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Caymaz, Birol. "Les mouvements islamiques turcs à Paris /". Paris ; Budapest ; Torino : l'Harmattan, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38937125z.
Pełny tekst źródłaKane, Ousmane. "Les mouvements islamiques et le champ politique au nord du Nigeria : le cas du mouvement izāla à Kano". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993IEPP0012.
Pełny tekst źródłaAgainst the background of profound upheavals (population growth, diffusion of the oil manna, decolonisation and the building of centralised States), the arab world witnessed the emergence of several islamic social movements during the last few decades. To what extend could we argue that the rise of islamic social movements in Nigeria followed the same pattern? Such is the rationale behind this research. The author investigates the social transformations related to the transition from agrairian economy to petroleum economy in Nigeria in order to shed light on the rise of islamic social movements. He argues that the Izala movement which is particularly dealt with here expresses aspirations towards indivualism to be found among some actors in the northern Nigerian urban context
Mahmi, Najah. "Les mouvements islamiques marocains et les politiques de l'altérité : le cas d'Atawhid w'Al-Islah". Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE2022.
Pełny tekst źródłaThroughout history, Islam has always been one of the central tenets in the Moroccan socio-political context, shaping its cultural identity and formulating its major framework at local and international arenas. However, the variety of organizational and institutional embodiments of Islam through Islamic movements has given Islam a pluralistic dimension, resulting in multiple Islams and thus a variety of modes of religiosity which have created spheres of difference and diversity usually not thoroughly accepted by Islamists. This has created a complex system of othering much shaped by the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and insinuated through representative agencies well marked by hegemonic discourses and contrasted attitudes. In this respect, this dissertation examines the politics of othering of the Moroccan Islamic movement named: Atawhid w’Al- Islah, through its interaction with members of other Moroccan Islamic movements, non-affiliated Moroccan Muslims, and people who believe in other religions than Islam. It defends the thesis that the movement’s self-representation as being the most embracing of otherness, and therefore the most open, moderate, flexible and tolerant Islamic group in Morocco is but a mere political and propagandistic discourse that aims to polish the movement’s image to get a positive national as well as international public opinion, enlarge the number of its partisans, and get more social and political authority. Based on participant observation, and, thus, direct interaction with the movement’s members, analysis of their actions and reactions, as well as their discursive formations, the dissertation affirms that as a group, the movement of Atawhid w’Al- Islah tends to be quite immersed within in- group/ out- group taxonomies, distancing itself from anybody who does not belong to it and does not share or think s/he shares with it experiences and memories, and whom it labels as the “mistaken less religious other” whose mode(s) of religiosity is in need of “reform”
Boserup, Rasmus Alenius. "Violence as politics : the escalation and de-escalation of political violence in Algeria 1954-2007". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0358.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe central aim of the thesis is to identify the dynamics behind the changes from non-violent to violent collective action in Algeria from 1954 to 2007. The central argument is that these dynamics are political rather than cultural, although culture plays a role in forming the violence. The thesis brings new insight in four areas. First, it presents a large body of formerly unknown empirical material collected during fieldwork in Algeria and in public and private archives in France and England. Second, it proposes a typological analysis of the different repertoires of contentious politics in Algeria, which reveals hiherto unknown interrelations between different types of political violence. Third, it proposes a narration of Algerian modern political history, which deviates from the conventions in the existing historiography. Fourth, it relates the Algerian example to the current theoretical discussions within the social sciences about state formation, social movements, and violence
Hassane, Souley. "Les associations islamiques au Niger et le mouvement de réislamisation 1960-2004". Aix-Marseille 1, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX10018.
Pełny tekst źródłaSataihi, Haissam. "L'extrémisme islamique et les mouvements extrémistes dans le monde arabe : le cas de l'Égypte et de la Syrie". Montpellier 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON10026.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe subject of the dissertation is the phenomenon of religeous extremism in the arab world. The pattern of our research was as fellows : -on the one hand, we studied the islamic extremism as a phenomenon attracting more and more attention throughout the world. Being very influencial at all levels of political life in the arab world, extremism, an old phenomenon, is a deeply roated thought as well as very spread mouvement in the remote post of the arabmuslim history. We were led to trace the evolution of this phenomenon from its early years. - on the other hand, we procured our attention in the study of the islamic mouve- ments that passed the way to extremism and on the political organisations that claimed it. Our choice of egypt and syria, is justified by important considerations which were exhibited in the present research. - to include, we have studied the main causes that fourmed the emergence of the so-called: religious extremism
Picaudou, Nadine. "De la question de Palestine à la cause palestinienne : genèse d'un mouvement national". Paris 3, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA03A056.
Pełny tekst źródłaGuirassy, Fodé Moussa. "La confrérie Mouride entre socialisme musulman et militantisme politique : histoire de la participation politique d'un mouvement religieux au Sénégal". Perpignan, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PERP0968.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince colonization, Senegalese brotherhoods movements politic participation, in particular the mouride one, have changed. That movements which have played an unquestionable role in Senegalese social and politic construction seem lose their politic prestige. Originally, their support to the government in spite of disciple’s contestation, as the change of government party show. We note today a new phenomenon in their politic participation: the militancy. From Muslim socialism at start of the brotherhoods in accordance with their doctrine, they progressively tip over into the politic militancy through their marabous, in particular the least influentials. This doctorate try then to demonstrate how from the religious socialism, the Senegalese brotherhoods are tripping over into the politic militancy. And how that politic militancy can constitute rubble for Senegalese politic processes and possibly a threat to the country democratic construction
Ezzoubir, Mustapha. "Le Mouvement islamique marocain et le pouvoir : étude du projet de société de la mouvance "Justice et spiritualité"". Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA1022.
Pełny tekst źródłaAn objective understanding of the issue Islamism requires a dispassionate definition of the phenomenom and the adoption of a multidisciplinary approach, which takes into consideration the cultural factors of its religious identity, the factors of its economic and social political context and finally its intellectual construction factors and alternatives of its society project. Understanding this complex Islamic phenomenon, it is still remember that it is based on men and women, and not on dogmatic formulas, when even these would be more accessible to outside eyes than millions of people who are claiming to be representative of it. Would be the main question to know what are the intellectual construction and the society project brought by the followers of this phenomenon?
Malam, Sani Mahamane Mahaboubou. "Etat et acteurs islamiques face aux enjeux de l'éducation au Niger : fait religieux et changement social". Thesis, Artois, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ARTO0104.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis Thesis is a socio-anthropological study on Islam, politics and Islamic teaching in Niger. On the one hand, it attempts to analyze the different religious groups that emerged in Niger during the democratization process of the 1990s. On the other hand, it highlights the Islamic revival movement by the population of Niger and the changes in the religious in recent decades. Thus the Thesis explores the dynamics of the Islamists in the public sphere and their incessant collision with the political power. It also attempts to highlight the use of Islam by politicians who are caught between the secularism of the state and the strong sense of belonging to Islam of the majority of the population of Niger. Our Study also reveals how the top religious authorities from all faiths are ruthlessly competing for the control of the Islamic sphere in Niger. Through the description of the daily practices and beliefs of the followers of the two main Islamic groups in Niger, this thesis continues the analysis of the competition for power between Izala and Tijaniyya brotherhoods. The thesis continues with a case study on the town of Zinder, which allows us to understand the local dynamics of Islam showing how the reformist movement Izala has rapidly expanded and developed in this city once dominated by the brotherhoods. The different designs and construction of Islamic knowledge in the koranic schools and in the madrassas commonly known as Franco-Arab schools are here explained
Ghaffari, Sétareh. "Communications traditionnelles et mouvements révolutionnaires en Iran : de la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1905-11 à la Révolution islamique de 1978-79". Paris 7, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA070106.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn iran the traditional network of communication, particularly the mosque, the religious school and the bazar, has played a proeminent role in the constitutional revolution of 1905-11 and in the islamic revolution of 1978-79. The first one resulted in the secularization and the westernization of iran, while the second one rose up in arms against the excessive modernization and acculturation. In fact, since the 1960's, the capitalist reorganization of iran, the authoritative modernization and the rapid urbanization, entailed important social changes and mass politization. But, mohammad reza shah's failure to integrate the new urban stratas, especially, the uprooted elements and the newly educated elements, into his political system, produced a participation crisis and offered ayatollah khomeyni, the opponent clergy, and their allied, bazar's craftmen and merchants, an unparalleled opportunity to mobilize the masses and to create a revolutionary mouvement, by using the endogenous shi'ite culture and the methodes of traditional communication (collective prayers, religious ceremonies and the activities of religious associations)
Laval, Thibaud. "L'appel de la révolution : origines, formation et expansion du Parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya en Iraq (1948-1981)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023EHES0156.
Pełny tekst źródłaFounded in the holy cities of Iraq following the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy in 1958, the Islamic Daʿwa Party was one of the first Shīʿī Islamic organizations to emerge in the Middle East. It spread throughout Iraq, recruiting Shiites as well as Sunnis, and became the standard-bearer of a radical revolution aimed at creating a utopian Islamic society. This thesis demonstrates that while Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935–1988) is considered its founder and ideologue, he played a marginal role in the party’s history. This thesis demonstrates that Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930–1988), a revolutionary intellectual from the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, was its main theorist and leader between 1958 and 1981. Islamic Daʿwa Party was a true Shīʿī version of the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, with which it largely shared its ideology and grammar of action. This influence, considered Sunni, was contested within the organization by militants wishing to Shiitize its ideology; the party was thus traversed by numerous ideological and doctrinal rivalries
Vairel, Frédéric. "Espace protestataire et autoritarisme : nouveaux contextes de mise à l'épreuve de la notion de fluidité politique : l'analyse des conjonctures de basculement dans le cas du Maroc". Aix-Marseille 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005AIX32017.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research analyses Moroccan authoritarian regime's transformations in the light of the emergence, functioning, and impact of social movements during periods of political change without democratization. Between 1999 and 2003, the field work focused on two series of mobilizations concerning key issues regarding the regime's formation: the “years of lead” and the reform of women's condition. By putting the academic knowledge concerning Moroccan regime into question, the research shows how relevant a sociological approach of Moroccan authoritarianism is, far from the makhzen theories and transitology. The mapping of contentious politics considers together the political careers made in the name of Islam and those in behalf of human rights; it links individual careers to competitions for taking over public causes. By sequentially analyzing collective action, this work considers the part of entrepreneurs in social movements' constitution. Then, it moves on to contentious practices and stresses on practical dilemmas faced by the actors and on the impact of their modes of action on public policies. The most interesting point in Moroccan mobilizations in the 90's is that they catch the political system's architecture out, unlocking the political field and putting an end to its neutralization during critical conjunctures. Forcing their issues in politics, contentious actors endow the latest with a new conflictive aspect. The mobilizations affect the authoritarian network all the more efficiently since the protesters take advantage of the resources and arenas of the international scene
Guibert, Raphaëlle. "Des commerçants au cœur de l'expérience islamiste au Soudan : rapports de - au pouvoir et recompositions des communautés darfouriennes zaghawa à l'aune des alliances du mouvement islamique soudanais (1950-2011)". Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CLF10402.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study examines the formation and the domination of Sudanese Islamists’ hegemony (Gramsci, 1929-1935) by shedding light on the alliances they constructed with specific segments of the Sudanese society before and after their rise to power. More specifically, it aims to provide an analysis of the alliances’ formation with members of the Zaghawa-Darfurian ethnic community, with a special focus on economic activities. This analysis of the “constellations of interests” (Weber, 1921) of the different actors and their conjunction, enables to understand the ways people obey and disobey. Thus, this dissertation underlines how the Zaghawa communities have been associated to the Islamist project very early and describes the modalities of this association. One result is that those alliances are in fact all but a monolithic system but far more the result of various interests’ articulation at different levels (individual, collective, local or regional, professional or family, etc.) which never stop to be redrawn. This work is based on a one year fieldwork and combined with a methodological approach using various scale levels (Revel, 1996; Grossetti, 2006).It shows some of the mechanisms for the support, acceptance or accommodation (three ways to obey for an individual) of an authoritarian regime. It reveals that those mechanisms aren’t the unique result of explicit strategies or a question of legitimacy but depend on both individual and collective logics of action, that are more or less autonomous and that develop in specific systems of constrains
Fadil, Mohamed. "Un groupe religieux à l'épreuve du parti politique : sécularisation de l'islamisme au Maroc, mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)". Paris, EPHE, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EPHE5014.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism's hypothetical tendency towards secularization are conversion to democracy seems reminescent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is kwown today as "Christian democracy", in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into into democracy in a mode similar to what gave a birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West ? In this thesis, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape - the parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l'unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group's actual modes of thinking and acting. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014
Oskouie, Mana. "Etat, Religion et société en Iran au XXe siècle : origines et impacts des Révolutions constitutionnelle de 1906/07 et islamique de 1979". Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2040.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini
Keshavarz, Nahid. "Les traces du mouvement des femmes en Iran (1989-2009) : luttes, défis, réussites". Paris, EHESS, 2013. https://eu02.alma.exlibrisgroup.com/view/uresolver/33PUDB_IEP/openurl?u.ignore_date_coverage=true&portfolio_pid=5364092050004675&Force_direct=true.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe women’s movement in Iran emerged from the contradiction between women’s conditions in contant evolution and the reality of the legal and social repression they were subjected to. On one side, female citizens’lives did improve in the fields of education , economy, domestic rights and their participation in public space. Yet they were continually subjected to an increasingly regressive framework constituted by the judiciary, custom and religion New opportunities emerged opposed by escalating social and potical threats, especially for the movement’s activists. Therein lies the paradox: the contradictory movement between progress attempted from below, countered by massive regression enforced from above. Yes these difficult conditions favoured the emergence of the contemporary women’s movement in the Islamic Republic. The actiivists fighting for women’s rights benefitted from comparatively favourable conditions after the Iraq-Iran war and the reform period. The women’s movement was able to extend and establish itself significantly. Despite the increase of threats, and repression following Ahmadinejâd’s access to power in 2005, the movement was able to thrive and its claims spread to the public arena, far more extensively than in earlier times. This doctoral thesis studies the time period which commences with the restarting of women’s militancy which had ceased for eight years during the Iran-Iraq war, ending with the tenth presidential election in 2009, which marked such a dramatic turn in the history of Iranian politics. We shall examine why and how the women’s movement emerged within its social and historical context. The evolution of its strategies, how the militants constituted their collective identity and their discourse in favour of change will be equally discussed. On its bumpy and fluctuating road, this movement acquired a powerful public identity known throughout Iranian society at present ready to absorb the equal gender rights discourse which has since become commonplace. One of the lasting victories of the movement has been to present an alternative image of Iranian women as pro-active fighters for their rights, in sharp contrast with the passive, helpless victimized stereotype
Kabiri-Dautricourt, Firouzeh. "La philosophie islamique dans la pensée du 18ème siècle : traduction et commentaire du traité De philosophia Saracenorum de Jacob Brucker". Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040039.
Pełny tekst źródłaBeginning in the mid-17th century, when Europe was torn apart by religious conflicts and philosophers began to redefine the principles of religion, policy, and morals, one discovered the Muslim world through travel accounts and works of Eastern scholars. Whereas the English focused on the question of Muhammad's prophecy and the French on his political action and on Eastern literature, the Germans concentrated on the philosophy of the Muslims. It was the Leibnizian-inspired project of writing a universal history of philosophy which led the German pastor Jacob Brucker to dedicate a significant place in his Historia critica philosophiae to his treatise De philosophia saracenorum, whose echo in France is Diderot's celebrated Sarrasins. I have studied Islamic philosophy in 18th century thinking through J. Brucker's treatise, comparing it with that of his contemporaries, and taking into account the intellectual climate of the time and the "combat des Lumières." Similarly, by analyzing the associations between several chapters of Brucker's Historia critica and some articles by Diderot on Islamic philosophy, I have attempted to determine how much the authors of the Encyclopedia are indebted to the work of the pastor of Augsburg
Lobasheva, Alena. "Влияние Исламского фронта спасения на международное положение Алжира (1989-2009 гг.)". Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080150/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis research is consecrated to a very important scientific problem – study of activities of Islamists movements at the international arena presented at the example of Algeria. Existence of an active opposition party embarrassed Algerian military regime and complicated socio-economic and politic crisis. Comparison of evolution of the external politics of Algeria at the turn of XX century and of stages of the rise of the IFS shows that the main phases of the IFS evolution is congruent with the important events at the political scene inside of the country and the key moments of the international activity of Algeria. This is a new approach to the study of international relations and modern societies
Bayat, Mahboubeh. "Le courant intellectuel en Iran des années 1990 à nos jours : Les débats sur l’Etat et la religion". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20134.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Iranian intellectual has been always an important part of civil society. Since 1990, this intellectual field with conflicting voices, rising against islamization of society which has been enforced by political power. This intellectual stream is constituted of different groups bend over study of potentiality of establishment of democratic Iranian Nation-State. This study examines various spheres which crossing the actual Iranian intellectual domain and deliberates over four important categories: religious intellectual, philosophical circle, historians and political sociologists. All these thinkers conjointly consider the risk of politization of religion and the sacralization of politics. Their reflections are constructed around a common axe of two notions “State” and “religion”, which reveal the crucial question of change in political system. Through this approach which puts in a parallel direction different discourses and arguments beside each other, this study looks into the relations between the intellectual field and the other units of civil society. The ambition of this research is offering a theoretical panorama on present problematic of intellectual society with probing their strategies
Amo, Kae. "Les dynamiques de l’islam dans les lieux de l’enseignement supérieur au Sénégal". Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0046.
Pełny tekst źródłaSince the late 1980s, Muslim movements have become visible in public universities and in the Senegalese political scene. Murid or Tidjian “dahiras” (communities) and other reformist associations organize various on-campus activities, such as weekly religious meetings, Islamic conferences, Quran lessons, and prayers. In addition to the emergence of these movements at public universities, the number of private Islamic schools has also increased since the 1990s, encouraged by the former government of Abdoulaye Wade (2000–2012) and supported by partners from Arab countries. This study examined these religious dynamics at institutions of higher education. Why and how do Muslim scholars represent a growing dynamic in institutions of higher education in contemporary Senegal, and how do they contribute to the production of new knowledge and power (savoirs-pouvoirs)? The answer to this question is given in two sections: a historical construction of Senegalese Muslim scholars and their relation to politics and education; and a new generation of Muslim actors, their religious life and spheres of expression, knowledge, and power.The first part of this study focuses on the historical construction of Muslim scholars since the colonial time and their relations to politics and education. A study of the change in higher education and State politics over the past half century showed the deep transformation of Senegalese society and the recent evolution of a new type of Muslim scholar. Since the colonial time, Muslim intellectuals and “arabisants” (the Arabic-speaking elite) have played an essential role in politics in Senegal. Often intermediaries between the French colony and the Senegalese indigenous population, this elite created its own status, roles, and identity. However, with the creation of modern French institutions of higher education, a new French-speaking elite or “ku jang ekool” has emerged.Between 1960 and 1980, the University of Dakar became a place of political struggle, and students developed Marxist ideologies, although there were very few religious associations and few of the Arabic/French-speaking elite were involved in the Islamic associations. The new generation of young Muslim scholars who emerged after 1980 consisted of a completely different population, as compared with the previous generation; its members were originally from the non-elite class and attracted to the traditional religious solidarity of Sufi brotherhoods. Young, liberal, and autonomous, the new religious actors are challenging the social and cultural norms of the previous generation. This transformation explains the change in the larger Senegalese political and educational scene. In fact, new politico-religious movements developed during the ideological and sociopolitical crisis of the 1980s and 90s, and the arrival of political liberalism in 2000. During this time, the universities have become more popular and associated with the lower social classes, rooted in traditional Islamic educational spaces (Quranic schools and Sufi brotherhoods) and involved in the new political scene. However, the two generations of political/religious activists share a common characteristic: both create what we call “societal energy”, promoting a new model of society for young people who are keen to participate in social and political reform.The second part of this study, based on field observations made between 2003 and 2015, describes today’s Muslim scholars and their political and religious involvement. Our observations found great diversity in the experience of “being Muslim” among young people who navigate through different values, such as Islamic teaching, Sufi spiritualism, Western modernity, and traditional Senegalese culture. They create “shifting” corporal and spatial practices inside and outside the universities. In fact, their flexibility and liberty vis-à-vis religion and politics have created new social and political dynamics in Senegal
Hosni, Meryem. "L’alternative de la participation politique chez le mouvement islamique de l’unicité et de la réforme au Maroc". Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18721.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.
Fadil, Mohamed. "Transformation doctrinale de l'islamisme et émergence du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (PJD) au Maroc : vers un État islamique civique". Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7768.
Pełny tekst źródłaBérubé, Maxime. "D’al-Qaïda à État islamique : vers une typologie du discours d’influence illustrant la diversité de l’offre jihadiste". Thèse, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/21703.
Pełny tekst źródłaFadil, Mohamed. "Un groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique Sécularisation de l’islamisme au Maroc : mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme-Parti de la justice et du développement (1996-2011)". Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11437.
Pełny tekst źródłaÀ travers le monde islamique, une famille de partis politiques que l’on appelle à tort ou à raison « les partis islamistes modérés » enregistre des résultats électoraux exceptionnels chaque fois qu’un de ses membres participe à un scrutin qui comporte un minimum de transparence, notamment en Turquie, au Maroc et en Palestine. Les premières participations des islamistes aux élections des pays du Printemps arabe confirment davantage cette règle, comme l’illustrent les cas de l’Égypte et de la Tunisie. Sur le plan académique, ce contexte laisse émerger une importante hypothèse. L’évolution de bon nombre d’organisations islamistes en partis politiques qui participent activement à la vie publique de leurs pays serait l’indice d’une sécularisation de ces organisations, animée par une sincère conversion à la démocratie. Cette hypothétique tendance à la sécularisation et la conversion à la démocratie de l’islamisme ferait penser à une expérience remarquablement similaire, que l’on trouve dans le monde chrétien occidental, soit, l’évolution théorique et organisationnelle du christianisme politique qui a donné naissance, en réponse à un long parcours de révisions intellectuelles, à ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui « la démocratie chrétienne ». L’islamisme modéré serait-il en train d’évoluer vers une sécularisation et une conversion à la démocratie selon un mode similaire à celui qui a donné naissance aux partis démocrates-chrétiens en Occident? Il est question dans cette thèse, préparée en cotutelle entre l’Université de Montréal au Canada et l’École Pratique des hautes études Paris-Sorbonne en France, de vérifier l’hypothèse susmentionnée dans un contexte bien précis. Notre recherche se limite ainsi à l’étude d’un groupe déterminé du paysage islamiste du Maroc (Parti de la justice et du développement [PJD] et son mouvement de prédication religieuse Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme [MUR]). Cette recherche s’étend de 1996, date de naissance du PJD à 2011, date de son accession au pouvoir au Maroc. Par ailleurs, la reconstitution et l’analyse sociohistorique proposées dans cette recherche remontent en 1969, date de naissance du Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique qui incarne la matrice du groupe à l’étude. La recherche pose des questions bien précises portant très particulièrement sur le devenir du groupe religieux à l’épreuve du parti politique et, par-delà, celle du devenir du religieux à l’épreuve du politique au sein des modes de penser et d’agir de ce groupe. Pour ce faire, notre recherche adopte un cadre interdisciplinaire conjuguant des approches émanant de la sociologie politique et religieuse et d’autres sciences sociales comme l’histoire et les sciences politiques. Son corpus d’analyse est le fruit d’un travail de terrain effectué lors de plusieurs séjours de recherche effectués au Maroc entre 2008 et 2014. Séjours qui nous ont permis de reconstituer la trame des évènements, d’amasser la documentation nécessaire au sein du PJD/MUR, de rencontrer et de mener des entretiens avec des leaders et des idéologues les plus influents de son parcours idéologique et organisationnel.
Throughout the Islamic world, a political family composed of what are rightly or wrongly named “moderate Islamist parties” obtains exceptional results whenever one of its members participates in an election that is minimally transparent (for instance in Turkey, Morocco, Palestine and Egypt). This rule is confirmed by the initial involvements of Islamists in the Arab Spring (in Egypt and Tunisia for example). Academically, in this context an important hypothesis emerges according to which the evolution of many Islamist organizations into political parties that actively participate in the public life of their countries would indicate that these organizations are undergoing a process of secularization motivated by a sincere conversion to democracy. Islamism’s hypothetical tendency towards secularization and conversion to democracy seems reminiscent of a remarkably similar experience in the Christian West, namely the theoretical and organizational evolution of political Christianity, which gave birth to what is known today as “Christian democracy”, in response to a long series of intellectual revisions. Might moderate Islamism be secularized and converted into democracy in a mode similar to that which gave birth to Christian Democrat parties in the West? In this thesis, prepared under joint supervision between the University of Montreal in Canada and the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes Paris-Sorbonne in France, the aforementioned hypothesis is verified in a very specific context. The scope of the study is limited to examining a particular group within the Moroccan Islamist landscape—the Parti de la justice et du développement (PJD), as well as its sister outfit devoted to religious predication, the Mouvement de l’unicité et de la réforme (MUR). This period under consideration ranges from the birth of the PJD in 1996 to its coming to power in 2011. Moreover, the reconstitution and the socio-historical analysis proposed in this study begin in 1969 with the birth of the Mouvement de la jeunesse islamique, from which the group being examined evolved. The study asks very specific questions concerning the fate of the religious movement in response to the challenges of the political party. Further still, it examines the challenging relation of religion and politics in the group’s actual modes of thinking and acting. With this purpose in mind, the study adopts an interdisciplinary framework combining approaches that stem from political and religious sociology as well as other social sciences, such as history and political science. Its analytical corpus is the product of fieldwork research being done during numerous trips to Morocco from 2008 to 2014. These trips made it possible to reconstitute a timeline of events and to gather necessary documentation from the PJD/MUR. It also provided the opportunity to meet and interview leaders and ideologues that are most influential in the ideological and organizational evolution of the movement.
على امتداد العالم الإسلامي، ما فتئت هذه العائلة من الأحزاب التي ندعوها عن خطئ أو عن صواب بالأحزاب الإسلامية المعتدلة تحقق، فيما يشبه القاعدة، نتائج مميزة متى ما شارك أحد ممثليها في انتخابات تضمن الحد الأدنى من النزاهة و الشفافية (حالة تركيا، المغرب، الأردن، فلسطين، مصر…). هذه القاعدة ستؤكدها المشاركات الانتخابية الأولى لإسلاميي بلدان الربيع العربي (حالتا تونس و مصر). على المستوى الأكاديمي سيسمح سياق اكتساح الأحزاب الإسلامية للانتخابات البرلمانية في بلدان العالم الإسلامي بانبثاق فرضية مهمة يتجلى مضمونها في كون إعادة انتظام عدد كبير من التنظيمات الإسلامية في أحزاب سياسية تشارك بفاعلية كبيرة في العملية السياسية ببلدانها ربما يشكل مؤشرا على خضوع هذه التنظيمات لعملية دهرنة (sécularisation) معززة باعتناق حقيقي للديمقراطية. فرضية دهرنة الحركة الإسلامية و اعتناقها للديمقراطية هذه تدعو لاستحضار تجربة مماثلة على نحو كبير لولا أن أطوارها جرت بالعالم المسيحي الغربي. يتعلق الأمر بالتطور النظري و التنظيمي لعدد من تيارات المسيحية السياسية، تطور سمح بعد مسار طويل من المراجعات الفكرية بتشكل ما نسميه اليوم بتيار الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب. هل تكون إذن أحزاب الحركة الإسلامية المعتدلة بصدد تكرار نفس المسار الدي سمح بتشكل الأحزاب الديمقراطية المسيحية بالغرب، لكن بدار الإسلام هذه المرة؟ تسعى هذه الاطروحة المعدة وفق برنامج مشترك (cotutelle) بين جامعة مونتريال بكندا و المدرسة التطبيقية للدراسات العليا باريس-السوربون بفرنسا إلى اختبار الفرضية المذكورة في سياق محدد للغاية إذ تكتفي بدراسة تنظيم إسلامي محدد من ضمن المجال الواسع للحركة الإسلامية بالمغرب (حزب العدالة و التنمية و حركته الدعوية و الدينية حركة التوحيد و الإصلاح) في فترة محددة تتراوح ما بين لحظة ميلاد الحزب سنة 1996 و لحظة وصوله للمسؤولية الحكومية سنة 2011 وفق عمق تاريخي يمتد لسنة 1969 التي تشكل لحظة ميلاد حركة الشبيبة الإسلامية باعتبارها الحركة الأم للتنظيم المدروس. في إطار هذه الدراسة، تثير الأطروحة أسئلة محددة تتعلق بمستقبل الحركة الدينية أمام اختبار الحزب السياسي و بالتالي بمستقبل الديني في مواجهة اكتساح السياسي على مستوى خطاب و ممارسة الحزب و الحركة. لتحقيق هذا الهدف تتبنى هذه الدراسة إطارا بين-مناهجيا (interdisciplinaire) يدمج مقاربات تنتمي لعلم الاجتماع الديني و السياسي بالإضافة لعلوم اجتماعية أخرى كالتاريخ و العلوم السياسية. يتشكل المتن البحثي لهذه الأطروحة من نتائج دراسات ميدانية قمنا بإنجازها بين سنتي 2008 و 2012 بالمغرب. من خلال هذه الدراسات الميدانية، قمنا بإعادة تجميع و تركيب تاريخ و أدبيات التنظيم المدروس و لقاء و محاورة القادة و المنظرين الأكثر تأثيرا في مساره النظري و التنظيمي. كلمات مفاتيح: إسلام، حركات إسلامية، إسلام سياسي، ما بعد الإسلام السياسي، ديمقراطية مسيحية، دهرنة، مغرب، شبيبة إسلامية، توحيد و إصلاح، عدالة و تنمية، ملكية، دولة إسلامية، ديمقراطية.