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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Mshḥ (The Hebrew root)”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Mshḥ (The Hebrew root)"

1

Rubin, A. D. "The Paradigm Root in Hebrew." Journal of Semitic Studies 53, no. 1 (2008): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgm043.

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2

Schaeffer, Jeannette, and Dorit Ben Shalom. "On Root Infinitives in Child Hebrew." Language Acquisition 12, no. 1 (2004): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la1201_4.

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Geary, Jonathan, and Adam Ussishkin. "Morphological priming without semantic relationship in Hebrew spoken word recognition." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 4, no. 1 (2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v4i1.4509.

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We report on an auditory masked priming study designed to test the contributions of semantics and morphology to spoken word recognition in Hebrew. Thirty-one native Hebrew speakers judged the lexicality of Hebrew words that were primed by words which either share their root morpheme and a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. poreʦ פּורץ ‘burglar’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’) or share their root morpheme but lack a transparent semantic relationship with the target (e.g. mifraʦ מפרץ ‘gulf’ priming priʦa פּריצה ‘burglary’). We found facilitatory priming by both types of morphological relatives, supporting that semantic overlap is not required for morphological priming in Hebrew spoken word recognition. Thus, our results extend the findings of Frost, Forster, & Deutsch’s (1997) Experiment 5 to the auditory modality, while avoiding confounds between root priming and Hebrew’s abjad orthography associated with the visual masked priming paradigm. Further, our results are inconsistent with models of word processing which treat morphological priming as reflecting form and semantic coactivation, and instead support an independent role for root morphology in Hebrew lexical processing.

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4

Norman, Tal, Tamar Degani, and Orna Peleg. "Transfer of L1 visual word recognition strategies during early stages of L2 learning: Evidence from Hebrew learners whose first language is either Semitic or Indo-European." Second Language Research 32, no. 1 (2015): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658315608913.

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The present study examined visual word recognition processes in Hebrew (a Semitic language) among beginning learners whose first language (L1) was either Semitic (Arabic) or Indo-European (e.g. English). To examine if learners, like native Hebrew speakers, exhibit morphological sensitivity to root and word-pattern morphemes, learners made an off-line graded lexical decision task on unfamiliar letter strings. Critically, these letter strings were manipulated to include or exclude familiar Hebrew morphemes. The results demonstrate differential morphological sensitivity as a function of participants’ language background. In particular, Indo-European-L1 learners exhibited increased sensitivity to word-pattern familiarity, with little effect of root familiarity. In contrast, Semitic-L1 learners exhibited non-additive sensitivity to both morphemes. Specifically, letter strings with a familiar root and a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to be judged as real words by this L1-Semitic group, whereas strings with a familiar root in the absence of a familiar word-pattern were the most likely to lead to a non-word decision. These findings show that both groups of learners activate their morphological knowledge in Hebrew in order to process unfamiliar Hebrew words. Critically, the findings further demonstrate transfer of L1 word recognition processes during the initial stages of second language (L2) learning.

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5

Charlap, Luba R. "Lexical Root vs. Substantive Root: The Status of the Hebrew Alphabet As A Precursory System for Menaḥem Ben Saruq's Root Concept". Journal of Semitic Studies 65, № 2 (2020): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa026.

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Abstract Menaḥem ben Saruq (Spain, tenth century) is considered to be the first scholar to write a dictionary of Biblical Hebrew - called the Maḥberet - on Spanish soil. His role in the development of Hebrew grammar, however, has not been given pride of place in the scholarly literature. Renewed interest in his theory arose only in the late twentieth century. As some scholars have noted, Menaḥem was the first to reveal the three-consonantal basis of Hebrew roots. This article will continue to establish the basis for this concept, while further elaborating on several emphases in his teaching, especially in the context of the distinction between the radical and the servile letters and their subdivision, which, in our view, led Menaḥem to formulate his root concept. Following our analysis, we note a difference between the ‘lexical root’ concept, by which he arranged the entries in his Maḥberet, and the ‘substantive root’ concept on which he based his innovation. A parallel idea can be seen in the theory of Yusuf Ibn Nūḥ, who set forth the jawhar concept, which means the basic entity of a word on the abstract level (as opposed to a word-based morphology), as Geoffrey Khan has shown. The article concludes with a clarification of the difference between Menaḥem's theory and that of Judah Ḥayyūj. Despite the enormous development made by Menaḥem, he was not able to offer a coherent morphological system, as Ḥayyūj did.

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6

Tauberschmidt, Gerhard. "Polysemy and Homonymy in Biblical Hebrew." Journal of Translation 14, no. 1 (2018): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54395/jot-3rkrr.

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In the analysis of Hebrew lexical items there is sometimes a tendency to interpret words exclusively based on their root meaning. In fact, the one-sided etymological analysis of Hebrew words is particularly tempting, because most Hebrew words are constructed around lexical roots consisting of two or three (sometimes four) consonants that are shared in common by a family of related words. Deriving the meaning of a lexical item exclusively from its root meaning while disregarding the phenomenon of semantic shift, which is frequently caused by metonymy, can lead to incorrect interpretations. Hebrew lexicons such as Brown–Driver–Briggs (BDB) sometimes contribute to this error due to interpreting words as polysemous lexical items when they should be interpreted as homonyms with non-related meanings.

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7

FARHY, YAEL, JOÃO VERÍSSIMO, and HARALD CLAHSEN. "Do late bilinguals access pure morphology during word recognition? A masked-priming study on Hebrew as a second language." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 21, no. 5 (2018): 945–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728918000032.

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This study extends research on morphological processing in late bilinguals to a rarely examined language type, Semitic, by reporting results from a masked-priming experiment with 58 non-native, advanced, second-language (L2) speakers of Hebrew in comparison with native (L1) speakers. We took advantage of a case of ‘pure morphology’ in Hebrew, the so-called binyanim, which represent (essentially arbitrary) morphological classes for verbs. Our results revealed a non-native priming pattern for the L2 group, with root-priming effects restricted to non-finite prime words irrespective of binyanim type. We conclude that root extraction in L2 Hebrew word recognition is less sensitive to both morphological and morphosyntactic cues than in the L1, in line with the Shallow-Structure Hypothesis of L2 processing.

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8

Stadel, Christian. "The Recovery of the Aramaic Root br' 'to cleanse' and Another Possible Aramaising Rendering in the Septuagint." Aramaic Studies 7, no. 2 (2009): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147783509x12627760049714.

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Abstract One source of our knowledge of the Aramaic used in Hellenistic Egypt is the Septuagint, whose translators at times resorted to Aramaic when rendering their Hebrew Vorlage. The present article proposes one such 'Aramaising rendering', in which the Hebrew verb br' pi''el 'to cut down (wood)' was translated as if derived from the Aramaic homonymous root meaning 'to cleanse'. This root, attested in Nabataean, Samaritan, and Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and mistakenly seen as an Arabism in these dialects, is recovered as Aramaic.

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9

Lund, Jerome A. "Some Cases of Root Exegesis of Hebrew Forms in Peshitta Ezekiel." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 1 (2019): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341341.

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AbstractThe new translation of Peshitta Ezekiel by Gillian Greenberg and Donald M. Walter in the Bible of Antioch series raises issues with regard to the interpretation of the Syriac text and its relationship to the Hebrew. The Syriac translator used root exegesis of Hebrew forms as a translation tool. This study will examine a number of cases of root exegesis in Peshitta Ezekiel with the aim of better understanding the Peshitta translation. This research was undertaken as part of the Bible of Edessa project.

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10

Aïm, Emmanuel. "Consonant dissimilarity in Biblical Hebrew defective nouns." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 83, no. 2 (2020): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x20002591.

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AbstractCo-occurrence restrictions on Biblical Hebrew root consonants have received thorough treatment in the specialized literature. However, combinations involving glides on the one hand, and nominal roots on the other, have received very little attention. The aim of this paper is to argue for an incompatibility between medial consonants and final glides in defective nouns: a final w cannot generally follow a homorganic medial root consonant, viz. labial p, b, m and velar k, g, q. The III-w roots are rare: they came about as a result of a well-documented historical process and are found almost only in nominal roots. Previous investigations have overlooked this incompatibility owing to the incomplete scope of the studies.

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