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Marty, Laurence. "Apprendre et lutter au bord du monde : récits de mouvements pour la justice climatique en France et en Europe (2014-2017)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0143.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation focuses on the French and European movements against climate change and on the tensions that characterize them: what does it mean to fight when the scale of the disaster, the sense of urgency and the feeling of powerlessness prevail? How does one keep fighting in a world in rubble, which we do not believe we can save anymore? And how do we do so when we know that we belong to the countries responsible (historically and still today) for the unprecedented environmental disruptions that are happening to us? This ethnography explores the actions of activists and collective groups in the preparation of the mobilizations that took place around the COP21 (Paris, December 2015). It examines the decomposition and re-composition of the struggles against climate change that ensued. The specificity of these activists and collectives is that they belong to the least institutionalized space of the environmental movement: their commitments rested on a continuum of collective actions ranging from food farming to direct action. Moreover, they belong to the part of the movement that has participated in importing and developing the climate justice framing in France since 2015. From this ethnography, which was also lived as a personal experience, whereby I shared moments of life with these activists and collectives, I sought to make tangible the pathways and learnings that unfolded within the climate movements, as well as the breathlessness, doubts, joys and empowerment, which have been experienced in these movements.The manuscript is organized in two "volumes", each of which corresponds to a major question addressed to the movements against climate disruption and which relays those asked by the activists themselves: “What is the ‘right way’ to fight against climate disruption?” and “What is the ‘right political subject’ of the movement for climate justice?” In contrast to univocal and absolute answers, I propose to think about these questions as pharmaka in the sense of Isabelle Stengers: depending on their dosage, they can empower or weaken, poison. Each of the two volumes is itself composed of several “stories”, which are used to shift these questions and showing their effects in situation. Finally, between these stories I have interspersed “workshops”, which are the summary of notes I took during trainings, in which I participated in the climate movements since 2015
Genicot, Geneviève. "L'intérêt étudiant face à l'Europe : étude comparée de la représentation étudiante en Belgique, France, Italie et Portugal dans le Processus de Bologne 1999-2005". Grenoble 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008GRE21042.
Pełny tekst źródłaUniversities follow still more new objectives elaborated at the international level by the OECD and taken back by the EU which projects its economic future through "knowledge society". Objectives like competitivity, rentability, excellence, autonomy and diversification of financing sources are questioning for those who defend a university model for education and emancipation of autonomous individuals. In front of the dominant economicist norm, a humanist counter-norm is elaborated. Main part of students' organisations in Europe defines students' interest within the frame of this normative opposition; they have for instance called Bologna Process reforms, neoliberal. But this shared counter-norm does not influence trends in higher education policies. How is that counter-norm implemented? The study approaches concrete life of students' representatives. Interviews and participant observation (in offices, demonstrations and congresses) have been carried in Belgium, France, Italy and Portugal, on three levels (local, national and European). Besides the study of two European mobilization networks (one of them lobbying in Brussels, the other one being linked with No Global movements), the study of local and national levels of student representation shows a quasi-absence of Europe in the mental daily framework of action. Instead local problems or national power struggles are much more important at these levels. The mental geography of the actors, which is defined by their daily geographically rooted experience, is at least as much responsible for this deficit of European vision, as are the objective practical problems of coordination at European level
Moissonnier, Loïc. "Coordination et conflits dans le mouvement altermondialiste européen : l'expérience de trois réseaux thématiques dans le cadre du Forum Social Européen (2005-2010)". Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH011/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis is about the Global Justice Movement (GJM) in its European dimension, focusing on the European Social Forum process which was launched in Florence in November 2002. More precisely, specific thematic networks have been created in the course of this process with the aim of strengthening coordination between different participants on economic and social issues linked with the European integration. These networks were created in the wake of some campaigns of the Global Justice Movement in Europe which developed in the years 1997-2005. However, fewer and fewer participants took part in the meetings of the networks, and they finally disappeared as spaces of collective organisation. This thesis is aimed at explaining the failure of these networks. We first analyze their creation as a sign of a larger process of demobilisation after 2005, concerning the whole GJM in Europe. This process leads to conflicts between remaining participants, about the internal functioning of the networks (modes of decisions, etc.) and the external collective strategies that should be defined. We distinguish several phases between 2005 and 2010 where we can find this combination between demobisation and internal conflicts in the networks. Although we observe conflicts between actors of the networks while some global justice campaigns are coming to an end in Europe (2005-2006), the decline of participation in the European Social Forum leads to conflicts about the role these networks should have in this process (2007-2010). Finally, the huge loss of participants in the ESF in Istanbul in 2010 led to the end of the thematic networks which are studied here. Beyond their failure, we point at the end of this thesis the positive contribution of these experiences that favoured the constitution of a coherent group of actors with similar objectives at the European level
Rivat, Emmanuel. "La transnationalisation de la cause antinucléaire en Europe : une approche comparée de la France et des Pays-Bas : (1970-2010)". Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40005.
Pełny tekst źródłaMost of the work about the politics and contention of nuclear energy deal with local and national issues. This thesis aims to show that « new governance » theories, speaking about the decline of the state, cannot capture properly enough the various dilemmas and conflicts that prevent the rise and dynamic of the transnationalisation of the antinuclear cause. Based on social movement sociology, network sociology and political sociology, this work studies the incremental cooperation between green political parties, environmental NGO’s such as Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth, and last but not the least, local and national protest groups from the beginning of the 1970’s to the end of the 2000’s. From the first United Nation International Conference on the Environment of Stockholm in 1972 to the International Conference on Climate Change of Copenhagen in 2009, this thesis show why and how transnational activists perceive and size political international and European opportunities. It shows as well how activists face two kinds of dilemmas that prevent further transnational cooperation: the widediversity of constraints of political fields and the degree of institutionalization of antinuclear groups. It focuses on how antinuclear activists become able to build up rules of transnational social capital, understood as a “collective good” that may well facilitate the production, circulation and reception of different types of social resources and competences for activists. Far from turning a blind eye on the contradictions of what could be seen as a « transnational civil society », this work emphasizes the heterogeneity of activists, who remain deeply rooted into national political fields. This situation explains why transnational activism in Europe is still temporary and discontinuous
Rammelt, Henry. "La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes
Marmorat, Marion. "Controverse socio-technique autour des barrages danubiens Gabčikovo-Nagymaros, 1977-2004 (Hongrie/Slovaquie) : étude microsociologique des relations internationales". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2006. https://spire.sciencespo.fr/notice/2441/53r60a8s3kup1vc9kd4chgdj7.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis controversy about the hydropower dam project located on the Danube river basin between Slovakia and Hungary is taken up in three different ways. It first stands as an example of global issues such as transnationalism, social contention, globalization and environmental global issues. It then allows for an inquiry of the recomposition of the international order. It finally offers a field of discovery and implementation of various conceptual tools borrowed from different disciplines : international relations, public policy, political sociology et geography. We focus our attention mainly on actors and their interactions guided by a train of thought which combines theoretical, methodological perspectives and empirical research. Our goal is to reconcile micro and microsociological approaches. Expertise, activism, scientific and environmental dimensions are looked upon with more care through the studies of practices, discourses et personal careers of the main actors of the dispute, drawing inspiration from the sociology of science and the socio-technical controversies approach
Hrabanski, Marie. "Évolution de la conflictualité sociale et des modes de représentation des groupes d'intérêt dans un espace politique multi niveaux : les agriculteurs du tabac et de la betterave à sucre en France et en Europe". Lille 1, 2007. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/LIBRE/Th_Num/2007/50377-2007-19-1.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaFornillo, Bruno. "Le mouvement vers le socialisme au pouvoir en Bolivie : figures de cogouvernement, antagonismes territoriaux et horizon révolutionnaire". Paris 8, 2012. http://octaviana.fr/document/185436633#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
Pełny tekst źródłaN Bolivia, the political cycle that began in 2000 with the “war of water” and whose landmark was the arrival of the “Movimiento al Socialismo” (Movement for Socialism) to the higher ranks of the political spectrum, arouse the expectations of giving expression to the project of “decolonization”. The dissertation seeks to provide an insight into the vicissitudes that this Mediterranean country is currently facing, examining in depth the performance of the subaltern social organizations during the “Evista” administration, which is certainly one of the most vitals experiences in the present Latin American scenery if we consider that its political potential has emerged ”from below”. In this perspective, the guiding question of the complete trajectory traced throughout this dissertation could be enunciated as follows: How did the collective action of the subaltern social organization operate between 2005 and 2010 in the context of the government of “MAS”? Due to the fact that this is a question to be addressed by a political sociology of a general character, the dissertation is structured in a series of questions: “co-government”, “territorial antagonism” and “revolution”, as fundamental components of the Bolivian political process, which allow us in turn to situate and trace how the most important events during the first “Evista” presidential mandate were experienced. Therefore, through an inter-disciplinary approach, recovering and getting information from different regions, and having made more than eighty interviews, the dissertation focuses on the recent political and historical life of this Andean and Amazonian geography
Toscano, Emanuele. "Le mouvement alterglobal en Europe : subjectivité et élaboration d’alternatives : une comparaison entre les cas italien, français et anglais". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0175.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis looks at the study and analysis of initiatives set up by individual and collective actors that - both globally and locally - have played between the last years of the twentieth century and the beginning of third millennium a key role for the establishment of a movement called "alterglobal”. This definition is due to the particularity of meanings given to the action of this movement, called with certain superficiality in the worldwide media "no global" or "anti globalist". This research aims to demonstrate that the purpose of the alterglobal action - while exercising institutional pressures by its components at different levels of social life – is not reduced to find new forms of institutional interventions and political participation. Objective of the thesis is also to demonstrate that the alterglobal movement is composed by a multitude of orientations and subjective sensitivities who are just not seeking an alternative to political representation for the claim of their own interests and rights nor the way by which individuals can participate in the global public debate, as argued by the authors inspired by the Global Civil Society theory. Instead, the alterglobal action place at the head of its objectives the recognition and affirmation of cultural, political and social rights related to individual and group subjective specificity. The thesis concerns the analysis of alterglobal movement in three different national contexts : Italy, France and England
Durand, Guevara Anahí. "Donde habita el olvido : los (h)usos de la memoria y la crisis del movimiento social en San Martín : memoria, política y movimientos sociales en la región San Martín (1985-2000) /". Lima : Fondo editorial de la Facultad de ciencias sociales UNMSM, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41215508h.
Pełny tekst źródłaHarter, John-Henry. "Social justice for whom?, class, new social movements and the environment : a case study of Greenpeace Canada, 1971-2000". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61564.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaBereni, Laure. "De la cause à la loi : Les mobilisations pour la parité politique en France (1992-2000)". Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00232810.
Pełny tekst źródłaLe présent travail de thèse explore les logiques sociales et politiques de transformation de cette revendication initialement marginale en slogan consensuel et en dispositif institutionnel. Afin de saisir la complexité d'un tel processus, on a élaboré la catégorie d'espace de la cause des femmes, qui désigne l'ensemble des collectifs – et leurs participant-e-s – luttant au nom des femmes et pour les femmes, quelle que soit la sphère sociale dans laquelle ils s'inscrivent. Cette notion permet d'appréhender à la fois l'hétérogénéité des actrices, des lieux et des investissements pour la parité (traversant les frontières établies entre les univers associatif, étatique, partisan, académique, etc.) et les liens qui les unissent (par le jeu des multipositionnalités et des réseaux militants). On montre que la structure intersectionnelle de l'espace de la cause des femmes éclaire le processus de légitimation du slogan de parité, ses « percées » dans le champ politique et les modalités de sa « traduction » institutionnelle tout au long des années 1990.
Au-delà de la question de la parité, une telle approche permet d'échapper aux apories de l'antagonisme entre une explication « par le bas » (insistant sur le rôle des « mouvements ») et « par le haut » (plaçant la focale sur les « institutions ») de la genèse d'une réforme institutionnelle, dans le sillage de développements récents en science politique, qui tendent à décloisonner les lieux et les registres de la politique contestataire.
Carvalheira, de Maupeou Samuel. "La commission pastorale de la terre dans le nord de la zone de la canne à sucre du Pernambouc : "une nouvelle manière d'être Eglise" ? (de 1988 au début des années 2000)". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOU20082/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research analizes the social practice of the Northeast’s Pastoral Land Commission (CPT NE 2), a lay organization of the Catholic Church, in the Northeast region. Serving rural workers and landless people, in the struggle for agrarian reform, the organization operates in the septentrional part of the sugar-cane zone of the state of Pernambuco (Brazil). The analysis covers the period from 1988, the year of its foundation, and early 2000s, when its participation in land conflicts and occupancy movements decreases. The central issue is intended to question the actions of CPT in rural areas to understand whether it is an unprecedented form of social engagement or, as their own actors state, "a new way of being Church." In order to do so, we analyze, at first, from the standpoint of former Catholic organizations, created in the early 1960s, in the context of Rural Catholic Action. Comparing between JAC, MEB, SORPE, ACR, MER, on one side, and PR NE 2 and CPT, on another, which is the portion of continuities and disruptions? Then, the organization is discussed in terms of its engagement in the struggle for the agrarian reform, the social movements it participates and its relationship with other social actors: MST, STRs, FETAPE, the political sphere and public authorities, to identify its performance and define its originality. Finally, its practice is examined from the social environment, the socio-religious matrixes from which its actors and mediators who transmit the social memory of the Church in the region. At last, the research also aims to define how and to what extent the performance and the actors of CPT NE 2 result from the mobilization strategies of the New Social Movements (NMS) that operate in Latin America and, especially in Brazil, as of the 1980s
Esta pesquisa procura analisar a prática social da Comissão Pastoral da Terra Nordeste 2 (CPT NE 2), uma organização leiga da Igreja católica, na região Nordeste. A serviço dos trabalhadores rurais e sem terra, na luta pela reforma agrária, a organização atua na parte setentrional da zona canavieira do Estado de Pernambuco (Brasil). A análise abrange o período compreendido entre 1988, ano de sua fundação, e o início dos anos 2000, momento em que a sua participação nos conflitos de terra e nos movimentos de ocupação diminui. A problemática principal visa a interrogar as ações da CPT nomeio rural a fim de compreender se ela constitui uma forma inédita de engajamento social ou, segundo afirmam os seus próprios atores, “uma nova maneira de ser Igreja”. Para tanto, nós a analisamos, num primeiro momento, do ponto de vista das organizações católicas anteriores, nascidas no início dos anos 1960, no contexto da Ação Católica Rural. Entre, de um lado, JAC, MEB, SORPE, ACR, MER e, de outro, PR NE 2 e CPT, qual a parcela de continuidades e de rupturas ? Emseguida, a organização é abordada do ponto de vista do seu engajamento na luta pela reforma agrária, das mobilizações sociais das quais ela participa e da sua relação com os outros atores sociais: MST, STRs, FETAPE, esfera política e autoridades públicas, a fim de identificar as suas formas de atuação e de definir a sua originalidade. Em último lugar, a sua prática é analisada a partir do meio social, das matrizes socio-religiosas de onde provêm os seus atores e dos mediadores que transmitem a memória social da Igreja na região. Por fim, a pesquisa visa também a definir de que forma e até que ponto as formas de atuação e os atores da CPT NE 2 resultam das estratégias de mobilização dos Novos Movimentos Sociais (NMS) que atuam na América Latina e, especialmente no Brasil, a partir dos anos 1980
Lamour, Christian. "L’essentiel et le “super-flux” : mouvements et tremblements dans la civilisation métropolitaine des gratuits sur les marges étatiques et démocratiques de l’Europe". Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LORR0223/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe free dailies like the penny press in the late 19th century portray an urban civilisation experiencing a time of economic, social, cultural and political turmoils. The current research consists in understanding contemporary metropolitan transitions through the production and the reception of this type of press. Today metropolises are nodes of a world-wide liquid space of goods, people and capitals. Therefore, this commercial press could be essentially the mirror of a global civilisation unrelated to the inherited cities. However, this media depicts and is instrumental in the definition of locally-based territories which concentrate specific fears and expectations. Free dailies are parts of a localised risks Gesellschaft/Gemeinschaft implying two territorial phenomenons : 1) the perpetuation of borders closing the communicational ties between one state power and the metropolitan population, 2) the presence of transitional frontiers showing the ability of the state-civil society communication container to include parts of other territorial states. To understand these interactions, the research takes into consideration three free newspapers located in metropolises whose urban development crosses over state borders: L’essentiel in Luxembourg and the editions of 20 Minutes in Geneva (Switzerland) and in Lille (France)
Zaki, Lamia. "Pratiques politiques au bidonville, Casablanca (2000-2005)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005IEPP0041.
Pełny tekst źródłaBased on field work done between 2000 and 2003, the present thesis focuses on the inhabitants of three slums, or kariens (Carrières Centrales, Lahjajma, and Douar Skouila), all of which are part of the Greater Casablanca. It questions their political practices and represntations. The territory of the kariens is tolerated by the State, and de facto established on a long-term basis, yet it is stimagtised and defined as temporary in public discourse. Thus, the slum-dwellers attempts to take full possession of the land they have settled on, to structire and transform it, are generally thwarted, or at least strictly controlled. The topography of this land generates power struggles and conflicts of interest : it is a political stake, crystallizing both the hopes and claims of inhabitants. In a territory situated on the margins of legislation, slum-dwellers use several repertories of legitimation, each conveying certain rights. This gives rise to two kinds of attitudes : passivity, and a rhetoric of victimization ; this impulse to act, and insertion within a network of political patronage. Slum-dwellers tend to adopt a critical disillusioned attitude towards politics, yet during election-time, they manage to bargain for concrete guarantees, as payoff for participating in the electoral game. The reforms introduced in the political field in the 1990s have had but little impact. However, microsocial analysis allows us to establish that the evolution of shantytown politics combines with a transformation of the way the political game is played out in the slums : we notice both patronage on a collective scale, and forms of collective action
Agulló, Juan. "Clientélisme, néo-libéralisme et résistances sociales au Mexique (1982-2000)". Paris, EHESS, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EHES0120.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research analyses the changes within the Mexican popular movement between 1982 and 2000. It deals with a transition period that goes from an inward oriented developpment model with a clientelist bases, to another of outward oriented development model structured around a representative democracy. The "external debt crisis" exploded in 1982. It represented the end of the economic policies postulated during the 1950 decade by the ECLAC. Like in other developing countries, the end of Keynesian model meant the progressive introduction of monetarism. This change cause a similar process in a popular movement. Since 1982, the social claims have began organizing around problems linked to the Neo-liberal transformation of the State. In fact, between 1982 and 2000, popular participation, political control and social justice claimed spread more and more. A survey of the most meaningful social movements of this period shows the substantial coincidence of apparently heterogeneous social claims. At the same time, it confirm the importance that the Neo-zapatism has had in terms of refoundation of social resistance. At last it proves that the pool victory of an opponent candidate belonging to the dominant class, is far from having solved the problem of democracy in Mexico
Contamin, Jean-Gabriel. "Contribution à une sociologie des usages pluriels des formes de mobilisation : l'exemple de la pétition en France". Paris 1, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA010329.
Pełny tekst źródłaLamour, Christian. "L’essentiel et le “super-flux” : mouvements et tremblements dans la civilisation métropolitaine des gratuits sur les marges étatiques et démocratiques de l’Europe". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lorraine, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LORR0223.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe free dailies like the penny press in the late 19th century portray an urban civilisation experiencing a time of economic, social, cultural and political turmoils. The current research consists in understanding contemporary metropolitan transitions through the production and the reception of this type of press. Today metropolises are nodes of a world-wide liquid space of goods, people and capitals. Therefore, this commercial press could be essentially the mirror of a global civilisation unrelated to the inherited cities. However, this media depicts and is instrumental in the definition of locally-based territories which concentrate specific fears and expectations. Free dailies are parts of a localised risks Gesellschaft/Gemeinschaft implying two territorial phenomenons : 1) the perpetuation of borders closing the communicational ties between one state power and the metropolitan population, 2) the presence of transitional frontiers showing the ability of the state-civil society communication container to include parts of other territorial states. To understand these interactions, the research takes into consideration three free newspapers located in metropolises whose urban development crosses over state borders: L’essentiel in Luxembourg and the editions of 20 Minutes in Geneva (Switzerland) and in Lille (France)
Stuppia, Paolo. "Les tracts du mouvement « anti-CPE » de 2006 : sociologie d’une technologie militante". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010335.
Pełny tekst źródłaAs it a neglected and relatively unknown object of the scientific fields, the leaflet is most often relegated to a simple tool for illustating political struggles, wether they be electoral campaigns or social movements. With their multiple definitions, which open as many perspectives for analysis (historical, sociological, linguistic analysis), ephemeral leaflets have never been questionned from the viewpoint of their materiality, of their manufacturing and dissemination, and even less from that of the multiplicity of their uses. The aim of this thesis is to question the leaflet as a « activist technology » within a particular socia mobilization, the one called « against-CPE » of 2006. This movement, by their character leading to a « political crisis », first latent, then more and more open, presents itself as an ideal framework for analysing the materiality of this object, as well as its different uses and the main activist pratices which are related to it
Oggetto abbandonato e poco conosciuto dalla communità, il volantino é sovente ridotto a semplice mezzo di illustrazione delle lotte politiche, che si tratti di campagne elettorali o di mobilitazioni sociali. Con le loro molteplici definizioni, che aprono altrettante prospettive (storica, sociologica, linguistica), i volantini non sono stati interrogati dal punto di vista della loro materialità, del contesto nel quale sono fabbricati e distibuiti, tantomeno della plularità dei loro usi. L’obiettivo di questa tesi é di studiare il volantino come una « technologia militante » in un contesto particulare, il movimento « anti-CPE » del 2006, che, caratterizzandosi per il suo aspetto di « crisi politica » prima latente, poi sempre più aperta, appare come un quadro ideale per analizzarne la materialità, gli usi e le principali pratiche militanti che ad esso sono legate
Fontaine, Cristelle. "La mise en échec de protestations : les luttes des enseignants boliviens de La Paz contre la réforme éducative (1994-2000)". Lille 1, 2004. https://ori-nuxeo.univ-lille1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/b358b681-d46a-406e-a97c-e5f13bbe022d.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrank, Cécile Sophie Nathalie. "Les collectifs de sans-papiers en France et en Espagne dans les années 2000 : Analyse comparative d'acteurs collectifs à faibles ressources". Montpellier 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008MON10057.
Pełny tekst źródłaBoudreau, Philippe. "La politisation comme composante active de l'évolution de la culture mouvementiste : étude du rapport à l'action politique de trois mouvements sociaux québécois, 1980-2009". Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32342.
Pełny tekst źródłaRos, Elodie. "Le Réseau de l’Économie Alternative et Solidaire (REAS) : pratique militante, forme d’engagement et projet politique dans le mouvement de l’économie solidaire en France (1990-2000)". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080037/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work is the result of empirical research conducted on a French network for an alternativeeconomy named REAS and its defenders. The aim is to study the origins of its program usingthe history and backgrounds of its campaigners as a starting point. From 1990 to 1998, theREAS has tried to bring together various initiatives of solidarity-based economic systems inorder to push its political program to the forefront of the public debate.We have wondered whether this program and the militancy which characterizes it were butthe translation of a propensity for activism truly Christian in origin or whether it ratherstemmed from the coming together of various traditions of militancy.A reconstruction of the individual backgrounds of activists from the REAS was possiblethanks to field research, based on a close study of the archives and the periodical which thenetwork published but most importantly on about sixty interviews held with members of theREAS. The research has proven that each age group (under 35, aged 35 to 45 and over 45years old) was characterized by its own specific dynamics and form of militancy.The older members bring with them a leftwing Christian dimension which the intermediateage group politicizes while the younger members contribute to daily awareness and localintegration. The political program of REAS and its members’ militancy can therefore bedefined as an elective affinity bringing together three originally distinct groups. Therefore, ifthe influence and dynamics of each group may be felt, the program for REAS can only bedefined through their combination. Nevertheless, elective affinity theoretically only happensbetween two elements. The possibility of elective affinity happening between three elementsseems unprecedented and would deserve closer inspection
Bouilly, Emmanuelle. "«Du couscous et des meetings contre l'émigration clandestine» : mobiliser sans protester au Sénégal". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 1, 2017. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247191789.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis focuses on the technologies of solving social problems and of expressing grievance in Senegal. lt demonstrates that dissent, mobilization and protest are not always equivalent and argues for their analytical boundaries to be specified. Drawing on criticisms of the cultural turn and those of feminist studies addressed to the theories of collective action, the thesis stresses the postulates and blind spots of the concept of social movement. Historically located, this concept does not capture some of the forms of mobilization on non-Western areas. Based on a qualitative and quantitative survey, carried out between 2007 and 2012, mainly of an association of migrants' mothers, the thesis shows that in Senegal there is an option that may consist of mobilizing without protest. This expression means that social actors can use a hybrid organizational repertoire (advocacy association, self-help, mutual savings, work cooperative) - which targets the State as much as it does not - as well as modes of non-confrontational action to public authorities (testimonies in the media, participation in political meetings or international conferences). Without resorting to protest action, the discourses and practices of these non-protest mobilizations are nonetheless politicized. The thesis shows in particular how the industry of aid has seized gendered techniques of mobilization and entrepreneurs specific to the Senegalese political field in order to carry out its own missions
Combes, Hélène. "De la politique contestataire à la fabrique partisane : le cas du Parti de la révolution démocratique au Mexique". Paris 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA030059.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation analyses the contribution of social movements to the construction of the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) in Mexico. The first part focuses on the PRD's party environment. I analyse the different episodes of contestation/opposition since 1960 in Mexico, using the theorical framework of political contention analysis. The second part concentrates on the internal functioning of the partisanship: the construction of the PRD and the role of social movements in this process. This part also explores the internal and primary elections as well as the recruitment of political personnel. On the basis of a number of typical cases, we demonstrate the importance of non-partisan activism in activists' careers. The third part examines the PRD's political practices: the work of deputies and mayors and the governing of Mexico's Federal District (1997-2001). It shows how activist culture/practices shape public policy choices and how public policies, in turn, affect the construction of the party
Collombon, Maya. "Les bâtisseurs de Mésoamérique : le plan Puebla Panama, une politique de développement transnationale au défi de ses opposants : Mexique - Nicaragua (2000-2010)". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1116.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn May 2001, a transnational social movement connects indigenous actors from southern Mexico and Central America in conflict against a development public policy, the Plan Puebla Panama (PPP). The study of both promotion and contestation to the PPP in Mexico and Nicaragua aims to examine the concept of transnational applied to public policy as to collective protest. The thesis shows that indigenous actors put on the front stage by contentious actors, and by public sector in response to the protests, are not the central actors of transnationalization. The sociogenesis of contention captures localized configurations where old loyalties continue to outweigh the international networks. Agrarian, religious issues, or the Zapatista legacy form the matrix that shape the movement. Chiapas thus constitutes a condensed topography of rural and indigenous struggles where international connections are secondary to a majority of actors. Similarly, the transnationalization of public policy is not simply due to the regional involvement of international financial institutions but also to Mexican elites reconfiguration that ensure their domination on Central American partners and their political positions after the 2000 election's. These reticular and differentiated configurations between promotors and opponents of the development public policy do not operate explicit connections, but they share a set of discursive signifiers that, despite the differentiation of meanings, gradually builds a common reference space: Mesoamerica
Hamadache, Karim. "La critique comme source d'opportunités stratégiques : La construction du champ du médicament orphelin aux Etats-Unis et en Europe". Thesis, Paris Est, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PEST0077/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research intends to investigate the relationship between criticism of firms and individual and collective strategies they use to address and exploit it. The case study of the orphan drug field in the United States and Europe shows the ability of firms to recover criticism and develop strategic responses allowing them to seize and/or create new opportunities and to identify and/or address new threats. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of the process of constructing a new organizational field and shows the important role of stakeholders in this process
Demézon, Grégoire. "Gendarmerie nationale et dialogue social : la cité, la ruse et les gardiens". Rennes 2, 2009. http://www.bu.univ-rennes2.fr/system/files/theses/theseDemezon.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe discussion on the subject of the conditions in which the social dialogue in the National gendarmerie is exercised belongs to the theme of the relationship between the Nation and its armies, and gives rise to the question, inherent to any democratic society, of the control of its guardians by the City. Traditionally, the social dialogue is founded on the paradigm of “judicial confinement”. This concept relies on two axioms. Firstly, the refusing to adopt a policy of internal pluralism within the State, which consists of putting in place a control of the guardians by their exclusion from the City, through a derogatory judicial system when it comes to collective freedom. Secondly, the will to conserve the decision maker’s freedom by creating a specific institutional setting which depends upon a procedure of consultation. However, this paradigm is undermined nowadays due to the “guardians’ revolt”. Twice over, both in 1989 and in 2001, the resort to protest action demonstrated the trivialization of the number of options when it comes to action by servicemen of the gendarmerie. By sanctioning the appearance of a new arena in the field of social dialogue, the uprising of the guardians sanctions the accession of pluralism. It also demonstrates a reconsideration of the freedom of the decision maker, who is obligated to enter into a negotiation procedure. Thus, the social dialogue appears in the process of a restructurisation. There are two procedures of evolution in play: an attempt at reforming the “judicial confinement”, as well as the appearance of a new paradigm that relies upon a procedure of control of the guardians through inclusion: the “citizen soldier”
Bouilly, Emmanuelle. "«Du couscous et des meetings contre l'émigration clandestine» : mobiliser sans protester au Sénégal". Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D089.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis focuses on the technologies of solving social problems and of expressing grievance in Senegal. lt demonstrates that dissent, mobilization and protest are not always equivalent and argues for their analytical boundaries to be specified. Drawing on criticisms of the cultural turn and those of feminist studies addressed to the theories of collective action, the thesis stresses the postulates and blind spots of the concept of social movement. Historically located, this concept does not capture some of the forms of mobilization on non-Western areas. Based on a qualitative and quantitative survey, carried out between 2007 and 2012, mainly of an association of migrants' mothers, the thesis shows that in Senegal there is an option that may consist of mobilizing without protest. This expression means that social actors can use a hybrid organizational repertoire (advocacy association, self-help, mutual savings, work cooperative) - which targets the State as much as it does not - as well as modes of non-confrontational action to public authorities (testimonies in the media, participation in political meetings or international conferences). Without resorting to protest action, the discourses and practices of these non-protest mobilizations are nonetheless politicized. The thesis shows in particular how the industry of aid has seized gendered techniques of mobilization and entrepreneurs specific to the Senegalese political field in order to carry out its own missions
Pashkeeva, Natalia. "Le Mouvement "universel" de la "jeunesse chrétienne", la YMCA américaine et les Russes : circulation des idées et transferts des méthodes d'organisation et d'action (deuxième moitié du XIXe siècle - 1939))". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH144.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn this thesis we first investigate the creation of a transnational network by the advocates of the Young People’ Global Christian Movement in the West in the latter half of the 19th century. Secondly, we analyze the interaction between the agents of the American branch of the Movement, the American YMCA, and the representatives of the Russian political, economic, religious and intellectual elites in Russia from the end of the 1890s and in Europe with the Russian émigrés in the period between the two world wars. Attempts to implant the American Association in the USSR in the 1920s are also considered.The Young People’ Christian Movement was conceived as a global space transcending national boundaries. The ambition of the advocates of this form of internationalism was to break the barriers of nationalities, politics, economic and social inequalities, religion or race. This utopian project was founded on the values, beliefs and principles of Evangelical Protestantism. The Movement’s universalism was founded on the concept of Christian communities’ “catholicity” and was following the logic of religious conversion. Its leaders were propagating the Vital Christianity. Refuting the conception of religion as a mystic quest and that of Christianity as a set of beliefs defined once and for all and focused on the rigid dogma and on the performance of a religious belief, the leaders of the Global Christian Movement were calling for a social activism of Christians and propagating their capacity to engage in practical problem solving in their own communities. With an initial focus on the mission of evangelization, the Young Christians’ Movement should be a bulwark against the growing secularism of society. However this Universalist project was itself the result of the secularization. Affirming “respect” for the “traditional” ecclesiastical structures, the Movement was guided by laypersons. Demonstrating an active concern for the means to treat the ailments of the modern industrial societies and to assure the progress of humanity, the leaders of the Young Christians’ Movement had an ambition to elaborate a “model” of a “modern” and “organized” Christian action, capable of ensuring the “integral” (moral, intellectual, physical and social) development of the individuals, with a particular emphasis on the training of the elites. Set in a long-term perspective, the ambition of the leaders of the Movement was to assure a complete social, political and economic transformation of human societies. Several problematic issues were explored: 1. The relationship between the “globalist” and “national” commitments, and the factors affecting the power relations between the different national cultures and determining the direction of circulation of ideas, experiences and practices within this internationalist movement; 2. The mechanism of and the motives invoked to justify the penetration of the American YMCA in the other countries, i.e. in Russia; 3. The relationship between religion and politics; 4. The relationship between Protestants and Orthodox Christians. This study addresses four key dichotomies: “universal” versus “national”, “laic” versus “religious”, “modernity” versus “tradition”, “political” versus “apolitical”
De, Maupeou Samuel. "La commission pastorale de la terre dans le nord de la zone de la canne à sucre du Pernambouc : "une nouvelle manière d'être Eglise" ? (de 1988 au début des années 2000)". Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00802335.
Pełny tekst źródłaHamadache, Karim, i Karim Hamadache. "La critique comme source d'opportunités stratégiques : La construction du champ du médicament orphelin aux Etats-Unis et en Europe". Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00993351.
Pełny tekst źródłaDemirhisar, Deniz Günce. "Les acteurs contestataires en Turquie (2007-2014). Mémoire, marginalité, utopie". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0082.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe dissertation focuses on the regime of subjectivity of the actors of contestation in Turkey, in order to question the nature of the contemporary movements and the particularities of left-wing commitment. The fieldwork, that begins with the mobilizations following the assassination of Hrant Dink in 2007, ends at the first commemoration of the Gezi movement in 2014. Qualitative data collected through interviews and observation from different generations of militants and activists are analyzed through the lens of subjectivization and desubjectivization. What are the effects of emotions, collective memory and future horizons on agency ? The first part of the dissertation sheds light on the diversity of modalities of action such as moral shock mobilizations, initiatives of intellectuals, electoral strategies, an anti-war music festival from the anti-globalization movement. The mobilizations that bring together the revolutionary generations and the younger activists are part of the global logic of collective action. The claims of democracy are expressed both by the transition from the revolutionary horizon to a paradigm of human rights, and by prefigurative practices. The second part examines dialectics between memory and utopia in the political imaginary of actors. The analysis of the various cultural and political manifestations of the collective memory of a fragmented left shows both permanence and mutations in values, symbols, habitus and repertoire of action. While the regime of subjectivity marked by defeat is transformed with self-representations as victims of violence, the younger generations participate to the elaboration of a communicative memory. The struggle for democracy reveals itself as a memory struggle to build shareable narratives at the level of social memory. Combined with a reflection on the function of utopia for agency, memory is part of the analytical tools deployed to study the Gezi movement of June 2013. The occupation of Gezi Park displays several concomitant characteristics of contemporary movements, with its emotional configuration, the intergenerational dynamics, the resymbolisation of the space, and the transgression of the symbolic boundaries of alterity. The occupation of Gezi Park is analyzed as the public performance of utopia. The creation of such spaces of experience and subjectivization does not presage the translation into politics of movements. The marginality and the minority condition of the left can be both a resource and a limit. The dissertation proposes a sociology of marginality in a conservative and authoritarian context, and thus the demonstration of the creativity of action and its limits. In sum, contemporary movements in Turkey have both components of social movement, ethical movement and experience movement. They challenge the historical frameworks of alterity and nationalism by incarnating democratic practices and they create a symbolic and axiological world that is alternative to the dominant cultural orientations
Bertrand, David. "Analyse structuro-cognitive d'une lutte pour la reconnaissance : l'émergence d'une quatrième vague féministe en France". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0232.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis aims to demonstrate the emergence of a fourth wave of feminism in France, beginning in the early 2010s. A wave is here defined as a cycle of feminist protest that can be attested by the convergence of three interdependent and empirically testable criteria. The first criterion requires a noticeable growth in media interest for the women’s cause over a given period. From a qualitative research point of view, this media interest should be met with an adoption of frames favorable to gender equality. The second criterion implies to observe a change in the ideas and / or practices of feminist movements. These changes are the sign of a sucessful adaptation of the movements to social and technical evolutions, proving that they have managed to create a discourse which is audible in a given environment – of what the existence of the first criterion attests. Finally, the third criterion is about generational renewal : its main interest is to historicize the analysis by confronting the emergence of a protest cycle to the evolution of the mobilizing discourse and of the conditions leading individuals to protest
Weber, Serge. "Des chemins qui mènent à Rome. . . : trajectoires et espaces migratoires roumains, ukrainiens et polonais à Rome : 2000-2004". Paris 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA010695.
Pełny tekst źródłaPecile, Veronica. "How the commons became government : grassroots mobilizations and institutional cooptation in Palermo, Sicily". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0136.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe movement for the commons has emerged in the aftermath of the 2007-2008 economic crisis as a range of practices of resistance to the increasing privatization of resources and services promoted by neoliberal politics. Activists have claimed the right to use and access all the things and spaces which, either publicly- or privately-owned, allow the exercise of fundamental rights also in the interest of future generations. A key component of the movement has thus been the critique of the notion of private property predominating in Western legal systems and the experimentation of a non-absolute, non-individualistic vision of ownership conceived as an instrument of resource redistribution. The relation between the movement for the commons and the law is tight, as in several cases communities reclaiming them have resorted to a counter-hegemonic use of legal tools among their tactics. This work examines the category of the commons from a politico-legal perspective and integrates this analysis with the one of a case study on the trajectory of the commons in Palermo in the post-crisis decade 2009-2019. The review of the practices carried out by activists reclaiming beni comuni in the Sicilian city highlights that the praxis of the commons has gradually been co-opted within the administrative framework of the municipality and has turned into a crucial governmental technique to establish public control on the urban space. In this case, the law has not acted as an emancipatory instrument in the hands of activists, but rather as a tool exploited by the public actor to tame the transformative potential of the commons. The path of the movement in Palermo thus provides an angle to observe how the neoliberal rationality operates today in a Southern European urban scenario, that is, by extracting value from the informal spatial practices historically rooted in these contexts
Berger, Denis. "Coupables d'être vulnérables, les motocyclistes face aux politiques de sécurité routière en France et en Europe". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080019.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis is devoted to an aspect of road safety policy, an almost universal public policy, and to a particular category of drivers, namely motorcyclists. They represent both a distinct road users' group, subject as such to specific regulations, and, at least when there are and do consider themselves as motorcycle riders, a social group. When the French road safety policy was designed, in the early 70's, motorcyclists turned out to be an unexpected problem. After vanishing during the 60's, the motorcycle was back in large numbers with new and young users. The state therefore invented a way of dealing with the unprecedented risk they represented. Among several options, it chose a repressive policy whose evolution we will trace from the 1970s to today. This policy was grounded on moral justifications and strengthened by an inadequate, incomplete and sometimes fictitious statistical body.This policy endangered a social group ready to defend itself, thus creating an organized opposition able to reorientate it partially. To this day, motorcycles remain an opponent the state has to cope with. To deal with this subject, it seems relevant to use the findings of interactionist sociology and to analyse this policy from a diachronic point of view, starting in 1972. We will study this subject at different scales and proceed to various comparisons between countries or capitals. Furthermore, we'll see how it compares to public policy that deals, in a very different manner, with users of another two-wheel vehicle, the bicycle
Le, Mazier Julie. "Pas de mouvement sans AG : les conditions d'appropriation de l'assemblée générale dans les mobilisations étudiantes en France (2006-2010) : contribution à l'étude des répertoires contestataires". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010317.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation illuminates the practical and symbolic conditions of appropriation of general assemblies (assemblées générales – AG) by striking students in the second half of the 2000s in France. This mode of organization has been part of their contentious repertoire since the 1960s. It tries to understand the recurrence of ways of action from a mobilization to another, that is, how actors come to resort to one of them instead of others they know, how they learn how to practice it and how they slightly transform it in the process. It is mostly based on an ethnographic investigation about the mobilizations of three higher education sites between 2006 and 2010. The uses of AG are shaped by internal conflicts among the social, political and union groups which are involved in the space of these mobilizations, so that their success stems from both the symbolic entreprise of justification of them in the sake of « democracy » by minority currents, and their plasticity. Indeed, they play a whole set of roles – which sometimes have nothing to do with « democratic » norms. They are promoted by activists to whom they give the feeling that they influence a mass of students, especially as they belong to organizations which are far from being able to mobilize as many members
Berger, Denis. "Coupables d'être vulnérables, les motocyclistes face aux politiques de sécurité routière en France et en Europe". Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080019.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis is devoted to an aspect of road safety policy, an almost universal public policy, and to a particular category of drivers, namely motorcyclists. They represent both a distinct road users' group, subject as such to specific regulations, and, at least when there are and do consider themselves as motorcycle riders, a social group. When the French road safety policy was designed, in the early 70's, motorcyclists turned out to be an unexpected problem. After vanishing during the 60's, the motorcycle was back in large numbers with new and young users. The state therefore invented a way of dealing with the unprecedented risk they represented. Among several options, it chose a repressive policy whose evolution we will trace from the 1970s to today. This policy was grounded on moral justifications and strengthened by an inadequate, incomplete and sometimes fictitious statistical body.This policy endangered a social group ready to defend itself, thus creating an organized opposition able to reorientate it partially. To this day, motorcycles remain an opponent the state has to cope with. To deal with this subject, it seems relevant to use the findings of interactionist sociology and to analyse this policy from a diachronic point of view, starting in 1972. We will study this subject at different scales and proceed to various comparisons between countries or capitals. Furthermore, we'll see how it compares to public policy that deals, in a very different manner, with users of another two-wheel vehicle, the bicycle
Vitry, Didier. "La question indienne en Équateur dans les premières années du XXIème siècle à travers la publication KIPU. El mundo indígena en la prensa ecuatoriana. Perception d’une réalité". Thesis, La Réunion, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LARE0011.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn Ecuador, « indigenous nationalities and peoples » have taken an active part in the public domain, especially for the last twenty years. The « plurinationality » claimed for a long time, was finally enshrined in the Constitution of 2008. According to official figures, Indians represent 7% of the total population. Their main organisation claims the figure of 45%. Their federations and confederations have won areas to participate more directly to the country's life. Indians have gained greater visibility and respectability but after having support of blanco-mestiza population, their actions have been incessantly discredited throughout the first decade of the XXIst century. The interest aroused by the Indians may have contributed to the publication by Abya Yala from Quito of a compilation of press articles about the Indian question, entitled KIPU. El mundo indigena en la prensa ecuatoriana. These press articles make it possible to intercept how the global society looks upon this « important ethnic minority ». We selected the period from the year 2000 to 2004. This period probably represents the second great turning point in the history of contemporary Indians movements.It's difficult to get a clear picture of cultures constantly in motion. People in Ecuador keep in mind a hazy image of « their Indians ». These reveal themselves to modern world by enrolling in a global process of « indigenization of modernity ». In Ecuador as in most countries of Latin America, the Indian claims to be more indígena than indio. He remains elusive for many and is often portrayed assimilated or disappeared. But it seems like his future history is a chronicle of a survival and vitality foretold
Sadeldeen, Amro. "European civil actors for Palestinian rights and a Palestinian globalized movement: How norms and pathways have developed". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/230778.
Pełny tekst źródłaDoctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Favier, Irène. "La convoitise des confins : luttes foncières et redéfinition du national dans le Haut Marañón péruvien (1946-2009)". Thesis, Paris 8, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA080031/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaAs an overlooked piece of Peru’s nation building process, the High Marañón region was mainly populated by indigenous, Awajún and Wampís populations until it was designated a Christian mission land in the middle of the XXth century. This Amazonian territory, located on the northeastern part of the country on the border with Ecuador, has been in diplomatic dispute since the early republican era. As a result, it became the focus of projects whose aim was to integrate the High Marañón into the nation and whose outcome was a number of new phenomena such as a process of “internal colonization” by peasants of mixed race, a series of subsoil explorations for mining extraction, and the institutionalization of activities related to education and health. From a forlorn land made invisible by the limitations of peruvian state apparatus, the High Marañón region became a battleground in the progression of global dynamics. This research aims to narrate the history of the “encounter” of two cultural areas, the indigenous one and the global one, from the arrival of the Jesuit mission in 1946 to the Baguazo event, so-Named after a bloody conflict between indigenous activists and police forces in the city of Bagua which took place in 2009. This research demonstrates that far from limiting itself to a mere absorption of a margin by a nation, this encounter has aroused the interest of Peruvian civil society, and partially called into question the historical nation-Building paradigm, in which socio-Racially biased logics have thusfar prevailed
Karakostaki, Charitini. "Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH030.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant
Tarbouni, Younasse. "THE ARAB CENTURY opposing trajectories of Arab activism in MENA What has changed? the case of the Moroccan movement of February 20, 2011". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH014.
Pełny tekst źródłaWith the MF20 as the major Case Study , I argue against the claims of the newness, uniqueness, success and failure or finality of these Arab movements. I revisit the first decade of the 21st century and the declaration of War on Terrorism (2003) as one trigger of sociopolitical conflicts that were already entrenched in the MENA region. What we witnessed in the second decade of this century is that the Arab uprisings only exposed transgressions in human rights and atrocities in the Middle East to the world. These uprisings were hurriedly reduced to seasonal uprisings. The third decade unfortunately looks to be in the hands of right-wing ideologues standing against multiculturalism and stressing the fear of religious extremism to change the focus from social issues and force the narrative of us-against-them on the forefront. For these reasons, I claim, there is no finality to the Arab uprisings, they have just begun and they are not in a state of thaw as Davis (2013) depicts them, but they are in slumbering phase recouping for a stronger come back. The close analysis in the project of the saga of struggles of these Arab movements with the Arab autocratic regimes who engineered nothing but preemptive reforms, requires our close attention for the remaining decades in this 21st century. Even the so-called successful cases, Tunisia and Morocco, indicate that what is celebrated is a state of temporary stability with major and alarming short comings in social change and social justice; two of the main reasons of the so called Arab Spring. Thomas Friedman suggests great historical details, in his great piece for the New York Times, calling for the expression “Arab Spring” be retired and be replaced by Anthony Cordesman’s the “Arab Decade” or “Arab Quarter Century” . I claim we are beyond that, and that we are witnessing an Arab Century in movement.If the recent political changes around the world are any indication, social change in the Arab world will be overlooked for at least another decade. The rise of the extreme right to power in the US and in Europe has already shifted the focus from the social injustices in the Arab world to the everlasting issue of Islam and extremism in the West. This is proving to be a big break for Arab autocratic regimes, who are using this rise of Islamophobia in the West as a unifying argument that distracts from the social injustices within their republics and kingdoms. Thus, the struggle of Arab citizens within the Arab states for social dignity will be overlooked until the revived narrative of the clash of Islam and the West dies down
Nadeau, Myriam. "Transformations politiques impulsées par les mouvements sociaux : le cas des Piqueteros en Argentine à l'égard du clientélisme". Mémoire, 2012. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4433/1/M12365.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaSarrasin, Rachel. "Dynamiques de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec, 2000-2010". Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11071.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis by articles is a case study of the development process of the anti-authoritarian social movement community in Quebec between the years 2000 and 2010. The study questions the factors that have contributed to the evolution of this political actor during this period and allowed for its heterogeneous character to be unveiled by the end of the decade. While the anti-authoritarian community’s components encompassed numerous issues of struggle, there was convergence around the adoption of political positions, action strategies and organizational methods that form a contemporary anti-authoritarian ideal-type. Although the overall political environment of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec did have an influence on its development, this thesis by articles demonstrates that it was the movement’s internal dynamics that ensured its survival by allowing for the accommodation of the diversity expressed within the movement during that period. Understanding the anti-authoritarian movement through the conceptual lens of the social movement community allows us to observe and analyse the development of this political actor well beyond its public interactions with authorities. In doing so, this approach also highlights the role of the internal factors that have contributed to its development. In line with previous work on social movements that put forth a synthetic theoretical perspective linking structural and cultural aspects, this analysis of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec highlights the role of organizational and identity factors, while contributing to this perspective by applying a mechanistic approach. By doing so, the thesis highlights, on the one hand, the interaction of these dimensions in the development of the antiauthoritarian community and, on the other, the dynamics that are inherent to them. The gradual transition towards a social movement community structure was noted first as a process of organizational development that interacted with the process of boundary formation within the movement. On another hand, the anti-authoritarian community was able to sustain itself between 2000 and 2010 due to the identity work undertaken by its activists, through a process of identity reconciliation. These processes have contributed to the formation of a collective identity built around the struggle against various forms of oppression, simultaneously expressed in the political discourse and practices of anti-authoritarian activists. The findings proposed in this thesis rely on a participative action research methodology and combine participant observation, the analysis of interviews and the study of documentary sources. The empirical interpretation of the anti-authoritarian community is based on a project carried out with the Research Collective on Collective Autonomy (CRAC) at Concordia University in Montreal.