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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Nasserismo”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 28 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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1

Garduño García, Moisés. "La acción contenciosa del islam político durante la crisis hegemónica del Estado secular en Medio Oriente: los casos de Egipto e Irán". Estudios de Asia y África 54, nr 2 (10.04.2019): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v54i2.2359.

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El argumento central del texto es que las manifestaciones del islam político como un proyecto alternativo a la crisis del Estado secular en Medio Oriente tuvieron su origen no en la Revolución de Irán de 1979 sino en diversas acciones contenciosas lideradas por influyentes intelectuales islamistas desde los años cincuenta. Si bien la Revolución iraní de 1979 exportó el islamismo como un proyecto atractivo gracias a la difusión de una imagen redentora del ayatola Jomeini en el imaginario político popular de varios países de la zona, es en la crisis del nasserismo donde se encuentra la fusión de ideologías anticoloniales, antisionistas, nacionalistas e islamistas que mejor explica el desencanto popular del nacionalismo secular, por un lado, y el fortalecimiento paulatino del islamismo, por el otro, al menos en algunas partes de Medio Oriente.
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Riexinger, Martin. "Nasserism Revitalized. A Critical Reading of Hasan Hanafī's Projects "The Islamic Left" and "occidentalism" (and their Uncritical Reading)". Die Welt des Islams 47, nr 1 (2007): 63–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006007780331534.

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AbstractHasan Hanafī is often described as leading and original reformer of Arab thought, renovator of the Islamic cultural heritage (turāth) and advocate of political freedom. But these categorizations are based on insufficient analyses of his writings on both the Islamic and the Western intellectual heritage as well as his statements on current political issues. A critical reading of the first unveils that Hanafī misrepresents religious and philosophical doctrines and that he systematically passes over the fact that the relations between intellectual currents which he claims as role models for the "Islamic left" were marked by deep enmity. His writings on Marxism reveal that he merely condemns capitalism on moral terms without deeper analysis of the way it works. He himself proposes the idea of historical cycles determining the course of Eastern and Western civilization. This allows him to predict the imminent decline of the latter. The contradicting elements in Hanafī's thought do, however, gain coherence when analyzed in the context of his writings on the modern history of Egypt and the Middle East at large. Here he juxtaposes activist and progressive Nasserism to the religious quietism used by Sadat to legitimize his rule. From 1978 onwards he became an advocate of the Islamic revolution in Iran which he saw as rebirth of Nasserim and Tiermondism in general.
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el Nabolsy, Zeyad. "Nasserism and the impossibility of innocence". International Politics Reviews 9, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41312-021-00105-1.

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Salem, Sara. "Haunted Histories: Nasserism and The Promises of the Past". Middle East Critique 28, nr 3 (1.07.2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2019.1633057.

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Méndez, Salua Youssef. "Aproximación al modelo de desarrollo nasserista. Posibilidades y límites de la experiencia de modernización económica". Papeles de Europa 32, nr 1 (21.06.2019): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/pade.64470.

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La experiencia nasserista durante el período 1952-1970 permitió formas alternativas de desarrollo económico a las que existían hasta ese momento en la región, constituyendo, además, la génesis del panarabismo entendido como la expresión de un deseo de desarrollo independiente y nacional que rompiera con la dominación occidental e imperialista a la que estaban sujetos la mayoría de los países árabes durante estos años. A lo largo de esta investigación abordamos el análisis de la experiencia nasserista en términos de posibilidades y límites, así como sus especificidades a nivel económico. A partir del marco teórico del paradigma de la modernización y mediante el examen de las principales estrategias implementadas, defendemos la existencia de una forma egipcia de intentar superar el subdesarrollo. Lejos de ser un modelo de desarrollo perfecto, su impacto en la economía fue positivo pero limitado: permitió un proceso de modernización económica, pero no logró un cambio estructural de la economía.
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Salem, Sara. "Gramsci in the Postcolony: Hegemony and Anticolonialism in Nasserist Egypt". Theory, Culture & Society 38, nr 1 (5.07.2020): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420935178.

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This article traces Gramsci's concept of hegemony as it travels from Southern Italy to Egypt, arguing that the concept ‘stretches’, following Fanon, through an encounter with the nexus of capitalism and (post-)colonialism. I explore a reading of Gramsci's concepts in a postcolonial context, paying special attention to colonialism and anticolonialism as constitutive of the absence or presence of hegemony. Through an exploration of the Nasserist project in Egypt – the only instance of hegemony in modern Egyptian history – I show how colonialism and anticolonialism were central to the formation of Nasserist hegemony. Drawing on Edward Said, I look at two particular aspects of hegemony as a traveling theory to bring to light some theoretical entanglements that arise when Gramsci travels, in turn highlighting the continuing theoretical potential thinking through such entanglements, as well as of thinking with Gramsci in Egypt and the broader postcolonial world.
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Gordon, Joel. "THE SLAPS FELT AROUND THE ARAB WORLD: FAMILY AND NATIONAL MELODRAMA IN TWO NASSER-ERA MUSICALS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, nr 2 (maj 2007): 228a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070365.

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This essay is an attempt to read popular melodrama as a reflection of changing societal appreciations of sentimentality, romance, family relations, and, ultimately, political power during the second decade of Nasserist rule in Egypt. The essay focuses on two film classics that bookend the 1960s—“family melodramas” starring singer ءAbd al-Halim Hafiz, the pop icon intimately associated with the Nasserist project. Each film turns upon a single dramatic act of parental discipline, a slap delivered by an outraged father across the cheek of a rebellious son. Released in 1962, still a time of heady optimism, al-Khataya raises troubling questions about paternity and social status yet resolves them in classic genre style. Abi fawq al-shagara, released in 1969, in the aftermath of the June 1967 “naksa” (setback), reflects a growing generation gap and suggests—if it does not quite deliver—a countercultural reading of patriarchal authority, as well as sexual and political liberation.
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Picchi, Margherita. "Islam as the Third Way: Sayyid Quṭb’s Socio-Economic Thought and Nasserism". Oriente Moderno 97, nr 1 (30.03.2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340144.

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This article aims to critically engage the representation of Sayyid Quṭb as the pioneer of modern Jihadism. It will do so by casting light on his social and economic theories as elaborated in the first half of the 50s, focusing on a pamphlet published in 1951 with the title “The Battle between Islam and Capitalism.” The purpose of this article is to present the content of the pamphlet in the context of the historical and intellectual landscape of its time, as well as showing how it is part of Quṭb’s body of thought as a whole. The intention is to show how, in a post-colonial world dominated by the Cold War, Quṭb presents Islam as the “Third Way” that combines the qualities and the advantages of communism and capitalism without sharing their faults. A system that, as this article is meant to demonstrate, shares many similarities with Nasserism, the socialist, anti-imperialist ideology elaborated by Quṭb’s archenemy, Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer.
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Gordon, Joel. "SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS MEMORY IN EGYPT: RECALLING NASSERIST CIVICS". Muslim World 87, nr 2 (kwiecień 1997): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1997.tb03288.x.

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Szyska, Christian. "On Utopian Writing in Nasserist Prison and Laicist Turkey". Die Welt des Islams 35, nr 1 (1995): 95–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570060952598003.

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Beinin, Joel. "Labor, Capital, and the State in Nasserist Egypt, 1952–1961". International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, nr 1 (luty 1989): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032116.

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In the decade before the military coup of July 23, 1952, an increasingly militant workers' movement was an important component of the social and political upheaval that undermined the monarchy and ended the era of British colonialism in Egypt. The ebbs and flows of the labor movement coincided with successive upsurges of the nationalist movement. Working class participation in the nationalist struggle infused the movement for full independence and evacuation of British military forces with a radical social consciousness, and since workers’ strikes and demonstrations were often directed against foreign enterprises, the labor movement was commonly considered to be a component of the nationalist movement. The working class was a social battering ram destabilizing the old regime, and many nationalists encouraged and legitimized labor militancy.
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Halabi, Zeina G. "The literary lives of Umm Kulthūm: Cossery, Ghali, Negm, and the critique of Nasserism". Middle Eastern Literatures 19, nr 1 (2.01.2016): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475262x.2016.1208442.

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Gresh, Alain. "The Free Officers And The Comrades: The Sudanese Communist Party And Nimeiri Face-To-Face, 1969–1971". International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, nr 3 (sierpień 1989): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032578.

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Africa's largest country, Sudan, is first and foremost part of the Arab world, sensitive to the political tides which sweep the Arab peoples from the Atlantic to the Gulf. Like other members of the Arab League, Sudan was taken by surprise by the defeat of 1967. It was shaken by the tidal wave that later engulfed Libya, Lebanon, Iraq, and Syria; and on 25 May 1969, a military regime took over in Khartoum. Its ideology was Arab nationalism infused with socialism; its social base, the army and the urban classes; and its model, the Nasserist experiment.
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Beinin, Joel. "Reviews of Books:Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt Elie Podeh, Onn Winckler". American Historical Review 110, nr 2 (kwiecień 2005): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/531496.

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Peterson, Brian. "Rami Ginat. Egypt and the Struggle for Power in Sudan: From World War II to Nasserism." American Historical Review 124, nr 4 (1.10.2019): 1557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz366.

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Allinson, Jamie. "Counter-revolution as international phenomenon: the case of Egypt". Review of International Studies 45, nr 2 (25.01.2019): 320–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000529.

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AbstractThis article argues that the case of the Egyptian 2011 revolution forces us to rethink accounts of counter-revolution in International Relations. The debate over whether the events of 2011–13 in Egypt should be considered a ‘revolution’ or merely a ‘revolt’ or ‘uprising’ reflects an understanding of revolutions as closed and discrete events, and therefore of international counter-revolution as significant only after revolutionary movements have seized sovereign power. Against this account, which maintains the idea of sovereignty as the boundary between domestic/social and international/ geopolitical phenomena, I argue that counter-revolutions can operate across boundaries during revolutionary situations before and to prevent revolutionary transformation and therefore affect whether a revolutionary sovereign power is established at all. Such counter-revolutions draw upon both the ideological inheritance of historical strategies of international ‘catch-up’, and the cross-border class relations that these different strategies bring into being. In the Egyptian case, the counter-revolution thus relied upon two factors deriving from this strategy: the ideological inheritance of Nasserism as a response to international hierarchy, and the integration of the post-Nasser Egyptian ruling elite with Gulf financial, and US security, networks.
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Bracco, Carolina. "The Creation of the Femme Fatale in Egyptian Cinema". Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 15, nr 3 (1.11.2019): 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-7720655.

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Abstract The appearance of the character of a femme fatale in Egyptian cinema in the mid-1950s is deeply intertwined with the new social and moral imprint made by the Nasserist regime. At a time when women’s participation in the public sphere was regulated, the portrayal of the evil woman was intended to define how the good woman should behave as well as the terrible fate in store for those who dared to flout the limits. This evil woman was embodied in the character of the Oriental dancer who was to be seen, from that time on, as a fallen woman. This article aims to discuss the mutation of the character of the dancer from a bint al balad (lit. “girl of the country”) to a femme fatale by analyzing three films starring two icons of the time, Hind Rustum and Tahia Carioca.
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Aishima, Hatsuki, i Armando Salvatore. "Doubt, faith, and knowledge: the reconfiguration of the intellectual field in post-Nasserist Cairo". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 15 (maj 2009): S41—S56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2009.01541.x.

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Podeh, Elie. "The drift towards neutrality: Egyptian foreign policy during the early Nasserist Era, 1952–55". Middle Eastern Studies 32, nr 1 (styczeń 1996): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209608701096.

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Gordon, Joel. "Viewing Backwards: Egyptian Historical Television Dramas in the 1990s". Review of Middle East Studies 52, nr 1 (kwiecień 2018): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.5.

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AbstractThe 1990s marked an important moment in Egyptian television, when the country turned its attention increasingly (although never monolithically) toward historical drama as a means of recreating and reinterpreting modern Egyptian history. Mahfouz Abd al-Rahman and Osama Anwar Okasha, in particular, scripted long multi-year series aired during Ramadan, the peak season for television viewing, that covered decades of the late ninteenth century and pre-Nasserist history, in many ways re-writing public history, and making historical drama—and history—fashionable. I focus here on the former and his first mega-hitBawabat al-Halawani (Halawani Gate). Biographical dramas, initially of artists, but later politicians, kings, and religious leaders would follow. As the Egyptian industry atrophied in the following decade these dramatists passed the mantle on to the Syrians, later the Turks, who broke the Egyptian monopoly and brought their own stories to the fore. But a rebirth may be in view.
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Bresheeth, Haim. "The Arab Spring: A View from Israel". Middle East Journal Of Culture And Communication 5, nr 1 (2012): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398612x624364.

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The Arab Spring is one of the most complex and surprising political developments of the new century, especially after a decade of anti-Muslim and anti-Arab western propaganda. While is too early to properly evaluate the process and its various national apparitions, it is important to see it in a historical context. This article places the Arab Spring firmly within the history of pan Arabism, and the threat it posed to the west and Israel in its earlier, Nasserist phase. The work of Amin, Marfleet and others, is used to frame the current developments, and present the limited view offered from an Israeli perspective, where any democratisation of the Arab world is seen as a threat. This is so despite the obvious influence the Arab Spring had on protest in Israel in Summer 1011, a protest which has now seemingly spent itself; it is fascinating to note that the only protest movement in the Middle East not involving violent clashes with the regime it criticised, is also the one which has not achieved any of its aims.
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Munhanif, Ali, i M. Dahlan. "Lineages of Islamic Extremism in Egypt: Ikhwan al-Muslimun, State Violence and the Origins of Radical Politics". Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 56, nr 2 (8.09.2018): 421–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2018.562.421-460.

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This article examines why an Islamic organization appeal into radical behavior? Focusing on Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) and its splinter groups in Egypt, this article seeks to highlight historical-institutional underpinnings of when and how political Islam faced obstacles to enter pragmatic politics. Political experiences of the IM in the 1950s and the institutional structures created by Nasser’s regime in the early 1960s have shaped a condition of uncertainty that constrained Islamist activists to twart moderation. Islamist thinkers such as Sayyid Qutb exploited the fear of Nasserism and new emerging state institutions, to convince many members that they were threatened by the current regime. Initiatives to embrace radical ideology and actions have become dominant frameworks in the IM. The extent to which this radical ideology may develop is not only because of these institutional constraints, but also because of the absence of pragmatic-minded leaders who appealed with non-violence ideas to integrate Islamic agenda in institutional opportunities. [Tulisan ini membahas organisasi Islam yang cenderung menjadi radikal, studi kasus Ikhwan al-Muslimun (IM) dan pecahannya di Mesir, dengan mengulas secara organisasional historis disaat Islam politik tersebut mendapat rintangan ketika memasuki politik praktis. Pengalaman politik IM tahun 1950an dan 1960an saat dibawah rezim Nasser telah membawa ketidakpastian dan yang menyebabkan para aktifis menjauhi sikap moderat. Seorang Sayyid Qutb pun mengangkat ketakutan pada kekuasaan rezim Nasser untuk meyakinkan massa pada sebuah ancaman baru. Cara berpikir dan bertindak radikal telah menjadi pilihan yang dominan bagi anggota IM. Kesuburan paham radikal tersebut dimungkinkan karena tidak hanya adanya tekanan organisasional, tetapi juga tiadanya tokoh politik yang mendorong pendekatan non kekerasan dalam integrasikan agenda politik dengan peluang organisasioanal.]
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Carruthers, William. "Visualizing a monumental past: Archeology, Nasser’s Egypt, and the early Cold War". History of Science 55, nr 3 (1.02.2017): 273–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275316681800.

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This article examines geographies of decolonization and the Cold War through a case study in the making of archeological knowledge. The article focuses on an archeological dig that took place in Egypt in the period between the July 1952 Free Officers’ coup and the 1956 Suez crisis. Making use of the notion of the ‘boundary object’, this article demonstrates how the excavation of ancient Egyptian remains at the site of Mit Rahina helped to constitute Nasserist revolutionary modernity and its relationship to wider, post-Second World War political geographies. The dig took place as a result of an Egyptian–American collaboration designed to institute the possibility of archeology taking place along the lines of the Point Four modernization program promoted by the United States. The article discusses how this situation not only engendered contention surrounding the role of the international ‘experts’ appointed to run this excavation work, but also – and as a result – helped to constitute the monumental visual and material shape that archeological evidence relating to the Egyptian past could now take. Egypt’s revolution sat within wider Cold War political struggles, yet the ‘ground-up’ realities of this relationship helped to constitute the sort of past (and future) monumentality proposed by Nasser’s government.
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Gordon, Joel. "THE SLAPS FELT AROUND THE ARAB WORLD: FAMILY AND NATIONAL MELODRAMA IN TWO NASSER-ERA MUSICALS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, nr 2 (maj 2007): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070079.

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This essay is an attempt to read popular melodrama as a reflection of changing societal appreciations of sentimentality, romance, family relations, and, ultimately, political authority over the course of a tumultuous decade in Egyptian and Middle Eastern history, the 1960s. I focus my gaze upon two particular films that were in their day popular hits, one of them an unprecedented blockbuster, and that remain genre classics. Both feature popular screen icon ءAbd al-Halim Hafiz, the greatest vocalist of his generation, a recording and performing artist who came of age with the onset of the July 1952 Free Officers' revolution and was intimately associated with the Nasserist project. Both films treat generation gaps relating specifically to issues of dating and courtship—what might be called, in the context of their era, “free love.” Both are concerned with troubled relationships between a son and his disapproving, authoritarian father. Halim's father in both films is played by the same actor, ءImad Hamdi, and Halim's love interest—albeit in very different contexts—is played by the same ravishing starlet, Nadia Lutfi. Finally, both films turn upon a single powerful dramatic act of parental discipline, a slap (or series of slaps) delivered by an outraged patriarch across the cheek of a rebellious, yet ultimately dutiful, son.
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Sajed, Alina. "Rethinking hegemony, capital, and class-formation in the Nasserist project: introduction to the discussion on Sara Salem’s Anticolonial Afterlives". International Politics Reviews 9, nr 1 (8.03.2021): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41312-021-00103-3.

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BIER, LAURA. "ELIE PODEH AND ONN WINCKLER, EDS., Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt (Gainesville, Fla.: University Press of Florida). Pp. 335. $59.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, nr 4 (30.10.2007): 654–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807071152.

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Sabet, Amr G. E. "Europe and the Arab World". American Journal of Islam and Society 23, nr 2 (1.04.2006): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1627.

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Concise, succinct, and informative, this book skillfully elucidates andassesses the patterns, prospects, and complexities of Arab-European relationscontextualized in a globalizing (read “Americanizing”) world. It alsoidentifies the ambiguities and limitations of social movements and struggleswithin the Arab world, as well as their implications for mutual relationships(p. vi). The authors’ main thesis is that both global capitalism and theAmerican determination to construct a “new” Middle East in its own imagehave undermined the possibilities of domestic reforms and external realignmentsin most Arab countries. American hegemonic influence, together withthe growing sway of politicized Islam on public life, have added more limitationsand constraints to other failures to transform the underlying economicand political structures defining the relations between members onboth sides of the Mediterranean.The book comprises four chapters: three written by Amin (chapters 1, 2,and 4), and one (chapter 3) by El Kenz. The first chapter is a critical surveyof conditions in the Arab world in general and that of the Arab “state” in particular.Amin designates the latter structure as a manifestation of “mamelukepower,” reflecting a complex traditional system that has merged the personalizedpower of warlords, businessmen, and men of religion (p. 3). The Arabstate, he argues, has never really embraced or understood modernity. Egypt,Syria, and the Ottoman Empire underwent a first phase of ineffective modernizationduring the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The secondphase was associated with the populist nationalism of Nasserism, Baathism,and the Algerian revolution between the 1950s and 1970s. With the end ofthis phase, a multiparty system gave way to a paradoxical regression into themameluke type of autocracy (pp. 10-12). Whereas Europe broke with itspast, which allowed for its modern progress, the Arabs have not. Amin identifiesmodernity with such a historical break as well as with secularism, thedifferentiation of religion and politics, the emancipation of women, and therest of the term’s conventional elements (pp. 2-3).He criticizes currents “claiming to be Islamic” (p. 6), particularly thoseof the Wahhabi type, viewing Islamic militant groups as manifestations of arevolt against “destructive” capitalism and “deceptive” modernity (p. 6),more interested in sociopolitical issues than in matters of theology. Amin dismissesIran as being no different, although he provides no details (p. 8), and ...
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Hopwood, D. "Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt * Edited by ELIE PODEH and ONN WINCKLER (University Press of Florida, 2004), 380 pp. Price HB $59.95. ISBN 0-813-02704-7." Journal of Islamic Studies 17, nr 2 (23.03.2006): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etl017.

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Sennikov, A. I. "Обострение холодной войны на Ближнем Востоке: советско-египетский идеологический конфликт 1958–1959 гг." Вестник гуманитарного образования, nr 1(29) (9.06.2023): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.23.006.

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The article is devoted to the history of relations in the USSR – USA – UAR political triangle on the Middle Eastern periphery of the Cold War in 1958–1959. The events of that period became an important milestone in the history of international, Soviet-Egyptian and American-Egyptian relations. In 1958, as a result of the unification of Egypt and Syria into one State (UAR), the balance of power in the Middle East seriously changed. Egyptian leader G. A. Nasser has shown that in the new realities he claims to play a leading role in regional affairs and relies on the political doctrine of Arab nationalism (Nasserism). He demonstrated that he does not want to follow in the wake of the construction of socialism according to Soviet patterns and is inclined to political flexibility in relations with "Western imperialists" in order to achieve the goals of state-building. This combination of factors led to the emergence of an ideological conflict in relations between Moscow and Cairo, contributed to the implementation of Washington's plans to curb the spread of Soviet influence in the region. Until now, the topic of the Soviet-Egyptian ideological confrontation in 1958–1959, in conjunction with American Middle East policy, has been poorly reflected in domestic science and has not been considered comprehensively in Western science. On the basis of a wide range of historical documents and historiography, the causes, essence and depth of the first phase of the Soviet-Egyptian ideological conflict in 1958–1959, as well as external and internal factors that aggravated this process are revealed. The role of the United States in these events and the practical actions of the administration are analyzed in detail . Eisenhower's rapprochement with Cairo against the background of the anti-communist campaign in the media of the UAR and the temporary weakening of the USSR's position in this country. This article is intended to clarify and systematize knowledge on the Soviet-Egyptian disagreements that took place in 1958–1959, to reveal their background taking into account the broad international context, primarily the American factor. Статья посвящена истории взаимоотношений в политическом треугольнике СССР – США – ОАР на ближневосточной периферии холодной войны в 1958–1959 гг. События того периода стали важной вехой в истории международных, советско-египетских и американско-египетских отношений. В 1958 г. в результате объединения Египта и Сирии в одно государство (ОАР) серьезно изменился баланс сил на Ближнем Востоке. Египетский лидер Г. А. Насер показал, что в новых реалиях претендует на ведущую роль в региональных делах и делает ставку на политическую доктрину арабского национализма (насеризма). Он продемонстрировал, что не желает идти в фарватере строительства социализма по советским лекалам и склонен к политической гибкости в отношениях с «западными империалистами» ради достижения поставленных целей государственного строительства. Эта совокупность факторов привела к возникновению идеологического конфликта в отношениях между Москвой и Каиром, способствовала реализации планов Вашингтона на сдерживание распространения влияния СССР в регионе. До настоящего времени тема советско-египетского идеологического противостояния в 1958– 1959 гг., во взаимосвязи с американской ближневосточной политикой, находила слабое отражение в отечественной науке и не рассматривалась комплексно в западной науке. На основе широкого круга исторических документов и историографии раскрываются причины, суть и глубина первой фазы советско-египетского идеологического конфликта в 1958–1959 гг., а также внешние и внутренние факторы, усугублявшие этот процесс. Подробно анализируется роль США в этих событиях и практические действия администрации Д. Эйзенхауэра по сближению с Каиром на фоне антикоммунистической кампании в средствах массовой информации ОАР и временного ослабления позиций СССР в этой стране. Настоящая статья призвана уточнить и систематизировать знания по имевшим место в 1958–1959 гг. советско-египетским разногласиям, раскрыть их подоплёку с учетом широкого международного контекста, в первую очередь американского фактора.
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Primavera, Mauro. "Resurrezione o rivoluzione? Le reciproche influenze linguistiche e terminologiche tra nasserismo e baathismo alla vigilia della Repubblica Araba Unita (1952-1958)". Nuovi Autoritarismi e Democrazie: Diritto, Istituzioni, Società (NAD-DIS) 5, nr 2 (26.12.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2612-6672/22171.

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This paper aims to study the Baathist-Nasserist dialogue occurred in the years preceding the establishment of the United Arab Republic (1952-1958). After providing a historical overview of the evolution of Arab nationalism, this study tries to understand the mutual ideological influences and differences between Baʿathist and Nasserite terminology. In addition, it discusses the effects of such dialogue within the ideological and political context. The research relies on a thorough analysis of Arabic primary sources, from the writings of Baʿath founders to ʿAbd al-Nāṣir’s speeches and writings. Keywords such as “revolution”, “struggle”, “socialism” and “Arabism” will be analyzed and compared. By examining the most relevant conceptual issues from a linguistic and historical perspective, this paper aims to enrich the already existing field of studies about the historical and ideological reassessment of the UAR and, more broadly, of the so called “secular” pan-Arab movements.
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López Villicaña, Román. "Western, Wilda Celia. <em>Alquimia de la nación: nasserismo y poder</em>. México: El Colegio de México, 1997." Estudios de Asia y África, 1.05.1998, 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v33i2.1484.

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Sabry, Mohamed Ismail. "Fascism and Nasserism: Ideological Influence or Alternative Explanations?" SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3021723.

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Alahmed, Nadia. "From Black Zionism to Black Nasserism: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Foundations of Black Anti-Zionist Discourse". Critical Sociology, 11.05.2023, 089692052311734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08969205231173440.

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This article explores the transformation of W.E.B. Du Bois’ viewpoint on Israel between the early and mid-20th century. It highlights historical and political forces that compelled him to support the Zionist project, especially Black Orientalism, and the connections between Black Nationalism and Zionism, connections between Black and Jewish diasporic experiences. Finally, the article reveals how Gamal Abdel Nasser and the connections between Pan-Africanism and Pan-Arabism he forged, and the Suez Canal crisis propelled a new era in the Black discourse on Israel, envisioning Israel as a neo-colonial state set to protect Western interests in the Middle East.
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"Elie Podeh and Onn Winckler, editors. Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. 2004. Pp. xv, 365. $59.95". American Historical Review, kwiecień 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/110.2.591-a.

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Kemou, Athina. "From Cairo to Tel Aviv: Nasser’s differential accumulation of power and its impact on the relations between Egypt and Israel". Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, 30.08.2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/reim2008.5.004.

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Nasser y el impacto que sus políticas han tenido en la región de Oriente Medio han preocupado a muchos autores y representa un fenómeno bien conocido en las Relaciones Internacionales. El presente artículo analiza la política exterior egipcia hacia Israel durante el periodo 1952-1970 bajo un prisma diferente, el de la “sociología del poder”. Nuestro objetivo es demostrar que la política exterior del régimen naserista hacia Tel Aviv no estuvo guiada por el “interés nacional” o la causa pan-arabista, sino más bien fue el resultado del interés de los principales actores por aumentar su poder vis-à-vis sus competidores internos y externos. Para confirmar la viabilidad de nuestra hipótesis, reexaminamos la historia política de Egipto durante este periodo, teniendo en cuenta las dinámicas internas de Egipto, así como el contexto internacional.AbstractNasser and the impact his policies have had on the Middle East region have concerned many authors and represent a well known ‘phenomenon' in International Relations. The present article analyses the Egyptian foreign policy towards Israel during the period 1952-1970 under a different prism, that of the ‘sociology of power'. Our aim is to demonstrate that the foreign policy of the Nasserist regime towards Tel Aviv was not guided by a ‘national interest' or the pan-Arab cause, but rather was the result of the main actors' interest in increasing their power capabilities vis-à-vis their internal and external competitors. In order to confirm the validity of our assumption, we re-examine the Egyptian political history of this period, taking into account Egypt's internal dynamics, as well as the international context they were in during this period.
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Özdemir, Salih Emre. "Alternative Historiography of the Islamist Movement: A Periodization Proposal". TSBS Bildiriler Dergisi, nr 3 (8.08.2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.55709/tsbsbildirilerdergisi.470.

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The modernity movement, which emerged as a manifestation of the political, economic, and religious transformation of the West, claimed that religions would become obsolete in the process. The systems and understandings institutionalized on this claim and belief have applied this situation to non-Western religions and defined the religious movement and discourse as “reactionary”. When viewed from a different perspective, it is understood that Islamic movements, which are handled with a Western-centered historiography, emerged with Islamic methods. As a matter of fact, when the experiences of transforming the concepts and institutions (Persian bureaucracy, Greek Philosophy, Mongolian Customs...) encountered by Muslims in the history of Islam and the methods they use are taken into account, It is seen that this situation shows itself again against the Orientalist Western states. First of all, Muslims, who acted with methods coming from the Muslim self-perception to resist the invasion attempts of Western states, derived the concept of "Islamic Civilization" from the history and roots of Islam, despite the "civilization" policy of the Orientalist West. These movements, which took place between 1865 and 1920, showed themselves as "Islamization of Civilization". In the renewal process that started after the First World War, Muslims encountered the concept of the modern state and aimed to Islamize this concept or to oppose it. Concepts such as "nation, citizen, monopoly of violence, and constitution", which are the elements of the modern state, have become new issues that Islamists deal with. In this context, between the years of 1923-1979, Islamists, reacting to the understanding of the modern state (Kemalism, Nasserism, Pahlavi Dynasty), engaged in the conceptualization of the Islamic state, and in this process, efforts to "Islamize the Modern State" occurred. The modern state system was hit hard by the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979; A new process has begun for Islamic movements. After the understanding based on Arab nationalism lost its influence with the Camp David Agreement and the Afghan Jihad, Islam was reinterpreted as a new element. In this process, Islamic movements, which were reorganized as an alternative to the regimes that were institutionalized in isolation from the people, aimed to have a say in power through democracy. In this context, the prominent concept of this process has been democracy, and Islamists have developed new understandings by "Islamizing democracy". The process that started in 1979 continued with the ten-year cycle (end of the cold war, September 11 attacks). In this process, Islamic movements, with regimes representing the established order, at the local level; They have redefined themselves and their roadmaps at the global level to oppose the policy developed by the USA against the Islamic world. When it came to 2011, Islamism found itself at the center of change against the regimes that entered into a systemic and mental crisis as a result of the popular uprising. Confronting the concepts of power, such as democracy, pluralism, human rights and equality in this process, Islamic movements have embarked on the path of "Islamization of power". The Islamist movement, which is discussed in the literature through anti-Westernism and allegedly "failure", has redefined itself by reinterpreting concepts such as democracy and human rights (the Ennahda Party in Tunisia). In this process, where the western-centred system and understanding changed, the Islamism movement, which was synthesized with local interpretations, aimed to build a new understanding around the concepts of moderation and reconciliation in the new process. This study, which tries to produce counter-arguments that the Islamist movement can only exist with Western values, has tried to bring a new perspective to the literature by periodizing political history. As a result of the study, it has been claimed that this trend, which developed reactively, occurred in order to resist the dominant current of the period with its own methods, and that Islamists tried to make these concepts suitable for the Muslim mind world. This study, which deals with the alleged periodizations with individuals and institutions, aims to bring different perspectives to the politics of Islamism, which is a controversial issue today.
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