes.
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Harris, Trevor. "British Informal Empire during the Great War. Welsh Identity and Loyalty in Argentina". Itinerario 38, nr 3 (grudzień 2014): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000552.
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In Latin America, where British imperial expansion had left little administrative trace, Argentina was nonetheless profoundly affected by British investment and imported British technical expertise. Among the more modest examples of British expansionism in Argentina was the arrival, from 1865 onwards, of Welsh immigrants eager to establish a colony in Patagonia isolated from the seemingly unstoppable progress of Anglicisation by an overwhelmingly hegemonic Victorian England. By the time of the First World War, however, the Celtic character of the colony could no longer be taken for granted: Argentine government pressures had already meant that the Welsh-speaking colony was now more firmly integrated into the nation-building process. Friction which then developed between the Welsh community and the Argentine government acted as one of the push factors which sent Welsh Patagonians back to Wales and on to Australia, for example…To this process of integration the Great War added new pressures in the form of the question of loyalty to Britain during the conflict. Those who stayed in Patagonia during the war often expressed views which were pro-British and the Argentine province became a source of recruitment for the British armed services…Using a range of sources, this paper attempts to show that the Welshness of the Patagonian colonists had not destroyed their British patriotism: the latter survived and even came to the fore during the conflict of 1914-18.
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Chemodanova, Olena. "Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864 – 1870)". American History & Politics: Scientific edition, nr 12 (2021): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.9.
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The article is devoted to Argentina’s participation in the Paraguayan War (1864–1870) – one of the most tragic pages in the history of Latin America in the 19th century. The aim of the article was to analyze the reasons for Argentina’s engagement to the war, the course of the war, and its consequences for Argentina. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles and interdisciplinary approaches as well as special historical methods, in particular, comparative analysis, chronological, the method of micro history. There are no studies of Argentina’s participation in this conflict in Ukrainian historiography, while foreign researchers usually did not pay special attention to this narrow topic reaching more broad issues of Paraguayan War per se or Argentine politics and history in complex. So, the scientific novelty of the article lies in the focus on this specific issue and elaboration on macro (political movements) and micro (case studies) levels of the conflict. Conclusions. The main reasons for Argentina’s entry into the war were: internal political instability and the desire to suppress opposition to the ruling party, instability in Rio de la Plata region, unresolved territorial disputes. Despite the initial successes of the Paraguayan side, the war quickly entered an offensive phase. Conscription and military actions were marked by excessive cruelty and careless treatment of soldiers. It became one of the methods used to weaken political opponents. This led to resistance inside the country. The war provoked a few waves of epidemic. As a result of the war, Argentina gained new territories in the provinces of Misiones and Gran Chaco, but the country experienced significant economic and human losses. The national government and the Liberal Party strengthened, while the opposition Federalist Party marginalized. However, these successes in the field of nation-building were achieved at the cost of countless victims and human catastrophe of all sides of the conflict.
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Дієго Феліпе Арбелаез-Кампіллo, Магда Джулісса Рохас-Багамон i Олег Геннадійович Данильян. "DISCOURSE ON THE CATEGORIES «UNIVERSAL CITIZENSHIP”, «HUMAN RIGHTS» AND «GLOBALIZATION»". Bulletin of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University. Series:Philosophy, philosophies of law, political science, sociology 1, nr 48 (9.03.2021): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21564/2075-7190.48.224374.
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Problem setting. Although modern humanity has proclaimed the universality of human dignity and desperately upholds this value, which is fully in harmony with freedom, equality and fraternity, the truth is that in reality it has not yet been able to go beyond the status of a citizen of the nation state in its legal and political conventions. . In this sense, a very important issue is the representation of the real situation around the categories of "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict in Latin America caused by the persecution of 21st century socialism.
Paper objective. This critical essay aims to discuss the real significance of such political and legal categories as "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict that led to the persecution of 21st century socialism in Latin America.
Methodology. The methodological field of the research uses documentary observation and dialectical hermeneutics, which help to compare and reconcile categories with different semantic contexts to reconstruct their true meaning. The technique of writing this research was the methodological procedure of the hermeneutic circle, which is a sequential analysis of numerous written documentary sources, combined in a kind of dialogic context with hidden messages that can be read between the lines, as well as interpretive theories and critical thinking.
Paper main body. There is much in common between the contemporary political and philosophical programs of the Western cultural space, of which Latin Americans are a part, and the ideas of universal citizenship, globalization, and human rights in a spirit of deep militant universalism that function fully today not only as abstract theories at the disposal of peoples and nations who continue to work to improve their living conditions and strengthen their freedom to exist and act in a better world.
As for the tradition of human rights as a modern expression of natural law, it dates back to ancient times and even dates back to the great religions, which in their own way developed and substantiated the idea of human dignity. The history of the Institute of Human Rights has a pronounced anthropocentric character and deserves to be expanded in accordance with the geopolitical realities of the modern world, in order to protect the indisputable value of all life forms affected by such phenomena as global warming and the associated greenhouse effect. economic growth that requires technological and industrial modernization. For its part, "globalization with a human face" means the ability to interconnect and enrich not only material and financial resources, due to the insatiability of international markets, but also the cycle of knowledge and people required by modern world democracies to strengthen their social and human capital. .
In this context, the idea of global or universal citizenship, while seeming utopian, is of paramount importance as it broadens the political phenomenon of citizenship, which is vital to modern democracies or polyarchies, forgetting the tradition of history ruled by supreme forces and structures. Although, according to K. Popper, already the historicist concept assigned a fundamental role in building a reality conducive to the exercise of freedom, the citizen, conscious and active.
Thus, if globalization is reduced purely to the internationalization of capital and selective human and technological resources solely in the interests of corporate elites and does not turn into a globalization of social welfare and dignity - a process in which universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, then partial globalization, which can do little to promote an open society in the 21st century.
Conclusions of the research. The study concludes that if globalization is reduced to the internationalization of capital and individual human and technological resources for the benefit of the corporate elite and does not extend to the globalization of social welfare and dignity, where universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, such globalization is unlikely to contribute building an open society of the XXI century.
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Boyarkina, Anna V. "COMPREHENSION OF “GREAT POWER DIPLOMACY WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS”. SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES". RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, nr 3 (2021): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-3-79-97.
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The article is devoted to the development of the modern foreign policy course of the Chinese leader Xi Jinping – Diplomacy of the Great Power with Chinese characteristics. The fifth generation of Chinese lead- ers made a concept shift in foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China. The author studies main and most remarkable Chinese diplomatic concepts investigated in the new era: concepts Diplomacy of the Great Power with Chinese characteristics, New type of great powers relations, One Belt One Road initiative, Community of shared future for mankind. The purpose of our study is to understand, to comprehend which of the key concepts under study, which is the financial support for the practical implementation of in- frastructure projects; how Chinese political leadership implements them for global governance and promoting their interests in Eurasia, Latin America, Africa, and others continents. The leading approach to the study of the is- sue is determined by the ideology of “Non-West”, or non-Western theories of international relations, the National Chinese School in particular. The comparative method allows establishing the general and specific in the main theories of Chinese foreign policy from the beginning of the 21 st century till up to the present. The article identifies and defines the basic features and differences in the content of those theories. As an example, the issue of the content of the term New type of relationship in the modern Chinese foreign policy discourse is considered. It becomes obvious that Xi Jinping, by realizing the diplomacy of the great power and calling his people to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation ( 中华民族伟大复兴 ), expands its influence throughout the world. That is not just a foreign policy discourse. China is becoming more active in building a dialogue with its closest neighbors in Asia, as well as establishing new institutions as an alternative to the Western-led global architecture, to assert its ascendancy and political, economic, cultural power.
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Brown, Matthew. "Nineteenth-Century Nation Building and the Latin American Intellectual Tradition: A Reader". Hispanic American Historical Review 89, nr 1 (1.02.2009): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-0xx.
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Dorsch, Hauke. "“Indépendance Cha Cha”: African Pop Music since the Independence Era". Africa Spectrum 45, nr 3 (grudzień 2010): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971004500307.
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Investigating why Latin American music came to be the sound-track of the independence era, this contribution offers an overview of musical developments and cultural politics in certain sub-Saharan African countries since the 1960s. Focusing first on how the governments of newly independent African states used musical styles and musicians to support their nation-building projects, the article then looks at musicians’ more recent perspectives on the independence era.
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MERINO, ROGER. "Reimagining the Nation-State: Indigenous Peoples and the Making of Plurinationalism in Latin America". Leiden Journal of International Law 31, nr 4 (19.09.2018): 773–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156518000389.
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AbstractIn the last two decades, the concept of plurinationalism has appeared in discussions about nationalism, statehood and multilevel governance, being formulated as a new state model that accommodates cultural diversity within the liberal state with the aim of solving nationalistic conflicts in countries marked by profound ethnic grievances, mainly in Europe. However, these discussions have paid less attention to the meaning of plurinationalism in ex-colonial contexts, particularly in recent experiences of state transformation in Bolivia and Ecuador, where the role of indigenous peoples in the plurinational project has been crucial. To fill this gap, this article explores the legal and political foundations, challenges and local and international dynamics in the building of the plurinational model in both countries. Under a critical engagement with Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), this article argues that plurinationality from indigenous perspectives departs from multicultural liberal models associated with current European plurinational views, and addresses two challenges: a global political economy of resource extraction, and a racialized state structure working as a barrier to actual plurinational implementation. These limitations explain an intrinsic tension in the Bolivian and Ecuadorian experience: on the one hand, plurinational governments try to unify the people around the ‘national interest’ of developing extractive industries; and on the other hand, they attempt to recognize ethno-political differences that often challenge the transnational exploitation of local resources.
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Akıner, İlknur, İbrahim Yitmen, Muhammed Ernur Akıner i Nurdan Akıner. "The Memetic Evolution of Latin American Architectural Design Culture". Buildings 11, nr 7 (3.07.2021): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings11070288.
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Architecture is an evolutionary field. Through time, it changes and adapts itself according to two things: the environment and the user, which are the touchstones of the concept of culture. Culture changes in long time intervals because of its cumulative structure, so its effects can be observed on a large scale. A nation displays itself with its culture and uses architecture as a tool to convey its cultural identity. This dual relationship between architecture and culture can be observed at various times and in various lands, most notably in Latin American designers. The geographical positions of Latin American nations and their political situations in the twentieth century leads to the occurrence of a recognizable cultural identity, and it influenced the architectural design language of that region. The nonlinear forms in architecture were once experienced commonly around Latin America, and this design expression shows itself in the designers’ other works through time and around the world. The cultural background of Latin American architecture investigated within this study, in terms of their design approach based upon the form and effect of Latin American culture on this architectural design language, is examined with the explanation of the concept of culture by two leading scholars: Geert Hofstede and Richard Dawkins. This paper nevertheless puts together architecture and semiology by considering key twentieth century philosophers and cultural theorist methodologies. Cultural theorist and analyst Roland Barthes was the first person to ask architects to examine the possibility of bringing semiology and architectural theory together. Following an overview of existing semiological conditions, this paper analyzed Roland Barthes and Umberto Eco’s hypothesis of the semiological language of architectural designs of Latin American designers by examining their cultural origin. The work’s findings express the historical conditions that enabled the contemporary architecture and culture study of Latin America between 1945 and 1975 to address the “Latin American model” of architectural modernism.
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Danilova, Galina A. "ISSUES OF NATION-BUILDING IN THE LATIN AMERICAN INTELLECTUALS AND ELITES RHETORIC: FROM THE PAST TO THE PRESE". Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 11, nr 2 (2019): 230–344. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2019-2-330-344.
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Baud, Michiel. "Nineteenth-Century Nation Building and the Latin American Intellectual Tradition - Edited by Burke, Janet and Humphrey, Ted (eds.)". Bulletin of Latin American Research 28, nr 4 (październik 2009): 584–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2009.00320_18.x.
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Racine, Karen. "“The Childhood Shows the Man”: Latin American Children in Great Britain, 1790–1830". Americas 72, nr 2 (kwiecień 2015): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.4.
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In his epic poemParadise Regained(1671), John Milton has Satan observe that “The childhood shows the man/As morning shows the day/ Be famous then/ By wisdom. As the empire must extend/ So let extend thy mind o’er all the world.” As parents and as patriots, the leaders of Latin America's revolutions for independence wanted bright futures for both their children and their young nations. In many ways, the goals they set for each were the same: enhanced commercial opportunities, a political arena marked by greater freedom of speech and open debate, the rule of law, government with a strong moral center in which the privileged members of society had a responsibility to set a good example, and, perhaps most cherished of all, access to modern scientific and secular education. As figurative parents of emerging nations, and as biological parents of impressionable youth, these creole founding fathers wished to instill useful patriotic values in their national and personal families alike. Bridging the Enlightenment and Romantic eras, Latin American independence rhetoric blurred the distinction between nation-building and paternity, indicating that its leaders saw themselves as parents in more than one sense.
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Pedraja-Rejas, Liliana, Emilio Rodríguez-Ponce, Camila Muñoz-Fritis i David Laroze. "Sustainable Development Goals and Education: A Bibliometric Review—The Case of Latin America". Sustainability 15, nr 12 (20.06.2023): 9833. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15129833.
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The aim of this article is to review Latin American scientific production on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the field of education. For this purpose, a bibliometric analysis is performed on WoS articles, and a content analysis is carried out on empirical articles from 2015–2022. The main findings indicate that (1) since 2016, a considerable increase in scientific production is evidenced, reaching a peak of 30 articles in 2020; (2) Brazil is the most productive and influential nation in the region; (3) in general, good levels of international cooperation are evidenced, although only Brazil and Mexico show outstanding levels of scientific cooperation with countries in the Global North; (4) most of the analyzed papers were published in education journals, with a smaller percentage in specialized higher education journals; and (5) there are two main lines of research within the empirical papers: “Curriculum, extracurricular activities, projects, and pedagogical initiatives” and “Students’ behaviors, perceptions, beliefs, concerns, and level of knowledge around issues related to the SDGs”. We conclude that although Latin American production has increased in the last period, contributions continue to be marginal at global levels.
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Arocena, Felipe. "Multiculturalism in Brazil, Bolivia and Peru". Race & Class 49, nr 4 (kwiecień 2008): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808089284.
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The different strategies of resistance deployed by discriminated ethnic groups in Brazil, Peru and Bolivia are analysed here. In Brazil, Afro movements and indigenous populations are increasingly fighting against discrimination and developing their cultural identities, while demystifying the idea of Brazil's national identity as a racial democracy. In Peru and Bolivia, indigenous populations are challenging the generally accepted idea of integration through miscegenation (racial mixing). Assimilation through race-mixing has been the apparent solution in most Latin American countries since the building of the nation states. Its positive side is that a peaceful interethnic relationship has been constructed but its negative side, stressed in recent multicultural strategies, is that different ethnicities and cultures have been accepted only as parts of this intermingling and rarely recognised as the targets of discrimination.
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Bolaños, Álvaro Félix. "Hispanismo y violencia: reflexión sobre lecturas de textos coloniales en nuestra época (Segunda parte)". Estudios de Literatura Colombiana, nr 15 (23.08.2013): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.elc.16432.
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Resumen: En esta segunda parte Bolaños reflexiona sobre el concepto de hispanismo en el siglo XIX en relación con intelectuales como Rufino José Cuervo, Andrés Bello y José Enrique Rodó. En un interesante viraje, el autor explica que el manejo de este concepto ha justificado, ayer y hoy, la exclusión de las comunidades indígenas de los proyectos de nación en América latina, y que lecturas hispano-centristas contemporáneas de textos coloniales fundamentales reafirman ideológicamente esa exclusión. Como ejemplo examina las lecturas que hacen William Ospina y Javier Ocampo López de Elegías de varones ilustres de Indias de Juan de Castellanos e Historia general y natural de las Indias de Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, respectivamente. Descriptores: Hispanismo; Elegías de varones ilustres de Indias; De Castellanos, Juan; Historia general y natural de las Indias; Fernández de Oviedo, Gonzalo; Colonialismo. Abstract: In this second part, Bolaños reflects on the concept of Hispanism as developed by 19th-century intellectuals such as Rufino José Cuervo, Andrés Bello and José Enrique Rodó. In an interesting turn, the author explains how this concept has facilitated the exclusion of indigenous communities from Latin American nation building projects, an exclusion ideologically ratified by current readings of fundamental colonial texts. As examples, Bolaños examines William Ospina's and Javier Ocampo López's readings of Elegías de varones ilustres de Indias by Juan de Castellanos and Historia general y natural de las Indias by Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, respectively. Key Words: Hispanism; Elegías de varones ilustres de Indias; De Castellanos, Juan; Historia general y natural de las Indias; Fernández de Oviedo, Gonzalo; Colonialism.
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García de la Torre, Armando. "The contradictions of late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines: three keys to the ‘globalism’ of José Martí’s nationalism". Journal of Global History 3, nr 1 (marzec 2008): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022808002441.
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AbstractScholarly literature on nineteenth-century nationalism concentrates on its strong exclusionary tendencies, while studies of the Cuban independence leader José Martí (1853–95) focus on his articulation of Cuban nationalism and pan-Latin American regionalism through his political activities and writings. This article identifies the globalism of Martí’s nationalism, moving beyond the national and regional frameworks to which studies of Martí have consigned the Cuban freedom fighter. It argues that the global history narratives that Martí wrote for children constitute critical and innovative components of his programme for national liberation and nation building, and encapsulate his nationalist ideology through three key components: the right to self-determination at the national level, the right to self-determination at the personal level, and a sense of global humanitarianism. The article’s transnational perspective places Martí, through his inclusionary, racially blind, humanitarian form of nationalism, as contradicting late nineteenth-century nationalist doctrines, and begs for ideas about the general intellectual climate of the period to be rethought.
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Huisa Téllez, José Carlos. "La impronta política en la primera lexicografía hispanoamericana: republicanismo y antirrepublicanismo". Lexis 37, nr 2 (31.12.2013): 269–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/lexis.201302.002.
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ResumenEl estudio de la primera lexicografía hispanoamericana después de la independencia de España ha descuidado hasta hoy la estrecha relación que existe entre los primeros diccionarios, llamados de provincialismos, y el contexto socio-histórico en el que fueron elaborados. Como parte de este, el proceso de formación nacional, especialmente en relación con la creación política de un Estado y su repercusión en las sociedades hispanoamericanas, es un elemento que marca con claridad la naturaleza de las obras encuestión, de tal manera que puede hablarse de una determinante impronta política en ellas. Este artículo propone el estudio renovado de las obras fundacionales de la lexicografía hispanoamericana a partir de esta perspectiva y lo ejemplifica con la lectura y comparación de las dos más representativas, el Diccionario de chilenismos (1875) de Zorobabel Rodríguez y el Diccionario de peruanismos. Ensayo filológico (1883-1884) de Juan de Arona, especialmente en relación con la noción de republicanismo.So far the study of the first Latin American lexicography after it’s independence from Spain has neglected the close relationship between the first dictionaries, referred as “provincialism dictionaries”, and the socio-historical context in which they were elaborated. The process of nation-building, especially in relation to the creation of a state policy and its impact in Latin American societies, is an element that makes clear the nature of the works in question, so that we can talk about a decisive political imprint on them. This paper proposes a renewed study of the foundational works of Spanish American lexicography from this perspective and exemplified with reading and comparison of the two most representative dictionaries, the Zorobabel Rodríguez’s Diccionario de chilenismos (1875) and the Juan de Arona’s Diccionario de peruanismos. Ensayo filológico (1883-1884), especially in relation to the notion of republicanism.
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Vitz, Matthew. "Bonanza o Falsas Riquezas: Cambiantes Imaginarios Mexicanos del Trópico y el Impulso Civilizatorio". Historia Ambiental Latinoamericana y Caribeña (HALAC) revista de la Solcha 12, nr 2 (16.08.2022): 325–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32991/2237-2717.2022v12i2.p325-358.
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Existing scholarship on “tropicality” emphasizes how Europeans and US-Americans constructed the tropics discursively and visually in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Scientists, investors, and travelers denigrated tropical spaces to legitimize imperialism, labeling them backwards, racially degenerative, disease-ridden, and unconducive to civilization without white European intervention These works unwittingly reproduce a central assumption of the very imperialists they critique: namely, that North Atlantic elites controlled knowledge production. They thus marginalize the important theorizing and conceptualizing that transpired in tropical spaces. Following independence, Latin American national elites agonized over how to integrate their tropical territories, many of which remained isolated, and make them legible for economic modernization. This article uses Mexico as a case study for Latin American representations about the tropics given its diverse temperate and tropical geography, its key role in the global commercial economy, and its robust intellectual production. I argue that the ways in which Mexican intellectuals—public officials, geographers, philosophers, and others—thought about their low-lying tropical lands molded nation-building projects and contributed to the global production of environmental knowledge at a time when notions of tropical peril and degeneracy were giving way to the promise of tropical bonanza. By tracing the changes and continuities of Mexicans’ tropical discourses in a global context, I underscore the underappreciated environmental and geographic thought of influential Mexicans—from Matías Romero and Francisco Bulnes to José Vasconcelos—who rarely appear in environmental historiography. A focus on these different imaginaries regarding the significance, purpose, and place of Mexico’s tropical lands also reveals the extent to which material interventions in the tropics and discursive representations of the tropics have co-constituted each other.
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Kretov, Stanislav. "The evolution of approaches to the integration of the indigenous population into social processes in Latin American countries in the XV-XX centuries". Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, nr 1 (29.06.2022): 19–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-19-44.
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This article analyzes approaches to the integration of the indigenous population into social processes in Latin American countries in the XV-XX centuries as well as scrutinizes the factors that determined the evo-lution of policies towards indigenous peoples. Moreover, it examines the concepts of interethnic interaction, which took shape in the first half of the XX century, laying the ideological foundation of nation- and state-building in the countries of the region for decades to come. In Bo-livia, the consolidation of the ruling elites after the Federal Revolution (1898-1899) on the basis of the anti-indigenous project led to the dom-ination of radical (including racist) ideas of solving the “indigenous problem” both in public discourse and in the political practice through-out the XX century. Mexican Revolution (1910-1917) contributed to the reassessment of the role of the indigenous peoples in social process-es. However, the preservation of political dominance of the creole ma-jority in conditions of limited political pluralism led to the creation of the paternalistic concept of relationship between indigenous communi-ties and state. The intensification of political rivalries in Peru in the first decades of the XX, accompanied by the growing influence of pro-gressive political organizations that spoke out in defense of marginal-ized segments of society, resulted in the development of a more inclu-sive approach to ethnic politics
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Aboites, Hugo. "4 - Science and Education in Mexico: Lessons for Africa from the Transition from National Capitalism to the Crisis of Globalisation". Journal of Higher Education in Africa 4, nr 1 (26.11.2006): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.57054/jhea.v4i1.1660.
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Almost two decades have passed since governments in Latin American, African and Asian countries were lured by capitalism in crisis to take their populations through the new course of modernisation and globalisation. The case of Mexico represents a good example of why and how this transition took place, why it is not working and what alternative perspectives are emerging. Seen from a point of view of knowledge in society, as is the intention here, this history is even more revealing. This paper shows how science and education, including research and schools, were first called on to play an important role in the nation-building experiment of na- tional capitalism and how, when deprived of any clear social mandate, they have been left to float aimlessly in the market streams, independent social subjects that emerged from the contradictions of a globalising model of capitalist development. At the same time I argue that some recent developments, notably the Zapatista uprising in the southern state of Chiapas and the impetus this has given for the creation of new responses to globalisation and new organizations of academics, students and worker, are creating spaces of autonomy which were once inconceiv- able. I conclude that the resistance to neo-liberal policies can be decisively sup- ported by social forces arising from science and education.
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Johnson, Candace. "Nineteenth-Century Nation Building and the Latin American Intellectual Tradition: A Reader, Janet Burke and Ted Humphrey, eds., Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company Inc., 2007, pp. xii, 366". Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, nr 1 (marzec 2010): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910990823.
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Marini, Candela. "War Photography: Díaz & Spencer’s coverage of the War of the Pacific (1879-1883)". Fotocinema. Revista científica de cine y fotografía, nr 22 (25.01.2021): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/fotocinema.2021.vi22.11650.
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In the study of 19th-century Latin American photography, the photographic capture of war and military operations has implicitly been equated with the eye of national states, understanding that photographers would want to show a positive portrayal of the military forces. However, war photography as a language of state power was not the point of departure. In most of the earlier examples of war photography, it was private photographers who first ventured into military conflicts almost as soon as the new visual technology was made available. They saw war as both an important historical event and a commercial opportunity. Experiencing with a technology that forced them to produce images of war stripped of battle action while trying to capitalize on the diverse interests in these conflicts, most photographers offered a rendering of war of ambiguous political meanings. In this essay, I argue that the photographs of the War of the Pacific taken by the studio Díaz & Spencer are one of the first examples of the successful use of war photography for nation-building purposes, that is, as national propaganda. Photographers had the challenge to create impressive, apologetic and heroic captures of the military forces, and Díaz & Spencer succeeded in creating a visual narrative congruent with Chilean official discourses, consolidating, rather than challenging, the Chilean state view of the war. Equally important, this allignment of political views was accomplished on account of Díaz and Spencer’s initiative—not that of Chilean state officials.
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Davis, Peter. "Regina Horta Duarte. Activist Biology: The National Museum, Politics, and Nation Building in Brazil. Translated by Diane Grosklaus Whitty. (Latin American Landscapes.) xiv + 249 pp., figs., bibl., index. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2016. $55 (cloth)." Isis 108, nr 4 (2.12.2017): 936–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/695792.
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