Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Municipal ownership – Great Britain”

This article places the British and American postal telegraph movements in the broader context of a transatlantic reform tradition. More specifically, British nationalization in 1870 gave American reformers both a rallying point and a rationale for postalizing the telegraphs. The legacies of both movements were mixed. In Britain, the postal telegraph provided inexpensive and accessible service, but it soon ran a large deficit and retarded the development of the telephone industry. In the United States, reformers failed to nationalize the telegraph or to secure a place in historical memory, but they succeeded in pressuring Western Union to provide better service, and they provided the impetus for the municipal ownership movement of the Progressive Era.

Drawing from the examples of newly formed and former democracies, the article examines the directions which the transformation of this political concept has taken in context of the expansion of the public sphere and changes in how the democratic process is implemented. Attention is drawn to how the transition of the forefront of political life from traditional centers of its “distribution”- governments, parliaments, and municipal authorities, to the “fatherland” of the public sphere and media of varying quality has become one of the reasons for the accelerated proliferation of politics of the populist variety. The rise of media in Ukraine, where it falls under complete ownership of centers of oligarchy, provides grounds for mentioning a special type of “oligarchic democracy”, which serendipitously exploits the opportunities offered by populism. At the same time, the examples of democratic crises in other nations have become widespread enough, so that they encourage casting doubt on crucial democratic processes, including elections: electoral democracy has formally taken place, although it hasn’t fulfilled its essential function of including the citizenry in making key social decisions. Researchers assert that media is not the only source that breathes life into populist politics as a means to seize power. This carries the threat of destroying the very institutions through which the democratic form of government is realized. Transitional democracies are also subjected to the erosion of populism through problems with asserting the supremacy of law and difficulties with establishing liberal market economics, which should have been synchronized with their political transformation. Authors refer to the fact, that populism is a problem shared by governments with diverse histories of democratic life. Behind democracy always lurks the threat of false self-rule, which can lead to the rise of new authoritarian regimes under the guise of populist conservative declarations and national protectionism. Russia could become an example of this, after its wholly democratic process of voting on amendments to its national constitution, which is expected during 2020. Controversy in equal or greater measure has also surrounded the future of Great Britain after Brexit.

The analysis of the factors determining changes in travel behavior on the individual (or individual household) level requires information on the behavior of individuals over time. Such “transport” panel surveys are rarely available, particularly for a sufficiently long time period to examine such changes more than cursorily. For the United Kingdom, none exists for other than limited regions. However, the ongoing British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), begun in 1991, provides some information related to transport—specifically, household car ownership—as well as information on the economic and sociodemographic characteristics of the households surveyed. BHPS data for 1993 to 1966 are used to analyze car ownership and the factors determining car ownership decisions on an individual household level. As far as is known, this has not yet been done in any systematic manner. The relationship between car ownership, income, and sociodemographic factors such as household composition, residential location, and population density (persons per hectare in the local authority district in which the household resides) is investigated. Both descriptive statistical measures and formal modeling approaches, based on dynamic discrete choice models and panel data econometric techniques, are used.

Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.

Since the early 1990s, regulators in the UK and in many other countries have faced increasing pressure from media industry participants to liberalise media and cross-media ownership restrictions. Many countries, including the UK, have responded to this pressure by amending their domestic legislative frameworks in such ways as to remove at least some restrictions which had previously been established in order to protect pluralism. The main aim for this study has been to assess the 'economic' case in favour of de-regulating media and cross-media ownership in the UK. The principal method of investigation has been to analyse the relationship between, on the one hand, the size and vertical or diagonal structure of a selection of UK media firms and, on the other, their recent economic performance. Findings suggest that, although factors other than size will affect performance, there is generally a strong and positive correlation between the market share and the operating profitability of firms who are involved in either television or radio broadcasting, or national newspaper publishing. This correlation reflects efficiency gains through economies of scale and scope and, also, revenue advantages arising from increased market power. On the other hand, there is little evidence that previous monomedia ownership restrictions represented a threat to the economic viability of the industry or that developments in the late 1990s have introduced significant 'new' gains for enlarged monomedia enterprises. Nor is there evidence that de-regulation of monomedia restrictions would have any positive impact on the exports performance of traditional UK media firms. With regard to diagonal expansion, there is no evidence that cross-ownership between radio and television or between television and national newspapers yields important economic benefits. This thesis would argue that, taken as a whole, the de-regulation of UK media ownership in 1996 has delivered relatively few enhancements to the economic efficiency or prospects of the UK media industry while, at the same time, has engendered a considerable welfare loss through lower safeguards for pluralism. This outcome reflects serious systemic problems at the national UK level in the policymaking mechanism which is supposed to curb the political influence of media owners. This study finds that the scope - via a shift in responsibility for policy-formulation to the transnational European level - for overcoming such problems will be limited, not least because the protection of pluralism remains outside the official competence of the European Commission.

This thesis investigates the political management of state schooling under New Labour from 1997-2010. The thesis considers and rejects two mainstream approaches to the analysis of New Labour‟s education strategy which characterise the New Labour education project as either a process of marketisation or as a symptom of a shift to a new governance through networks of diffused power. Instead, the thesis argues that the best general characterisation of New Labour‟s education strategy is as a centralising project which has increased the power and discretion of the core of the core executive over the education sector at the expense of alternative centres of power. The thesis proposes that the trajectory of education policy under New Labour is congruent with a broader strategy for the modification of the British state which sought to enhance administrative efficiency and governing competence. Changes to education strategies can then be explained as the result of changing social and economic contexts filtered through the governing projects of strategic political actors. The thesis argues that New Labour‟s education strategy was largely successful in terms of securing governing competence and altering power relations and behaviour in the sector despite continuing controversy over the programmatic and political performance of its education policies.

The search for enhanced rationality in the governance and management of UK public services is an enduring theme of reform programmes. Three modes of rationality had a significant impact during the period 1977-1997: the rationality of disengagement, which suggests that there are benefits to be derived from the governance of public services by boards of appointed individuals operating at arm's-length to the democratic process; the rationality of integration, which concerns the advantages to be gained from the development of interrelationships between agencies around particular public policy objectives; and the rationality of congruence, which stresses the need for local authorities' policies and service delivery processes to reflect the views and preferences of their communities. The origins and characteristics of these three themes are examined and their effect on public services assessed. Together, they have produced a significant transformation of the management and governance of UK public services. The analysis suggests that, at a macro level, the underlying problems of governance and management each rationality seeks to address recycles over a period of time. Reform strategies materialise through a 'garbage-can' model in which current problems are attached to the prevailing fashionable solutions. However, there is also a developmental process in operation. The intersection of the three rationalities offers an agenda for future research.

The background for this thesis is the dramatic growth in travel demand that has taken place in developed countries in the last decades, and is gathering speed at the global level. This goes in hand in hand with a dramatic increase in motorisation and car use. This phenomenon is the object of Chapter 1.Increasing mobility and motorisation has raised two kinds of concerns, corresponding to two research fields. Concerns for the environmental consequences of transport are behind the concept of environmentally sustainable transport. Transport contributes to both climate change emissions and oil depletion, arguably two of the most important environmental challenges of the 21st century. However, as mobility grows, society (and urban structure) adapts itself: the result is that being able to cover great distances at sufficient speed has become paramount. In other words, mobility and accessibility have become key factors for social inclusion, resulting in new forms of social inequality and/or reinforcing existing ones. In the theoretical part of this thesis (Part I), these two fields of research are reviewed. Chapter 1 discusses the environmental consequences of increasing motorisation, as well as policies for environmentally sustainable transport. Also, different approaches to the study of increasing motorisation (car ownership modelling, the ‘travel and the built environment’ debate and the concept of car dependence) are reviewed. Chapter 2 introduces the field of transport and social exclusion research, and reviews policies to tackle transport disadvantage. Interestingly, these two fields of research have remained quite separate until very recently. Arguably, this is a problem, for at least three reasons: firstly both concerns arise from a common problem, i.e. the increasing demand for (car) travel; secondly, the leading policy concept of ‘sustainable transport’ includes both environmental and social goals (as well as economic ones); finally, literature in both fields provides numerous examples of instances where there is a trade-off or a latent tension between environmental and social goals (as discussed in Chapter 2). This in turn is arguably a strong barrier to the implementation of sustainable transport policies. At the theoretical level, the goal of this thesis is to put forward an integrated framework to conceptualise the social and environmental consequences of increasing motorisation, and their interrelationships. To do this, I use the concept of car dependence. Since it has mostly been used in studies concerned with the environmental consequences of increasing motorisation, the notion is introduced in Chapter 1. In Chapter 2, I put forward a typology of forms of car-related transport disadvantage, and illustrate how they arise from the process of increasing car dependence. In Chapter 3, I put forward an original working definition of car dependence, aimed at reconciling the two concerns and highlighting the role that the different forms of car-related transport disadvantage play in the self-reinforcing cycle of increasing motorisation. All throughout the theoretical chapters, the emphasis is on the spatial dimension of car dependence: urban structure and the built environment adapt to increasing motorisation, and this results in further motorisation, thus creating a self-reinforcing cycle with both environmental and social consequences. The research object of this thesis is households without cars. There are two main reasons for this. Firstly, it is located at the intersection of the two research fields. From an environmental perspective, carless households have been studied as examples of environmentally sustainable behaviour. Notably, existing research has sought to identify households who choose to live without cars, exploring their motivations and trying to understand how to encourage carfree living. By contrast, in transport and social exclusion research, lack of car access has been considered as the most important form of transport disadvantage in developed societies. Accordingly, studies have focused on the exclusionary consequences of living without cars. Overall, studies on environmentally sustainable transport focus on a type of carless that is quite different from that considered by research into transport and social exclusion: an inadvertent outcome of this situation is that the overall view of the sheer variety of situations that cause people to live without cars is lost. By contrast, I argue in this thesis that there is a need to focus on the composition of the carless group as a whole, and on how it varies over time and space. The empirical work illustrated in Part III of this thesis is organized around two research questions, and both deal with the composition of the carless households group. Notably, the research questions are derived from the ‘car dependence’ theoretical framework, as illustrated in Chapter 3. In a nutshell, the idea behind both research questions is that there is a relationship between the degree of car dependence of a given (local) society and the composition of the carless households group. The two research questions adopt different approaches to explore the relationship between car dependence and the composition of the carless households group. Question 1 adopts a synchronic perspective, by comparing types of area with different levels of car dependence at the same moment in time. Differences in the composition of the carless group across different types of area are explored, with reference to the following four areas: socio-demographics, reasons for not owning cars, travel behaviour and accessibility to services and opportunities. Based on the results of previous research, the different types of area are assumed to correspond to different degrees of car dependence. Question 2 adopts a diachronic perspective by comparing the composition of the carless households group at different moments in time. The assumption is that, given the continuing process of increasing motorisation, car dependence is higher at a later moment in time. In this case, only the socio-demographic composition of the carless household group has been explored. In accordance with the tradition of the Doctoral Programme in Urban and Local European Studies at the University of Milan-Bicocca, the empirical work has focused on two case studies: Germany and Great Britain. Information about the countries (with reference to transport and spatial planning policies and previous research on car ownership trends and households without cars) is provided in Part II (chapters 4 and 5). Both research questions have been explored for both case studies, and the empirical results are illustrated in Chapter 6 and Chapter 7. The research strategy adopted is quantitative secondary analysis of national travel surveys (Mobilität in Deutschland and National Travel Survey). For the synchronic analysis, I used data from the 2008 wave of MiD and a pooled sample (2002-2010) for NTS. For the diachronic analysis, I compared data from the 2002 and 2008 waves of MiD, and single waves of the continuous NTS survey over the period 2002-2010. The data analysis techniques employed include, beside descriptive analysis, (multinomial) logistic regression, cluster analysis and latent class analysis. All techniques are described in detail in Appendix A in Part V. Appendix B and C report the details of the data analysis for both case studies, as well as technical details for both national travel surveys. Part IV consists of a single concluding chapter, including two sections. Firstly, the empirical evidence for the two case studies is brought together and discussed in light of the research questions and hypotheses. Secondly, the empirical results are discussed in light of the theoretical and policy debates outlined in Part I and II. In the following, I outline the main empirical results of this thesis. - firstly, the carless households group is considerably more concentrated among marginal social groups in low density and peripheral (‘car dependent’) types of area. To put it simply, this means that the composition of the carless group is a good indicator for the level of car dependence of a local area. More formally stated, this means that the strength of the association between non-car ownership and its socio-demographic determinants increases as the degree of urbanity decreases. This is a novel conclusion, and sits alongside the results of previous research suggesting that the car is more of a necessity in low density areas - secondly, the ‘mobility gap’ and the ‘accessibility gap’ of carless households (as compared to car-owning households) increase as the degree of urbanity decreases. Also, results for the British case study suggest that carless individuals are more likely to rely on car lifts, taxis and other motorised transport modes in the most car dependent areas. However, in-depth analysis shows that all of these results are also the by-product of the varying socio-demographic composition of the carless group across different types of area - thirdly, carless households in low density areas are more likely to mention age and health-related constraints as reasons for not owning a car. Conversely, they are less likely to mention choice and lack of need. However, perhaps counterintuitively, it is carless households in compact cities who are the most likely to be carless for economic reasons These empirical results contribute to theoretical and methodological debates in both fields of research (environmentally sustainable transport and transport and social exclusion research). Notably: - by showing the variety of conditions associated with non-car ownership, I counter the assumption that lack of car access per se leads to serious transport disadvantage. While the goal of this thesis was not to identify those carless households who are transport disadvantaged, distinguishing them from those who are not, the empirical results suggest that not owning cars might result in very different forms of disadvantage, ranging from virtual immobility to reliance on others for car lifts to time poverty (as a result of lengthy commutes with alternative modes). This thesis shows that these different forms of non-car ownership are not distributed randomly, but follow a spatial pattern: therefore, it might serve as a blueprint for future studies based on ad-hoc surveys or adopting a qualitative approach - the empirical chapters bring to light the peculiar features and the complex structure of the carless households group. Indeed, this population is: concentrated among marginal social groups; concentrated in large cities and in the most densely populated areas; more concentrated among marginal social groups in suburban and rural areas and where population density is low (a novel conclusion). Arguably, this increases the risk of drawing wrong or misleading conclusions when comparing means between the car-owing and the carless population. In other words, the complex structure of the carless households group has methodological implications for future research - the empirical results about the reasons for not owning cars suggest that the emphasis of existing research on questions of choice is misplaced. The data do not show a continuum between the poles of choice and constraint, but rather the existence of ‘absolute’ constraints to car ownership (such as those related to old age and health-related mobility difficulties), on one hand, and the complex interweaving of ‘weaker’ economic constraints with choice and lack of need, on the other. Notably, one possible interpretation of the results is that low-income households have to choose between ‘two evils’: lack of car access (with possible implications in terms of reduced accessibility) and the economic stress arising from owning and running a car. Depending on the structural constraints brought about by the built environment, they end up choosing one or the other. In other words, there might be a complementary relationship between two forms of car-related transport disadvantage: car deprivation and car-related economic stress. While this hypothesis is not tested in this thesis, it is put forward for future research To sum up, with this thesis I hope to demonstrate two things. First, it is possible to conceptualize the environmental and the social consequences of transport within a single framework, and to conduct empirical studies that take into account both sides. The key link between the two concerns is the need to own and drive cars. Second, focusing on those who do not own cars is a powerful way to understand better what makes people so reluctant to give up theirs.

Water-resource managers are facing unprecedented challenges in accommodating the large uncertainties associated with climate change in their planning decisions. Integration of climate risk information is a pre-requisite for water resources planning under a changing climate, yet this information is often presented outside the decision-making context and in a way which is not relevant for the decision at hand. Furthermore, there is a lack of approaches that explicitly evaluate the impact of nonstationary climate change on decision-relevant metrics and variables. This thesis describes novel methods for incorporating uncertain information on climate change in water resources decision-making and estimating climate change-related risks in water resources systems. The main hypotheses of this thesis are that: (1) shifting away from planning approaches based on abstract supply-demand balance metrics towards risk-based approaches that quantify the frequency and severity of observable outcomes of concern to water users, such as water shortages, can help decision-makers establish preferences among actions and identify cost and climate risk reduction trade-offs (2) adopting risk-based planning methods allows water managers to characterize and account for different sources of uncertainty in the water planning process and to understand their impact on outcomes of value and decisions. To test these hypotheses, this thesis presents an analytic approach for (1) incorporating nonstationary climate change projections and other uncertain factors related to demand changes into water resources decision-making, (2) understanding trade-offs between benefits of climate risk-reduction and cost of climate change adaptation, and (3) characterizing water supply vulnerability to unprecedented drought conditions. The approach is applied to London's urban water supply system located in the Thames river basin, south-east of England. Results from this thesis demonstrate how a systematic characterization of uncertainties related to future hydro-climatic conditions can help decision-makers compare and choose between a range of possible water management options and decide upon the scale and timing of implementation that meet decision-makers' risk tolerability. Additionally, results show the benefits of combining climate information with vulnerability analysis to test decisions' robustness to unprecedented drought conditions. The application of the proposed methods to the London urban water supply system suggests that the risks of exceeding reliability targets in the future will increase if no further supply or demand side actions were to be taken. Results from the case study also show that changes in demand due to population growth could have greater impacts on water security than climate change and that small reductions in climate-related risk may come at significantly higher costs. It should be stressed that the results from the case study are based on a simplified representation of London's water supply system and that they should be further tested with the full system model employed by the water utility which implements more complex operational rules.

This thesis is the first to examine the lives and careers of professional women who were working within the thriving Arts and Crafts Movement in Birmingham in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It utilises previously unresearched primary and secondary sources in art galleries, the Birmingham School of Art and local studies collections to present a series of case studies of professional women working in the fields of jewellery and metalware, stained glass, painting, book illustration, textiles and illumination. This thesis demonstrates that women made an important, although currently unacknowledged, professional contribution to the Arts and Crafts Movement in the region. It argues that the Executed Design training that the women received at the Birmingham Municipal School of Art (BMSA) was crucial to their success in obtaining highly-skilled paid employment or setting up and running their own business enterprises. The thesis makes an important new contribution to the historiography of The Arts and Crafts Movement; women's work in Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the history of education and the industrial and artistic history of Birmingham.

Abstract The topic of our chapter is inheritance-the transmission of assets (property, money, personal belongings) within families after someone has died or, sometimes, in anticipation of death. Though people may, and do, chose to leave assets outside their families-to charities, other organizations, friends, or neighbours-inheritance has always been regarded essentially as a family issue. Our chapter focuses exclusively on transmission of assets between relatives. In the past inheritance may have been regarded as a matter of interest only to a small minority of wealthy citizens, but no longer. Rising standards of living, and the spread of home ownership in particular (two-thirds of all households are now owner-occupiers), have ensured that large sections of the UK population belong to families where there is some thing significant to be bequeathed when a death occurs.

The battlefield tourism and relic collecting covered in this chapter were crucial to the British rediscovery of the continent following 1815. Although the field of Waterloo saw visitors from every social level that had disposable income, it was of particular significance to Britain’s newly modernizing middle class, for whom a trip to the kingdom of the Netherlands/Belgium and Waterloo was the equivalent of the eighteenth century’s aristocratic grand tour. Battlefield tourism was also inevitably shaped by questions of international ownership. Waterloo saw a continued four-way international skirmish over its ownership between Britain, Prussia, the kingdom of the Netherlands/Belgium, and France. Thus, Waterloo became a site of British national pilgrimage, which was shaped by poetry, guidebooks, and tourists who were aware that it was just as important to be seen to visit Waterloo as it was to actually visit.

This chapter discusses the origins of Britain’s postwar oil strategy, which aimed at making Britain independent of imports from other great powers, especially the United States. It begins by reviewing Whitehall’s increasing preoccupation with oil as a matter of national security before 1914, including the Royal Navy’s shift to oil and the government’s purchase of a majority of shares in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. It then examines the British experience during and immediately after World War I, when officials began pursuing two of the key objectives of British strategy—securing British majority ownership of Shell and the oilfields of Mesopotamia. The chapter concludes with an assessment of how oil influenced Britain’s war aims in the Middle East and Anglo-American competition over the region’s oil.

There are still tens of thousands of missing soldiers from the Great War, 1914–18. The nature of the conflict—particularly on the Western Front where the front lines moved very little for long periods, and where men disappeared into the mud of no-man’s-land between the lines of trenches, or were buried on the battlefield, only to have their graves destroyed by artillery fire, or lost as the front line moved—means that all the conflicting nations have significant numbers of missing combatants. Each year, agriculture, development, and archaeological work undertaken in the conflict zone uncover remains of fallen soldiers. These remains are regarded in a different way to other human remains, particularly those found on more traditional archaeological excavations, such as Roman sites, and are subject to different and sometimes contesting claims of ownership. Some of these claims are based in law, others originate in biological or fictive kin affiliations, whether familial, martial, or locational, national, or even archaeological. It may even come from membership of special interest groups that study and/or memorialize the conflict, or from ownership of the ground on which bodies were found. These ties and claims may be conflicting and/or complementary. As a result, an archaeologist who encounters and recovers such remains will find themselves engaged in a complex legal, social, and political landscape in which they are unable to adopt an objective position regarding both the people whom they study and the numerous interests and agents with whom they must engage. Where human remains occur on traditional archaeological excavations in Europe, the remains are unlikely to be the subject of controversy or contestation, although there have been recent moves by neo-pagans to make treatment of human remains an issue in Britain (CoBDO 2010). The situation is much less clear as regards the remains of fallen soldiers from the Great War; their discovery raises questions of ownership, both actual and perceived and the key question is: ‘To whom does the body belong?’ The Great War, 1914–18, was one of appalling loss. The British Empire alone lost 956,703 uniformed personnel (War Office 1922: 237).

Abstract By 1882, many Americans insisted that their country must control an isthmian canal, and when Great Britain showed no willingness to scrap the 1850 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, providing for joint ownership and operation, the ever brash New York Herald offered its trans-Atlantic cousin some gratuitous advice. If Britain felt compelled to impose its designs on other peoples, the Herald opined, it should “take another turn” at the Boers, the Zulus, or the Afghans. “She need not bother with this side of the sea. We are a good enough England for this hemisphere.”

This chapter outlines the central themes and thesis of the book, positions it within the multiple areas of scholarship/historiographies that it engages with, and provides an outline of the book’s chapters while explaining the reasoning behind their order and division. It also clarifies the scope and certain definitions used throughout the text. Who Owned Waterloo? defines ownership as control of the battle’s narrative and commemoration, and through that, the curation of Waterloo and the men who fought there in the nation’s collective memory. This is a domestic definition of ownership set entirely within the context of Great Britain that deliberately excludes not only the other countries that fought at Waterloo, but also the British Empire.

Chapter 1 serves as an introductory chapter, exploring the idea of the sea as a legal and strategic space. The concepts of freedom of the seas and sovereignty of the sea dominated the legal debates about the ownership of the seas. In wartime these concepts clashed as neutrals demanded freedom of the seas while belligerents claimed the sovereignty of the sea. The chapter explores the means to control the seas, in particular, blockade, the right of search and capture, and the rule of 1756. When Great Britain reassessed its strategic position in the mid-nineteenth century, it was John C. R. Colomb who emphasized the importance of imperial defence and the protection of trade in a future maritime conflict. The discussion on the effectiveness of economic warfare brought strategic and legal considerations together since both were concerned with the ability to control the sea.

Abstract Early in this century, voluntary organizations and municipal governments provided social services for low-income families and others unable to cope without assistance. Medical services delivered by physicians in private practice and hospitals were often unaffordable for the poor. By the 1930s, the cost of public welfare expenses was shared among three levels of government. After the 1930s Depression, when charities were stretched to the limit, municipalities went bankrupt paying unemployment benefits, and doctors worked without payment, many Canadians came to believe that the federal government had a larger role to play in funding health and social services.

Abstract 564 Anderson, John P. The book of British topography; a classified catalogue of the topographical works in the library of the British museum relating to Great Britain and Ireland. With a new introduction by.. .Jack Simmons. [East Ardsley], EP publishing, 1976. (First pub. London, W. Satchell, 1881; repr. Baltimore, Genealogical pub., 1970). xx,472p. 22cm. Repr. efBBLB2 855. 565 Martin, Geoffrey H. and Sylvia McIntyre. A bibliography of British and Irish municipal history. Leicester, Leicester U.P., [New York], Humanities pr., 1972– . v. 23cm. I. General works. (1972). –II.

The article contains research on the listing requirements for shareholder ownership, established by stock exchanges of different countries. Stock exchanges of such countries as Ukraine, USA, Japan, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, France, China, and Poland were considered for comparative analysis of listing requirements. Among the requirements for shareholder ownership of issuers were considered: the minimum Free float, the number of shareholders, the share price, the market capitalization of the tradable shares, the number of tradable shares, and requirements for minority shareholders. Also, the issue of compliance with the requirements of listing as a strategic tool for optimizing the ownership concentration was investigated. The prospects of the Ukrainian corporate sector in terms of compliance with the established listing requirements (from the standpoint of requirements for the shareholder ownership structure) were assessed. Optimizing the ownership concentration of corporations involves the distribution of ownership rights among shareholders, which will help to increase the efficiency of the company and ensure the achievement of its strategic goals.