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Deleuil, Thomas. "Le statut des pays en développement dans les accords multilatéraux environnementaux". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM1000.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe consequences major environmental threats have now become largely visible and developing countries are the most vulnerable to them. Given the scale of the situation, international cooperation appears necessary to find effective solutions to threats affecting common interests. But how can universal cooperation be organized between countries suffering from differences in terms of responsibilities in the emergence and perpetuation of the problem and of vulnerability, resources and capacities to react to such threats? International law was a tool to be used in the construction of this universal perspective. Thus, it has become a major bias to preserve the environment, for the benefit of all countries and differential treatment, expressed inter alia by the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, imposed itself as the basis of this cooperation, creating special status for the benefit of certain countries in environmental regimes.However, differential treatment exceeds the framework of this principle and appears under various expressions and ways of implementation. This diversity is supposed to help ensuring better compliance with environmental agreements. Yet, the actual degradation of the global environment casts a shade over the effectiveness of the technique. Meanwhile, the blurry frontier between states categories and the multiple possible differentiations inside each category complicate both the construction and role of international law in this area. Then, it appears necessary to come back, with precision, on the definition, achievements and limitations of differential treatment as a mean of implementation of multilateral environmental agreements
Cadalen, Pierre-Yves. "Gouverner les communs environnementaux : l'Amazonie en Equateur et en Bolivie : conflictualité socio-écologique, échelles de pouvoir et espace global à l'heure de l'Anthropocène". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0036.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work is about power relations around environmental commons in Bolivia and Ecuador at the beginning of our century. The chronological limits are from the early 2000’s to 2014-2015. It consists in studying the interactions between socio-ecological conflictuality of Amazonian spaces in both countries with the international projections led by Rafael Correa’s government in Ecuador, and Evo Morales’ one in Bolivia. Indeed, the ecological issue has become central to the diplomatic narratives of those governments and has become crucial to their international influence strategies. The two first parts of the PhD. are dedicated to the modalities of the international projections, and to the way their acquired political autonomy was caught up. This phenomenon is inscribed in what I call Ecological Power Relations. The conclusions I drew from this phenomenon invite us to think about a general framework of analysis of those relations, whose strength must be tested later on. That is the heart of the third part. I introduce the concept of Eco-power, which would determine, given the structuring reality of the Anthropocene, new power configurations and dynamics. The tensions around the indigenous autonomy, the Peripheral States’ national sovereignty, and climate justice, are observed through this prism. Eco-power is defined as the polycentric power of life and death over the specie, whose instauration and inertia strength depend on the imposition of unique time and space representation
Deleuil, Thomas. "Le statut des pays en développement dans les accords multilatéraux environnementaux". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM1000.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe consequences major environmental threats have now become largely visible and developing countries are the most vulnerable to them. Given the scale of the situation, international cooperation appears necessary to find effective solutions to threats affecting common interests. But how can universal cooperation be organized between countries suffering from differences in terms of responsibilities in the emergence and perpetuation of the problem and of vulnerability, resources and capacities to react to such threats? International law was a tool to be used in the construction of this universal perspective. Thus, it has become a major bias to preserve the environment, for the benefit of all countries and differential treatment, expressed inter alia by the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, imposed itself as the basis of this cooperation, creating special status for the benefit of certain countries in environmental regimes.However, differential treatment exceeds the framework of this principle and appears under various expressions and ways of implementation. This diversity is supposed to help ensuring better compliance with environmental agreements. Yet, the actual degradation of the global environment casts a shade over the effectiveness of the technique. Meanwhile, the blurry frontier between states categories and the multiple possible differentiations inside each category complicate both the construction and role of international law in this area. Then, it appears necessary to come back, with precision, on the definition, achievements and limitations of differential treatment as a mean of implementation of multilateral environmental agreements
Granger, Wilfrid. "Libéralisation des échanges internationaux et allocation des ressources : le dilemme régionalisme - multilatéralisme". Lille 1, 1998. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/LIBRE/Th_Num/1998/50374-1998-203.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe purpose of this thesis is to rank, on pure efficiency grounds, two processes of international trade liberalisation : regionalism and multilateralism. Chapter 1 presents the model of the international economy with tariff distortions and international transfers that constitutes the framework of the study. Chapter 2 introduces the criterion used to appreciate the gains from international trade liberalisation. Attention is focused on the need for international transfers. Chapter 3 considers the case for multilateralism. It shows that if mutilateral tariff reforms with appropriated international transfers are pareto improving, mutual gains are not secured without international transfers. Chapter 4 considers the case for regionalism. It reviews the conclusion of the traditional theory on customs unions. It provides a proof of the theorem kemp-wan and discusses its scope. The conclusion balances the results of chapters 3 and 4. It leads to a reconsideration of the theoretical justification of the superiority of multilateralism over regionalism (which supposes transfers accross national borders)
Condère, Simone. "La Politique des Etats-Unis envers l'Amérique centrale de 1976 à 1885 à travers la presse diplomatique des Etats-unis". Paris 10, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA100142.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study has focused on two main points: -both foreign affairs and foreign policy present divergent views on the conflicts in Central America, thereby bringing into light past and present errors of american policies as well as their achievements, depending of course on the political standpoint of the commentators. American policies toward Central America were decided within a specific context: this sub-region has always been considered as the backyard of the united states, having a specific role to play in u. S. National defense. American policies have also reflected the struggle for influence on foreign policy decision makers. We have two main groups: the"liberal"capitalists who would rather avoid conflicts and the ultra-conservatives who are for confrontation. Some fluctuations in u. S. Policytoward Central America can be traced back to this struggle for influence. -the two quarterlies defend one major thesis: international cooperation. The concept which is also defended by the "liberal" capitalists needs to be defined, especially since it is within this framework that solutions to conflicts with the third world and the easternblock countries are envisaged
Fernandes, Sandra Dias. "Multilateralism and European Union-Russia relations : the praxis of a competitive cooperation". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0045.
Pełny tekst źródłaOur main hypothesis concerns the existence of multilateral specificities in the praxis of EU-Russian relations. We argue that there are several kinds of multilateral interaction which inform the relationship between the EU and the Russian Federation which occur at three different levels. We divide, thus, our hypothesis in three perspectives that materialise in three types of multilateralism informing EU-Russian interactions: “interactive multilateralism”, “selective multilateralism” and “systemic multilateralism”. They complement and compete with each other. The capacity of the relationship to deliver is a result of this balance. This typology of “multilateralism” that is produced by EU-Russian relations aims at contributing to overcome some of the above-mentioned limitations of existing thinking about the concept and its practices, and the diverging views about the significance of the relationship. The first three chapters analyse the way each of the types materialised and impacted on each other. The last chapter draws on the balanced assessment of EU-Russian relations as a result of its tri-dimensional specific multilateral shape and on the recurrent need to devise a satisfying and effective model of cooperation between the two players
Sidani, Soraya. "De la déviance en relations internationales : les États en marge du système onusien : entre contraintes d'intégration et stratégies de puissance". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0009.
Pełny tekst źródłaWhat kinds of States remain outside of international treaties? Do they present the same features? Otherwise what incentives keep States out of international norms? Since that ratification corresponds to an entirely voluntary act and that only States sharing the same goals are parties to a treaty, little attention has been paid to this specific aspect of international cooperation. Yet, the utilitarian argument is no longer sufficient to explain states’ decision to not ratify international conventions. Indeed, dynamics at play at the international level display an evolution of the inter-State system toward a global system in relation to the United Nations. In fact, this integration process creates the conditions of exclusion of States which stay at the periphery of these emerging trends. In this thesis, I focus on the conditions for States’ participation to multilateral treaties and I argue that multilateral cooperation involve a certain degree of integration at the international level whereas non cooperation appears to be part of a strategy of domination
David, Meryll Elodie. "Les fonctionnaires internationaux : un groupe non professionnalisé? : La formation du groupe des fonctionnaires de l'UNESCO comme analyseur des rapports de domination à l'échelle internationale". Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010254.
Pełny tekst źródłaPlacidi, Delphine. "Le multilatéralisme onusien dans les politiques extérieures française et russe depuis 1945 : ressources et contraintes de la coopération internationale". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0032.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe importance of multilateralism through the United Nations has grown for France and Russia since 1945. A historical comparison of the genesis of their participation in the League of Nations and UN demonstrates that the two countries similarly view international organisations in an intergovernmental, sovereign and hierarchical way, besides national discrepancies. Bureaucratic and human factors being decisive assets in multilateral negotiations, the two countries have built up a multilateral diplomacy dedicated to the Organisation and which consists in specific administrations and permanent missions to the UN as well as specialised diplomats. They also participate in various groups and coalition building. On the other hand, they merely favoured civil support or at least interest in the UN until recently. More generally, the two countries have participated in multilateral cooperation within various UN institutions in very different ways, depending on the fields of cooperation concerned, the issues at stake, the institutional procedures and the actors involved in the process. An analysis of their behaviour nevertheless shows a general tendency towards a deeper multilateral engagement in the long term, be it concerning peace and security issues (peace operations, desarmament), economic and social cooperation (development aid, UNESCO) or international law (International Court of Justice, human rights)
Rancurel, Alix. "Les relations entre les intégrations régionales sud-américaines et l'Organisation mondiale du commerce : contribution à l'étude des rapports intersystémiques". Nice, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NICE0005.
Pełny tekst źródłaInternational law establishes and governs the legal systems that compose it. It organizes, however, at the margin relations by principles not always appropriate. The relationship between South American systems created by Regional Economic Integration (ALADI, the Andean Community and MERCOSUR) and the WTO system reflect the difficulties but also opportunities for the organization of the relationship between international legal systems. Through their relationships as to their existence, their content and their effects in disputes settlement, this study proposes to characterize the nature of the relationship established between them. Classical systemic theories between vertical monism and atomizing pluralism are unable to determine it precisely. A realistic and inductive approach will show that these relations fit more precisely in a network perspective, no formal hierarchy being imposed. The study of relations will highlight a certain subordination of the South American systems of the WTO system, at least in the context of the relevance they give to the multilateral system as to their existence and their content. The hierarchy is indeed persistent, not from a formal point of view but substantial. The judge, however, limits this subordination by emphasizing the specificity of the regional law, making the integration a legal bulwark against subordination
Simon, Christine. "Un enjeu pour le xxieme siecle : l'integration de l'environnement dans la sphere economique internationale - etude de la relation commerce-environnement-". Paris 5, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA05D013.
Pełny tekst źródłaLenoir, Pierre-Etienne. "L'harmonisation internationale du droit des brevets". Thesis, Nantes, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NANT2025/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaWhile the economic and political importance of international fora is increasing, what is today the degree of freedom of States in defining their own system of protection? The international harmonization of patent law requires the introduction of flexibilities allowing each State to transpose international law into their legislation in accordance with· their economic and political specificities, The current debates in international for a demonstrate a divergence between Member States which undermines the notion of harmonisation. While developed countries promote the gradual elimination of flexibilities in favour of international standardization of the law, emerging countries, under the guise of universal development-related principles, challenge the lack of flexibility of the international patent regime vis-à-vis Major crises of the XXlst century. This is followed by a cyclical movement highlighting the relationship between bilateralism and multilateralism in the face of the decline of international organizations
Bou, Ezzeddine Amine. "Les enjeux stratégiques et les défis géoéconomiques dans les relations irano-européennes 1992-2008 : de l'interdépendance et du choix rationnel dans les rapports asymétriques". Rennes 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN1G035.
Pełny tekst źródłaRecently, we hear about the emerging of "Shiite crescent. " This vision highlights the Iranian expansionist desire and the disposition of the Shiite’s communities in the region to pledge allegiance to Tehran. Iran benefits from the falling of its enemies like Afghanistan and Iraq, and has been seeking to promote a regional influence policy in line with its national interests. The European Union (EU) trading partner of Iran decided in December 1992 to initiate a "critical dialogue" in order to, gradually normalize relations between the two parties. However, bilateral meetings are still suffering from the absence of a formal framework. This situation must change in regards to Iran's regional place and the commercial potential that represents. Certainly, the potentiality for Iran to impose itself as a regional power and as a true partner of the EU depends on the progress of negotiations on the nuclear crisis, on human rights and on the peace process in the Middle East
Domingos, Nicole de Paula. "Brazil as an EU strategic partner : a shared preference for multilateralism ?" Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0035.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe economic and political empowerment of a select group of countries, notably China, India, and Brazil, stimulated a new agenda of research among International Relations scholars and inspired the notion of "rising powers." With a multilateral malaise, evident through a significant number of deadlocked international negotiations (i.e. trade, climate change), and the emergence of influential South-South coalitions, analyses that could understand the effects of these new voices became pressing. To explore the shifting conditions of multilateral cooperation under a scenario of blurred leadership and contested authority, this research departs from the case of Brazil and the Brazil-EU strategic partnership. The goal is to grasp the realities of multilateral norm building from the perspective of a rising power and through its relations with an established power that is highly interested in the promotion of a rule-based order. To accomplish this task, this thesis analyzes the rationale behind the strategic partnership, as well as Brazil's diplomatic negotiating behavior mostly during the era of President Lula (2003-2010) in three specific policy areas: trade, sustainable development and security. This analysis develops in perspective to the EU's viewpoint on each of the selected issues. From an empirical stance, I claim that there is a pattern in the Brazil-EU diplomatic behavior in which the promotion of multilateralism as a norm is indeed a reality. However, after looking at a number of case studies, it became clear that this convergence and preference has significant shortcomings. The thesis argues that Brazil and the EU are strategic partners without a strategy. One central reason for this is that it became harder and harder for the established powers to convince Brazil that it should follow the rules shaped notably by the EU and the US. This research has the merit to foster knowledge on the driving forces of global interactions and interdependencies in an era of power transition
Yim, Jong Soon. "Le Système monétaire européen et son environnement international : interdépendance monétaire interne et externe dans les années 1980". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0018.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe EMS countries confront the macroeconomic interdependence of two levels : international and intra-EMS. The international interdependence can be explained mainly by the dollar's international role. The intra-EMS interdependence result from the creation of the fixed exchange rate union and from the asymmetric working of the EMS. In these circumstances, the EMS has operated as a frame of the institutionalized coordination among the member countries and it represent a concerted adaptation of the European economies to the international environment
Plasai, Virachai. "Culture politique et environnement régional : la politique thai͏̈landaise vis à vis de l'URSS, 1975-1985". Paris 1, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA010314.
Pełny tekst źródłaRamos, Maria Priscila. "Politique commerciale, qualite et environnement : une epplication aux negociations commerciales entre l’Union Européenne et le Mercosur". Paris, AgroParisTech, 2007. http://pastel.paristech.org/3788/01/Thèse_Ramos.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaHubert, Nicolas. "Environnement, Ressources et Conflits au Burkina Faso". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41871.
Pełny tekst źródłaAssoumal, Naibi Sidonie. "Les changements climatiques, un nouvel enjeu des relations internationales : impacts et éléments de stratégies d'adaptation au Tchad". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3005.
Pełny tekst źródłaClimate changes are upseting the whole planet. Their écologic and socio-economic impacts are a real threat for all countries, principally the developping ones. Since 1990, the international community has becoming aware of this and the developped countries are clearly showned as being mainly responsible. Consequently, they have to financially and technologically strive in order to help the less advanced countries to adapt. Nowadays, the climate changes represent a big stake in the inter-national relationships, they are debated in almost all international meetings. However, the world climatic governing is difficult to establish by the international community. The conferences are dominated by the frequent oppositions of the States’ national interests. As the impacts of climate changes are specifically localised, Chad appears as a vulnerable country suffering dramatic conse-quences: progression of desert, dryness, flood, loss of biodiversity, empoverishment of soils and diminishing water ressources which imply the decreasing ot the agricultural production, food unse-curity, deseases, conflicts and deportation of population. Although Chad is mobilised to struggle against climatic changes, it lacks the necessary capacity to confront this challenge. This thesis con-siders the sahelian zone as one of the most relevant to precisely analyse these impacts and for pro-posal of efficient strategies adapted to act against climate changes. It is about measures of mitiga-tion and adaptation which consist in operating more innovative and more targeted national politics, in creating new infrastructures in the sectors of transport, telecommunications, energy and in in-volving all the concerned actors
Jantarakantee, Pimdaw. "La Thaïlande et le multilatéralisme commercial et financier (OMC et FMI)". Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00677288.
Pełny tekst źródłaLagrange, Delphine. "La France face aux Etats-Unis pendant la crise irakienne : "ressources démocratiques" d'une puissance moyenne dans sa contestation de l'hégémon". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0010.
Pełny tekst źródłaUsing the Iraq crisis as a case study, this thesis shows to what extent a middle power such as France is able to be autonomous from the hegemon in the post-bipolar world. According to us, the latter, marked by the enduring relevance of the “pole” concept in perceptions of state as well as non-state actors, can be qualified as “antipolar”. We consider that the United States have become rather the centre of contestations than a worldwide acknowledged leader. In the Iraq affair, as French decision-makers lack the means to prevent the US project, and are marked by the “hyperpower referential” (defined by us as a perception of the hegemon’s unsurpassable domination), they initially choose cooperation, or “loyalty”. Afterwards, as they are in presence of a mobilised global public opinion, they decide to rely on it as well as on multilateralism in a “voice” strategy which appears to be imperative to them. In doing so, they mobilise what we call either “global” (opinion) or “international” (United Nations) “democratic resources”. Despite some very limited costs and non-fungible but still observable benefits, French decision-makers decide very soon after the breaking of the war to go back to loyalty toward Washington, contestation remaining an exception
Leveau, Arnaud. "Les relations de la Corée du Sud et les pays d'Asie du Sud-Est. Quelle stratégie pour une puissance moyenne ?" Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00726619.
Pełny tekst źródłaSautenet, Antoine. "Le partenariat stratégique dans les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne avec les pays émergents d'Asie". Rennes 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN1G015.
Pełny tekst źródłaParis, Marjolaine. "Relations d'affaires franco-nigérianes : l'émergence de configurations sociales et commerciales internationales - Échange, incertitude et stratégies identitaires". Phd thesis, Université Paris-Diderot - Paris VII, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00778140.
Pełny tekst źródłaThériault, Dimitri. "Et si Machiavel avait été banquier? : une étude sur l'allocation des prêts de la Banque mondiale". Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/31887.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research studies the allocation of World Bank loans with panel data covering up to 115 countries over three time periods: Cold War (1973-1990), post-Cold War (1991-2000), and post-September 11 (2001-2013). Among our findings, we show that the more a state receives a large amount of loans by the World Bank, the more it supports the US foreign policy. At the same time, our data reveals that recipients of World Bank loans are on average closer to Russian foreign policy than American foreign policy for all periods under consideration. We argue that these results provide evidence that World Bank’s loans are used to buy and reward supports or abstentions for specific resolutions in the United Nations rather than for all the ones adopted in a session. Our study furthermore indicates that after September 11 terrorist attacks, World Bank recipient countries receiving the greatest amount of US military assistance were also the ones receiving the largest loans by the Bank. Although this supports the thesis that the events of 9/11 led the United States to use the World Bank in their national interests as during the Cold War, we find that the Bank appears to have limited political considerations in the allocation of its loans after the collapse of the USSR and especially between 2001 and 2013. Keywords : World Bank, IBRD, IDA, multilateral development institutions, aid, military assistance, political affinity
Legendre, Frédéric. "À l'impossible nul n'est tenu : dans quelle mesure le Comité du commerce et de l'environnement a-t-il aidé l'Organisation mondiale du commerce à concilier commerce et environnement?" Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27712/27712.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaLópez, de Lara Espinosa Dainzú. "La política exterior de México durante el gobierno de Vicente Fox (2000-2006). Entre tradición y cambio". Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030157/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaHas Mexican foreign policy changed with the advent of the new democratic rule in Mexico?Traditional Mexican Foreign Policy, known as passive, reactive, legalistic, and nationalistic, was installed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from the start of the 20th century to the late90s. Since that date, Mexican foreign policy faces a double transformation dynamic: the external,with the establishment of a new world order; and the internal, with the Mexican democratization process.2000 elections, depicted as a transparent process, gave president Vicente Fox sufficient international legitimacy to modify foreign policy agenda, introducing the protection of human rights and democratic values. These changes produce a political rupture with the previous regimeand triggered a change in the foreign policy behaviour.The new foreign policy program includes a complementary strategy: first, widen the regional integration within the United States, by the revision of the NAFTA, with a negotiation of amigration agreement; second, deploying a strong multilateral activity (mainly United Nationsforums). This stratagem seeks to reduce Mexico’s U.S. dependence, by intensifying its multilateral presence. But, internal and external causalities, inertial bureaucratic practices and the effects of September 11 reversed this policy.This research is based on political literature specialized in Mexican foreign policy. It critically analyzes the classic approach that focus exclusively on the lack of diplomatic skill and blunders of Fox’s administration. This thesis argues instead that these changes have helped set the politicalagenda of fundamental issues as migration policy, human rights and development cooperation
¿Hubo cambio en la política exterior de México con la llegada de la democracia?La política exterior “tradicional” de México, conocida como pasiva, legalista y nacionalista,instalada a inicios del siglo XX por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) se enfrenta, en los años noventa, a un doble contexto de transición: el externo, ante la influencia de un nuevo orden mundial; y el interno, con el proceso de democratización. La elección del 2000, considerada un proceso electoral transparente y equitativo, le otorga algobierno de Fox una legitimidad internacional que le permite proponer una agenda de política exterior “nueva”, centrada en la protección de los derechos humanos y la democracia. Esto representa una ruptura política con respecto al régimen anterior y un signo de cambio en el comportamiento hacia el exterior.El nuevo programa de política exterior incluye una estrategia complementaria: primero, profundizar la integración con Estados Unidos, mediante la revisión del TLCAN, con la negociación de un acuerdo migratorio; y segundo, una actividad multilateral, particularmente en los foros de la ONU. Esta política busca reducir la dependencia de Estados Unidos, intensificando su presencia multilateral. Este objetivo es revertido a causa de factores tanto de causalidad interna como externa,como las inercias burocráticas y los efectos de los atentados del 11 de septiembre.Esta investigación se basa en la literatura especializada sobre la política exterior mexicana, y criticalos análisis enfocados exclusivamente en la falta de habilidad y los errores diplomáticos de la administración Fox. Esta tesis sostiene lo contrario, que estos cambios permitieron meter en la agenda política temas fundamentales como la política migratoria, los derechos humanos y la cooperación para el desarrollo
Combaz, Emilie. "Négocier l'atrocité : la torture comme question multilatérale, 1945-2009 : une étude comparative (Nations Unies, Conseil de l'Europe, Organisation des Etats américains)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0018.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe dissertation, grounded in historical and political sociology, shows why and how the issue of torture was brought up (or not) and addressed between 1945 and 2009, at the UN, the Council of Europe and the OAS. Five intriguing features of the issue are first noted. A comparative history of the issue is then presented: pre-histories (going back to the 19th century) and beginnings (1945-1950); the 1951-1972 period, including developments that were limited but sometimes forerunning; the pivotal year of 1973 and its prolongations (1973-1989); the years 1990-1998, with a relative consensus on the rejection of torture; and a period of crisis (1999-2009), marked by radical state contestations and their limits. Finally, the dissertation shows what multilateralism does to the issue of torture, and vice versa. It sheds light on the individual and collective multilateral game on that topic, through its actors, institutions and systems. Moreover, what is said multilaterally about torture as an object, a problem and a social fact is looked into (political substance, form and borders). The study gives grounds for the following conclusion: after powerful sets of states opened up (sometimes involuntary) opportunities for mobilization and increased generality on torture, during the 1940s-1960s, figurations made up of a variety of actors – insiders endowed with significant capacity to act and a commitment or a specialization against torture – used, from the 1970s on, existing arrangements to generate specific developments against torture, as multilateral bodies gradually became more autonomous, and as a field relating to torture and a complex against torture then became established
Dupetit, Magali. "Les usages de l'environnement en politique étrangère : le cas de la coopération franco-chinoise (1997-2013)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0045.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn 1997, France and China signed a bilateral agreement on environmental cooperation. This agreement led to many technical assistance programs and projects managed by Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie and by Agence Française de Développement in China. The thesis presents this introduction of environment in French chinese policy and analyse the phenomenon as a dynamic of agregation and adaptation of practices from different sources of public policies (environmental policy, development policy and French chinese policy). In 2013, those practices become part of a routine and show the end of the construction period of environmental cooperation between France and China
Gayard, Grégoire. "Projection internationale des entités fédérées : comparaison des politiques internationales en matière de climat du Québec et de la Wallonie". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020002.
Pełny tekst źródłaFederated units are increasingly active beyond their national borders. The strategies they employ depends in part on the federal context and political dynamics of the Federation these units belong to. The cases of Quebec, Canada, and Wallonia, Belgium, offer a contrasted glimpse on how federated units can take part in the foreign policy of their federation and develop their own autonomous actions abroad. In Canada, the weak institutionalization of intergovernmental affairs and the gaps of the Canadian Constitution on the sharing of external policy responsibilities has effectively given Ottawa control of Canada’s foreign policy. In this context, Quebec has used paradiplomacy to develop its own actions abroad. In Belgium, by contrast, the responsibilities with regards to external affairs have been shared among the federal government and the federated units as the country moved from a unitary system to a federal organization. In accordance with the “in foro interno, in foro externo” principle, Belgian Communities and Regions enjoy a vast autonomy regarding external affairs and are deeply involved in the making of Belgium’s foreign policy. These elements help to understand the different strategies picked by Quebec and Wallonia to get involved in the international talks on climate change. Whereas Quebec primarily relied on paradiplomacy, the Walloons chose to focus on the Belgian internal cooperation to defend their interest through the voice of Belgium
Abdalla, Iskandar Boctor Christine. "Le développement durable et le droit de l'environnement : La sécurité nationale hydraulique au Moyen-Orient". Thesis, Artois, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012ARTO0301/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe concept of National Hydraulic Security (NHS) is the result of changing the concept ofsecurity from military security to multi-faceted security. The traditional method of managing thisnational hydraulic security is a way hydraulic unsustainable. The National Hydraulic Securityneeds to know a new hydraulic evolution that takes into account not only the qualitatif andquantitatif challenges but also the environmental challenges. A version of this sustainablenational hydraulic security interest to the hydraulic common interests of all riparian countries ofthe three rivers: Nile, Jordan, Tigris and Euphrates. In addition, the concept of SustainableDevelopment must grow significantly to obtain a hydraulic sustainable management of theNational Hydraulic Security
Arguello, Castro Valeria. "L'institutionnalisation des relations multilatérales en Amérique latine". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA099.
Pełny tekst źródłaToday in Latin America, there is a real increase of multilateral activity through the creation of different types of cooperation areas, such as: the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of the Americas (ALBA), the Pacific Alliance and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).Currently, to define these new multilateral organizations, politicians, academia, scientists and lawyers, have used various definitions: the integration process, maximalist integration, political integration, energy integration, post-neoliberal regionalism, new regionalism, new process integration, convergence, social cooperation, cultural and economic and consultative body for dialogue and politics, among others. However, the integration of Latin America is a discursive interaction; and sometimes it is used for cooperation processes.This new Latin American multilateral dynamic leads to a problem for the future, to the extent of the participation of Latin America, as a grouping of states in the new configuration of international governance. Thus, in understanding the new forms of interstate relations, its construction and consolidation of its institutionalization stages, allowing for the model of the results of integration and multilateral relations in the region
Soulé-Kohndou, Folashadé Ayodélé. "Les "clubs" de puissances "émergentes", fonctions objectives et usages stratégiques : le cas du forum de dialogue IBAS (Inde-Brésil-Afrique du Sud)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0026.
Pełny tekst źródłaWhat are the incentives of cooperation in rising powers groupings ? What are the underpinnings of club diplomacy by rising powers ? Through the case study of the India-Brazil-South Africa(IBSA) forum, this thesis explores the concept of ‘emergence’ in international relations – described here as a social construction – and the proliferation of selective clubs between emerging/rising powers as an expression of the rise of these powers. Following a pluri-disciplinary approach and mobilizing the sociology of collective action, this thesis defends that IBSA’s objective functions (political coordination, promotion and increase of south-south cooperation) obey to strategic aims (legitimization, autonomization, socialization) in order to further their international integration. The growing tendency of collective action through selective clubs in the South acts as a means for social differentiation between rising powers groupings and traditional developing countries groupings like the Non-Aligned Movement and the G77 although they often defend similar positons. However rising powers clubs ‘collective action does not necessarily result in sustainable integration of these emerging powers by established powers in global governance decision-making process ; but they cast light on the evolving institutional dynamics and institutional adaptation on the global level
Séne, Massène. "La construction d'un espace de sécurité dans le Sud-Est asiatique". Paris 1, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA010327.
Pełny tekst źródłaHainaut, Béatrice. "Emergence et promotion de la norme sur la sécurité des activités spatiales". Thesis, Paris 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA020031.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrom the seventies, a small group of scientific in NASA convinced American authorities of the dangerousness of orbital debris. At that time already, they warned against the antisatellite weapons tests which exacerbate the phenomenon. These researchers disseminated their knowledge beyond the American borders and beyond the scientific community. In their struggle of recognition, they are helped by the global awareness on sustainable development. As a result, today, almost no citizen in the world ignores the problem of debris in outer space. Thus, an epistemic community made of scientifics, engineers, servicemen, diplomats, academics, students, and citizen arose. Scholars and laymen all together. Thanks to that global awareness, the need for a standard seems to be necessary in order to regulate and secure the space activities. Although it has existed since the conquest of space in a latent way, this norm has never been the object of a consensus between the States allowing reaching a regime. However, from 2007 to 2016, States renew their interest for this norm. But because they don’t agree with each other, the debate creates schematically two opposing camps.This dissertation aims at questioning the American superiority in the 21st century, the role of the international organizations to mitigate the conflicts between States, but also the influence of the latter facing the non-States actors. Similarly, the dissertation tries to assess the role and the influence of the epistemic communities on States and conversely
Faivre, Pierre-Marie. "Le traitement des questions de sécurité dans la région sahélo-saharienne : étude des approches malienne, nigérienne et burkinabè". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB171.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe repetition of political and security crisis in the Sahel region highlights the multiplicity of factors of instability. The State being at the center of our study, we will observe that, despite exogenous threats, its fragility is mostly the result of endogenous decisions. This said, our work will analyze policies implemented by the authorities of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the regional frame in which they place themselves and the mutual dependence they contracted. To counter the weakness of these countries, the regional approach has benne praised. Its effectiveness must, however, face the defense of rulers' and States' particular interests
Vieille, Blanchard Elodie. "Les limites à la croissance dans un monde global : modélisations, prospectives, réfutations". Paris, EHESS, 2011. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01085023.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work is focused on the Club of Rome report of 1972, which stresses the existence of global limits to growth, and in consequence, the necessity of drastic political measures. It asks the question of material, political and cultural conditions which allow the rise of discourses about the nastiness of population and economic growth at a global level, considered in relation with the development of the Third World and the Cold War. It analyses the genesis of the Club of Rome project, in order to clear up the paradox of a call to stabilize the world economy, emanating from an industrial and political elite. In this perspective, it studies the contrasted influences of environmentalist discourses and future studies on the modelling project of the Club. It studies how the choice of System Dynamics implies a particular translation of the Club "Problématique" into a mathematical model, focused on limits to growth. This work tries to understand how the lively debate of the 1970s, pro or anti growth, rapidly leaves place to a consensus about the goodness of growth. The inequalities between North and South, and the best technological and economical means allowing overtake material limits are the main interest of these new studies. New approaches (global modelling and environmental economics), with a new framing of problems, render the project of zero growth unconceivable, and assert the goodness of economic growth for human development and environmental preservation
Dubuc, Julien. "Coopération interlocale et gestion des eaux transfrontalières entre le Canada et les États-Unis le cas du site d'enfouissement de Coventry". Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/5638.
Pełny tekst źródłaLapierre, Anne-Marie. "Les catastrophes naturelles et la protection de l'environnement : études de cas en Thaïlande et en Malaysia". Thesis, Université Laval, 2008. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2008/25145/25145.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaDupetit, Magali. "Les usages de l'environnement en politique étrangère : le cas de la coopération franco-chinoise (1997-2013)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0045.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn 1997, France and China signed a bilateral agreement on environmental cooperation. This agreement led to many technical assistance programs and projects managed by Agence De l’Environnement et de la Maîtrise de l’Energie and by Agence Française de Développement in China. The thesis presents this introduction of environment in French chinese policy and analyse the phenomenon as a dynamic of agregation and adaptation of practices from different sources of public policies (environmental policy, development policy and French chinese policy). In 2013, those practices become part of a routine and show the end of the construction period of environmental cooperation between France and China
García, De La Rosa Ricardo. "Régionalisme économique et Zone de Libre-échange des Amériques (ZLÉA)". Lyon 3, 2008. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/in/theses/2008_in_garcia-de-la-rosa_r.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince the last decade the relationship between regionalism and multilateralism has been widely discussed worldwide. Many reasons have been put forward to explain the real explosion of regional agreements. The complicated reality about regional agreements is that they are neither all good nor all bad, they can be constructive contributions to greater economic opportunity or they can be characterized by exclusivity, discrimination and distortion. As the WTO affirms, design and intent are the gist of such instruments. The case of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) is a good example of this issue. This thesis is a profound analysis of Americas' regionalism vis-à-vis with the recently trade agreements of the area, and the viability of the FTAA as well
Nguyen, Thao Huong. "La Francophonie dans la politique extérieure du Vietnam de 1970 à 1997". Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE3066.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis PhD memoire aims at reviewing in the past the cooperation between Vietnam and the Francophonie in a bilateral perspective especially at the state level but also at the institutional level. It wanted to assess the place that the Francophonie occupies in Vietnamese foreign policy since the birth of the Organization in 1970 until 1997 - the peak year of the relationship. This re-evaluation is necessary and imperative in the way that we can see more clearly the usefulness of the Francophonie for Vietnam in his current alarming situation. Using the theory of the foreign policy of the Small States, this thesis leads us to discover different historical stages of Vietnam since 1970, even before, until the moment of construction of an unified country, in which the Francophonie is considered as the main object of the research. It is indeed a chronological study that starts from the weaving of an idea of a union of the French-speaking countries by force then by pleasure, then the meeting between a new international organization and young governments that wanted to assert themselves, the study goes as far as the attachment of the Vietnamese socialist government to the Francophonie in trying to find the answer to the question "Is the participation in the Francophonie part of the foreign policy or, in fact, Vietnam’s diplomatical tactics ? ". This research contributes to the study of the Francophonie but also of the first years after the reunification (1975), to the Hanoi Summit (1997)
Zaccai, Edwin. "Contribution à l'analyse des conceptions du développement durable". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211719.
Pełny tekst źródłaBolduc, Brandon. "Montréal parmi les grands de l’organisation C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group : analyse du processus de mise à l’agenda décisionnel de son adhésion". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39852.
Pełny tekst źródłaZongo, Windata Miki. "La sécurité comme enjeu de politique étrangère en Afrique : analyse par les médiations du Burkina Faso dans les crises politiques en Afrique de l'Ouest : 1991-2012". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB198.
Pełny tekst źródłaAs concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion
Toguyeni, Aminata. "La participation juridique de l'Afrique de l'Ouest au commerce international : entre régionalisme et système multilatéral de l'OMC". Thesis, Dijon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013DIJOD005.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe legal participation of the States of West Africa to international trade is reflected by the establishment of internal and external regional agreements and their accession to the WTO multilateral system. States are therefore facing individual legal commitments simultaneously and this raises the problem of their capacity as developing countries or LDCs to cope. Today the development of these States is at the heart of all trade negotiations in the framework of the new agreements economic partnership or one of the Doha round. But all these negotiations are at an impasse and it promotes the development of internal regional agreements. This study focuses on the various processes of interaction that can occur between regionalism and multilateralism. The effectiveness of the various trade agreements put in place by States West Africans assumes coherence and compatibility between them
Savas, Menent. "Règles d'engagement, intervention et normativité : éléments pour la construction d'un régime de l'intervention internationale". Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020055.
Pełny tekst źródłaAfter the Second World War, multilateralism has become the legitimacy condition of interventions for human protection. Nevertheless, multilateralism creates problems of cooperation, command and control in a multinational force, which is composed of contingents having their own military cultures. Successive failures of the first half of the 1990s generate peacekeeping studies following an up-down path. Initially, they had proposed to create a “robust” doctrine that comprehends the drafting of firm Rules of Engagements (ROE), and in later times, they proposed to carry out the mandates without ambiguities for peace operations. Yet, as long as the configuration of the Security Council remains the same, the mandates will always be ambiguous, given that they are derived from the already ambiguous resolutions avoiding the risk of veto. Since every peace operation has its own particularities, the creation of a robust peacekeeping doctrine would not be efficient. ROEs are the directives issued by competent military authority that delineate the circumstances and limitations about the use of force. They are at the core of the peace operations and influence their legitimacy. Rather than a doctrine, the creation of a regime of ROE following a bottom-up path, and its internalization by peacekeepers, lead to a harmonization of their behaviors. It will then become possible to look for the emergence of a common perception between states about peacekeeping, and through this, a safe-efficient norm will emerge. This will secure a safe environment for soldiers and an efficient environment for the success of peacekeeping operations. The more awareness is created about problems and ambiguities concerning peace operations, the more willing will states become to carry out credible mandates through this safe-efficient norm
Flipo, Fabrice. "En quoi la crise environnementale contribue-telle à renouveler la question de la justice ? Le cas du changement climatique". Phd thesis, Université de Technologie de Compiègne, 2002. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00957797.
Pełny tekst źródłaLe, Gouriellec Sonia. "Régionalisme, régionalisation des conflits et construction de l'État : l'équation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique". Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D015.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war
Guedidi, Insaf. "Global value chains and deep trade agreements". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA01E026.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn recent years, the phenomenon of producing “Made in the World” goods has increased dramatically, leading to a progressive economic transformation of the way we understand production processes (Antràs 2020). The present thesis considers a variety of research questions: Do maritime connectivity and border procedures affect the same way trade in final goods and trade in intermediate inputs? How important it is to adopt internet to Global Value Chains (GVCs) participation? What is the impact of the Real Effective Exchange Rate (REER) on international trade and, specifically, on GVC trade? How does GVC participation affect air pollution and what is the importance of environmental provisions in trade agreements when analyzing the environmental implications of GVCs? This thesis aims to define and analyze two drivers (in chapter 2) and two consequences (in chapters 3 and 4) of participation in GVCs. Chapter 2 examines the effect of trade facilitation on trade, more particularly on Global Production Networks (GPNs). It shows that maritime connectivity matters for trade under GPNs. In particular, exporting intermediate goods is highly encouraged by more efficient maritime routes which connect various participants of GPNs. Furthermore, shipping goods without delays, low costs, and simpler procedures are key elements of participation in GPNs. In addition, Chapter 2 analyses the impact of the internet on GVCs in Africa. It investigates the effect of internet adoption on forward participation and backward participation in GVCs at the country level and the firm level. Results show that internet use and internet infrastructure are important for Africa in terms of forward GVC participation. The chapter argues that African countries and firms need to improve internet infrastructure to make the best of integration into GVCs. High integration levels in GVCs can change the way we interpret REER response on gross exports and GVC trade in Tunisia. Thus, chapter 3 shows the importance of calculating a new measure of REER based on the sectoral value-added terms to account for the rising importance of GVCs. Results show that REER effects on GVC trade differ from its impact on traditional trade. It is found that foreign value-added (FVA) share in gross exports dampens the response of REER to exports. Moreover, accounting for sectoral heterogeneity is important to determine trade competitiveness because Tunisian sectors take part in GVCs at different levels. Chapter 4 focuses on the relationship between air pollutant emissions, environmental provisions in Regional Trade Agreements, and GVCs. Examining the effects of participation in GVCs on environmental quality, chapter 4 found an inverted U-shaped relation between the level of participation in GVCs and air pollutant emissions. The chapter proves that signing more trade agreements with environmental laws reduces pollution. However, including environmental provisions in trade agreements does not guarantee environmental quality in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region