Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Nasserismo

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Nasserismo”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 28 lipca 2024
Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Nasserismo"

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Garduño García, Moisés. "La acción contenciosa del islam político durante la crisis hegemónica del Estado secular en Medio Oriente: los casos de Egipto e Irán". Estudios de Asia y África 54, nr 2 (10.04.2019): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v54i2.2359.

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El argumento central del texto es que las manifestaciones del islam político como un proyecto alternativo a la crisis del Estado secular en Medio Oriente tuvieron su origen no en la Revolución de Irán de 1979 sino en diversas acciones contenciosas lideradas por influyentes intelectuales islamistas desde los años cincuenta. Si bien la Revolución iraní de 1979 exportó el islamismo como un proyecto atractivo gracias a la difusión de una imagen redentora del ayatola Jomeini en el imaginario político popular de varios países de la zona, es en la crisis del nasserismo donde se encuentra la fusión de ideologías anticoloniales, antisionistas, nacionalistas e islamistas que mejor explica el desencanto popular del nacionalismo secular, por un lado, y el fortalecimiento paulatino del islamismo, por el otro, al menos en algunas partes de Medio Oriente.
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Riexinger, Martin. "Nasserism Revitalized. A Critical Reading of Hasan Hanafī's Projects "The Islamic Left" and "occidentalism" (and their Uncritical Reading)". Die Welt des Islams 47, nr 1 (2007): 63–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006007780331534.

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AbstractHasan Hanafī is often described as leading and original reformer of Arab thought, renovator of the Islamic cultural heritage (turāth) and advocate of political freedom. But these categorizations are based on insufficient analyses of his writings on both the Islamic and the Western intellectual heritage as well as his statements on current political issues. A critical reading of the first unveils that Hanafī misrepresents religious and philosophical doctrines and that he systematically passes over the fact that the relations between intellectual currents which he claims as role models for the "Islamic left" were marked by deep enmity. His writings on Marxism reveal that he merely condemns capitalism on moral terms without deeper analysis of the way it works. He himself proposes the idea of historical cycles determining the course of Eastern and Western civilization. This allows him to predict the imminent decline of the latter. The contradicting elements in Hanafī's thought do, however, gain coherence when analyzed in the context of his writings on the modern history of Egypt and the Middle East at large. Here he juxtaposes activist and progressive Nasserism to the religious quietism used by Sadat to legitimize his rule. From 1978 onwards he became an advocate of the Islamic revolution in Iran which he saw as rebirth of Nasserim and Tiermondism in general.
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el Nabolsy, Zeyad. "Nasserism and the impossibility of innocence". International Politics Reviews 9, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41312-021-00105-1.

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Salem, Sara. "Haunted Histories: Nasserism and The Promises of the Past". Middle East Critique 28, nr 3 (1.07.2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2019.1633057.

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Méndez, Salua Youssef. "Aproximación al modelo de desarrollo nasserista. Posibilidades y límites de la experiencia de modernización económica". Papeles de Europa 32, nr 1 (21.06.2019): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/pade.64470.

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La experiencia nasserista durante el período 1952-1970 permitió formas alternativas de desarrollo económico a las que existían hasta ese momento en la región, constituyendo, además, la génesis del panarabismo entendido como la expresión de un deseo de desarrollo independiente y nacional que rompiera con la dominación occidental e imperialista a la que estaban sujetos la mayoría de los países árabes durante estos años. A lo largo de esta investigación abordamos el análisis de la experiencia nasserista en términos de posibilidades y límites, así como sus especificidades a nivel económico. A partir del marco teórico del paradigma de la modernización y mediante el examen de las principales estrategias implementadas, defendemos la existencia de una forma egipcia de intentar superar el subdesarrollo. Lejos de ser un modelo de desarrollo perfecto, su impacto en la economía fue positivo pero limitado: permitió un proceso de modernización económica, pero no logró un cambio estructural de la economía.
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Salem, Sara. "Gramsci in the Postcolony: Hegemony and Anticolonialism in Nasserist Egypt". Theory, Culture & Society 38, nr 1 (5.07.2020): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420935178.

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This article traces Gramsci's concept of hegemony as it travels from Southern Italy to Egypt, arguing that the concept ‘stretches’, following Fanon, through an encounter with the nexus of capitalism and (post-)colonialism. I explore a reading of Gramsci's concepts in a postcolonial context, paying special attention to colonialism and anticolonialism as constitutive of the absence or presence of hegemony. Through an exploration of the Nasserist project in Egypt – the only instance of hegemony in modern Egyptian history – I show how colonialism and anticolonialism were central to the formation of Nasserist hegemony. Drawing on Edward Said, I look at two particular aspects of hegemony as a traveling theory to bring to light some theoretical entanglements that arise when Gramsci travels, in turn highlighting the continuing theoretical potential thinking through such entanglements, as well as of thinking with Gramsci in Egypt and the broader postcolonial world.
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Gordon, Joel. "THE SLAPS FELT AROUND THE ARAB WORLD: FAMILY AND NATIONAL MELODRAMA IN TWO NASSER-ERA MUSICALS". International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, nr 2 (maj 2007): 228a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807070365.

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This essay is an attempt to read popular melodrama as a reflection of changing societal appreciations of sentimentality, romance, family relations, and, ultimately, political power during the second decade of Nasserist rule in Egypt. The essay focuses on two film classics that bookend the 1960s—“family melodramas” starring singer ءAbd al-Halim Hafiz, the pop icon intimately associated with the Nasserist project. Each film turns upon a single dramatic act of parental discipline, a slap delivered by an outraged father across the cheek of a rebellious son. Released in 1962, still a time of heady optimism, al-Khataya raises troubling questions about paternity and social status yet resolves them in classic genre style. Abi fawq al-shagara, released in 1969, in the aftermath of the June 1967 “naksa” (setback), reflects a growing generation gap and suggests—if it does not quite deliver—a countercultural reading of patriarchal authority, as well as sexual and political liberation.
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Picchi, Margherita. "Islam as the Third Way: Sayyid Quṭb’s Socio-Economic Thought and Nasserism". Oriente Moderno 97, nr 1 (30.03.2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340144.

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This article aims to critically engage the representation of Sayyid Quṭb as the pioneer of modern Jihadism. It will do so by casting light on his social and economic theories as elaborated in the first half of the 50s, focusing on a pamphlet published in 1951 with the title “The Battle between Islam and Capitalism.” The purpose of this article is to present the content of the pamphlet in the context of the historical and intellectual landscape of its time, as well as showing how it is part of Quṭb’s body of thought as a whole. The intention is to show how, in a post-colonial world dominated by the Cold War, Quṭb presents Islam as the “Third Way” that combines the qualities and the advantages of communism and capitalism without sharing their faults. A system that, as this article is meant to demonstrate, shares many similarities with Nasserism, the socialist, anti-imperialist ideology elaborated by Quṭb’s archenemy, Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer.
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Gordon, Joel. "SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS MEMORY IN EGYPT: RECALLING NASSERIST CIVICS". Muslim World 87, nr 2 (kwiecień 1997): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1997.tb03288.x.

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Szyska, Christian. "On Utopian Writing in Nasserist Prison and Laicist Turkey". Die Welt des Islams 35, nr 1 (1995): 95–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570060952598003.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Nasserismo"

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Junior, José Ailton Dutra. "O Líbano e o nacionalismo árabe (1952-1967): o nasserismo como projeto para o mundo árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano". Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03102014-164144/.

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O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990
The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990
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Pendegraft, Gregory. "Third World Decolonization: The Pan Africanist Movement in the Age of Nasserism". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984267/.

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In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.
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Mossallam, Alia. "Hikāyāt sha‛b - stories of peoplehood : Nasserism, popular politics and songs in Egypt, 1956-1973". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/687/.

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This study explores the popular politics behind the main milestones that shape Nasserist Egypt. The decade leading up to the 1952 revolution was one characterized with a heightened state of popular mobilisation, much of which the Free Officers’ movement capitalized upon. Thus, in focusing on three of the Revolution’s main milestones; the resistance to the tripartite aggression on Port Said (1956), the building of the Aswan High Dam (1960-­1971), and the popular warfare against Israel in Suez (1967-­1973), I shed light on the popular struggles behind the events. I argue that to the members of resistance of Port Said and Suez, and the builders of the High Dam, the revolution became a struggle of their own. Ideas of socialism and Arab nationalism were re-­articulated and appropriated so that they became features of their identities and everyday lives. Through looking at songs, idioms and stories of the experiences of those periods, I explore how people experimented with a new identity under Nasser and how much they were willing to sacrifice for it. These songs and idioms, I treat as an ‘intimate language’. A common language reflecting a shared experience that often only the community who produces the language can understand. I argue that songs capture in moments of political imagination what official historical narratives may not. Furthermore, I argue that these songs reveal silences imposed by state narratives, as well as those silences that are self-­imposed through the many incidents people would rather forget. The study contributes to an understanding of the politics of hegemony, and how an ideology can acquire the status of ‘common sense’ through being negotiated, (re)-­articulated, and contributed to, rather than enforced on a people suppressed. It also contributes to our understanding of popular politics, and the importance of exploring the experiences and intentions of people behind historical and political milestones; understanding politics beyond the person of politicians and the boundaries of the nation state.
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Ide, Derek Alan. "Socialism without Socialists: Egyptian Marxists and the Nasserist State, 1952-65". University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430392180.

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Craissati, Dina. "The political economy of Nasserism and Sadatism : the nature of the state in Egypt and its impact on economic strategy". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61996.

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Khemkhem, Samira. "L’image des Etats-Unis en Égypte : dans la presse d’expression anglaise et la culture populaire (1991-2008)". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAC046.

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Le 11 septembre 2001, les États-Unis vivaient un traumatisme majeur qui engendra des questionnements sur l’image des Américains dans le monde et plus particulièrement dans le monde arabo-musulman. Cet intérêt croissant est au cœur de ce travail doctoral qui s’intéresse à l’image des États-Unis en Égypte à travers la presse d’expression anglaise et la culture populaire égyptienne de 1991 à 2008. L’Égypte avait déjà commencé à explorer sa relation avec les États-Unis bien avant notre période d’étude mais il y a eu une recrudescence de cet intérêt avec la guerre du Golfe (1990-1991), le processus de paix sous l’égide de Bill Clinton (1991-2000) et l’invasion de l’Irak en 2003. En effet, l’implication croissante des États-Unis dans la région du Proche Orient occasionne une réception complexe qui mérite un examen minutieux. Cette thèse retrace l’historique de cette image dès les premiers contacts pour arriver à esquisser les différents courants qui influent sur la réception des États-Unis en Égypte et jusqu’à un certain degré, dans le monde arabe, en raison du rayonnement culturel de l’Égypte dans la région
On 9/11 the United States suffered a major trauma which raised questions as to its image abroad, and particularly, in the Arab and Muslim worlds. This ever-increasing interest lies at the heart of our dissertation which focuses on the image of the United States in Egypt from 1991 to 2008, as seen and spread through the English-language press and more specifically, the newspaper Al-Ahram Weekly, as well as through Egyptian popular culture. Egypt had already begun to explore its relationship with the United States well before the period under study, but the Gulf War (1990-1991), the peace process under the leadership of Bill Clinton (1991-2000) and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 revived this interest. Indeed, the United States’ deepening involvement in Middle Eastern issues had led to complex responses that deserve scrutiny. After tracing the history of the image of the United States in Egypt since the first contacts, this dissertation analyzes the ups and downs of the perception of the United States in Egypt between 1990 and 2008, and to some extent, in the Arab world, on account of the cultural influence of Egypt in the region
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Sierańska, Joalnta. "Aspiracje mocarstwowe w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu". Doctoral thesis, 2019. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/3561.

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Celem niniejszej rozprawy doktorskiej, która jest studium politologicznym i mieści się w subdyscyplinie „Stosunki Międzynarodowe”, jest przedstawienie i analiza aspiracji mocarstwowych w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu, wpływu i znaczenia przywództwa Gamala Abdela Nasera, ideologii panarabizmu i naseryzmu, jak również tożsamości międzynarodowej Egiptu dla narodzin i ewolucji tychże aspiracji. Jest nim również przyczynienie się poprzez rezultaty badawcze do wypełnienia luki w dotychczasowych badaniach i pracach politologicznych w Polsce, poszerzenia obszaru badań ze względu na brak kompleksowego opracowania, monografii nt. aspiracji mocarstwowych w polityce zagranicznej Egiptu. Oprócz rekonstrukcji kluczowych wydarzeń w polityce wewnętrznej i zagranicznej Egiptu odnoszących się do przedmiotu badań i przedstawienia ich analizy, celem autorki rozprawy jest prezentacja i analiza percepcji aspiracji mocarstwowych Egiptu zarówno w świecie arabskim, z uwzględnieniem rywalizacji o wpływy w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu, jak i w globalnym środowisku międzynarodowym z analizą znaczenia Egiptu dla względnej stabilności w regionie, bezpieczeństwa ontologicznego Izraela, walki z islamskim ekstremizmem i fundamentalizmem. Praca ma także ambicje przedstawienia predyktywnego aspektu aspiracji mocarstwowych tego państwa w odniesieniu do kwestii uzyskania przez nie statusu mocarstwa regionalnego w przyszłości. W rozprawie dokonano porównania polityki i aspiracji mocarstwowych Egiptu realizowanych przez pięciu kolejnych egipskich prezydentów: Gamala Abdela Nasera, Anwara as-Sadata, Hosniego Mubaraka, Muhammada Mursiego i Abd al-Fattaha as-Sisiego. Jednym z głównych celów dysertacji jest także pokazanie kim byli/są egipscy przywódcy, jakie były źródła ich inspiracji, na jakich wzorcach Egipt się opierał w budowaniu silnego państwa i dążeniu do przewodzenia państwom arabskim, kto był inspiracją dla Nasera. Autorka pracy podjęła próbę zaprezentowania doświadczenia egipskich polityków i wiedzy przez nich wykorzystanej w budowaniu silnego państwa. Odnośnie do cezur czasowych, badania, których rezultaty są zaprezentowane w rozprawie, obejmują swym zakresem kluczowy dla Egiptu i jego aspiracji mocarstwowych okres rozpoczynający się w 1952 roku, a kończą się na aktualnych wydarzeniach w polityce zagranicznej i ich implikacjach dla tych aspiracji. Dla całościowego ukazania tematu koniecznym było również przeprowadzenie badań uwarunkowań historycznych procesu narodzin państwowości Egiptu w latach 1805-1922, a także uwarunkowań politycznych, sytuacji społecznej i politycznej w Egipcie do roku 1952. Okres rozpoczynający się w 1952 roku jest kluczowy, gdyż po raz pierwszy od ponad dwóch tysięcy lat, od czasów faraonów, Egipt zaczął być rządzony przez Egipcjan. Wiek XIX jest także ważny dla przedmiotu badań ze względu na kształtowanie się nowoczesnej tożsamości etnicznej mieszkańców kraju. W Egipcie zaczęto zdawać sobie sprawę z 5 tys. lat cywilizacji i historii oraz z ich wkładu w cywilizację ludzką.
The aim of this doctoral dissertation, which is a political science study belonging in the sub-discipline "International Relations", is the presentation and analysis of the power aspirations in Egypt's foreign policy: the influence and meaning of Gamal Abdel Nasser's leadership, the ideology of pan-Arabism and Nasserism, as well as the international identity of Egypt for the birth and evolution of these aspirations. The purpose of the dissertation is also to contribute through the research results to filling the gap in current research and political science in Poland, expanding the research area due to the lack of a comprehensive study, a monograph on power aspirations in Egypt's foreign policy. In addition to the reconstruction of key events in Egypt's internal and foreign policy relating to the subject of research and the presentation of their analysis, the author's aim is to present and analyze the perception of Egypt's power aspirations both in the Arab world, including competition for influence in the Middle East region, and in the global environment with an analysis of the significance of Egypt for a relative stability in the region, Israel's ontological security and the struggle against Islamic extremism and fundamentalism. The thesis also has the ambition to present a predictive aspect of Egypt’s power aspirations with regard to the issue of obtaining the status of a regional power in the future. In the dissertation, the author carried out a comparative analysis of the Egyptian foreign policy and power aspirations pursued by five successive Egyptian presidents: Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar as Sadat, Hosni Mubarak, Muhammad Mursi and Abd al-Fattah as-Sisi. One of the main goals of the dissertation is also to show who the Egyptian leaders were/are, what were the sources of their inspiration, on what models Egypt was based in building a strong state and striving to lead the Arab states, who was the inspiration for Nasser. The author of the thesis attempted to present the experience of Egyptian politicians and knowledge used by them in building a strong state With regard to the caesura of historical events, research, the results of which are presented in the dissertation, cover the key for Egypt and its power aspirations, the period beginning in 1952, and ending with current events in foreign policy and their implications for these aspirations. For the overall presentation of the subject, it was also necessary to conduct research on the historical conditions of the birth of Egyptian statehood between 1805-1922, as well as political conditions and social and political situation in Egypt until 1952. The period beginning in 1952 is crucial because for the first time since over two thousand years, from the time of the Pharaohs, Egypt began to be ruled by the Egyptians. The 19th century is also important for the subject of research due to the shaping of modern ethnic identity of the inhabitants of the country. In Egypt, people began to be aware of 5,000 years of civilization and history and their contribution to human civilization.
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Książki na temat "Nasserismo"

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Colegio de México. Centro de Estudios de Asia y Africa del Norte., red. Alquimia de la nación: Nasserismo y poder. México, D.F: El Colegio de México, 1997.

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Elie, Podeh, i Winckler Onn, red. Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and historical memory in modern Egypt. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

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Elie, Podeh, i Winckler Onn, red. Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and historical memory in modern Egypt. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

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Elie, Podeh, i Winckler Onn, red. Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and historical memory in modern Egypt. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

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Renato Ferraro di Silvi e Castliglione. Un rapporto contro natura: Egitto nasseriano e Unione sovietica. Roma: Rivista maritimma, 2009.

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Guida alla politica mediorientale. Mondadori, 2021.

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(Editor), ELIE PODEH, i ONN WINCKLER (Editor), red. Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt. University Press of Florida, 2004.

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Rethinking Nasserism: Revolution and Historical Memory in Modern Egypt. University Press of Florida, 2009.

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Ginat, Rami. Egypt and the Struggle for Power in Sudan: From World War II to Nasserism. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Ginat, Rami. Egypt and the Struggle for Power in Sudan: From World War II to Nasserism. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Części książek na temat "Nasserismo"

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Tynan, Caroline F. "Saudi response to Nasserism". W Saudi Interventions in Yemen, 54–75. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics ; 102: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003024514-3.

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Schreiber, Friedrich, i Michael Wolffsohn. "Nasserismus und Baath". W Nahost, 175–83. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-00181-2_16.

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Schreiber, Friedrich, i Michael Wolffsohn. "Nasserismus und Baath". W Nahost, 175–83. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-83744-8_16.

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Schreiber, Friedrich, i Michael Wolffsohn. "Nasserismus und Baath". W Nahost, 175–83. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95721-4_16.

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Tynan, Caroline F. "Saudi resilience in the face of Nasserism". W Saudi Interventions in Yemen, 35–53. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in Middle Eastern politics ; 102: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003024514-2.

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Shechter, Relli. "The Egyptian middle class and the Nasserist social contract". W Routledge Handbook OF Citizenship in the Middle East and North Africa, 144–56. First Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429058288-13.

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Aishima, Hatsuki, i Armando Salvatore. "Doubt, Faith, and Knowledge: The Reconfiguration of the Intellectual Field in Post-Nasserist Cairo". W Islam, Politics, Anthropology, 39–53. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402.ch3.

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Melcangi, Alessia. "6. ‘UNDER THE SAME FLAG’: THE COPTS OF EGYPT AND THE CHALLENGES OF NASSERIST NATIONALISM". W The Struggle to Define a Nation, redaktorzy Marco Demichelis i Paolo Maggiolini, 161–94. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463237257-008.

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Tibi, Bassam. "Pan-Arab Nationalism as Westernised Ideology and Politics of Arab States: Between Ba’thism and Nasserism until the Six-Day War". W Arab Nationalism, 201–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_12.

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Tibi, Bassam. "The Regional and International Repercussions of the Six Day War: The End of Nasserism and the Beginning of a New Historical Epoch". W Conflict and War in the Middle East, 1967–91, 80–104. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22487-6_5.

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