Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Minister”
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1
BERLINSKI, SAMUEL, TORUN DEWAN i KEITH DOWDING. "The Length of Ministerial Tenure in the United Kingdom, 1945–97". British Journal of Political Science 37, nr 2 (20.03.2007): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000129.
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We analyse the determinants of ministerial hazard rates in Britain from 1945 to 1997. We focus on three sets of attributes (i) personal characteristics of the minister; (ii) political characteristics of the minister; and (iii) characteristics pertaining to the government in which the minister serves. We find that educational background increases ministers' capacity to survive, that female ministers have lower hazard rates and older ministers have higher hazard rates. Experienced ministers have higher hazard rates than newly appointed ministers. Ministerial rank increases a minister's capacity to survive, with full cabinet members having the lowest hazard rates in our sample.We use different strategies to control for the characteristics of the government the minister serves in. Our results are robust to any of these controls.
2
DEWAN, TORUN, i DAVID P. MYATT. "Scandal, Protection, and Recovery in the Cabinet". American Political Science Review 101, nr 1 (luty 2007): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070025.
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Empirical evidence suggests that a prime minister benefits from firing ministers who are involved in political scandals. We explore a model in which scandals are positively related to policy activism, so that a prime minister may wish to protect a minister from resignation calls. We find that protection can sometimes discourage activism: it enhances the value of a minister's career and hence encourages him to “sit tight” by moderating his activities. On the other hand, an exogenous increase in exposure to scandals may lead a minister to “live for today” by pursuing controversial policies. The prime minister's ability to protect ministers is limited by her short-term incentive to fire. She may, however, enhance her credibility by building a collective reputation with the cabinet; the heterogeneity of cabinet membership plays an important role.
3
Rapajić, Milan. "First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state". Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 55, nr 1 (2021): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns55-32351.
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One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.
4
Bakvis, Herman. "Regional Ministers, National Policies and the Administrative State in Canada: The Regional Dimension in Cabinet Decision-Making, 1980–1984". Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, nr 3 (wrzesień 1988): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390005681x.
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AbstractRegional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.
5
Dewi Sad Tanti, Dewi Sad Tanti. "Srikandi Heroin Discourse in Online News Framing Female Ministers of Indonesia". Jurnal Spektrum Komunikasi 10, nr 2 (27.06.2022): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37826/spektrum.v10i2.323.
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This research is intended to mapping the depiction of the female minister as public officials in Indonesia. Through this research, it is expected to find out how the media package the character of female minister base on announced the composition of ministers in the cabinet. This research uses the framing framework developed by Robert N. Entman. This model is used to describe the selection process and highlight certain aspects of reality by the media. Framing Entman. Define Problems; How can Female Minister problems become an issue? How Economic Nation Impact form Female Minister? Or as a problem?, Diagnose Causes ; What is the reason for being called an female minister figure? What is considered the cause of a problem?, Make Moral judgement ; What moral values are presented to explain. What moral values are used to legitimize an female minister? and the last Treatment Recommendation , What solutions are offered to address female minister? What path is offered and main opinion to Female Minister? . Result of this research are Indonesia Online Media Online Media Frame 5 Female Ministers in Indonesia can be put together, the confirmation of women's success as leaders up to 2x is from the role of the family, the criteria for a leader to be trusted as a minister, trustworthy, competent and qualified in their field, in accordance with community support, supported by predecessor ministers , depicted like Heroine.
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Silubun, Gabriel Adam, i Constantin Anechitoae. "Analyzing Roles and Conflicts of Triumvirate Ministers in Filling Presidential Vacancies in Indonesia". Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia 3, nr 1 (19.03.2024): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v3i1.598.
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Abstract: This article examines the constitutional position and legal resolution of disputes surrounding the Triumvirate Minister in Indonesia. The Triumvirate Minister, comprising the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, and Defence, serves as a temporary substitute for the President and Vice President in case of vacancies. However, ambiguity exists regarding their authority and coordination. Purpose: This study aims to clarify the constitutional position of the Triumvirate Minister and propose legal resolutions for disputes among them. It seeks to address ambiguities in regulations and ensure effective governance in Indonesia's presidential system. Design/Methodology/Approach: The research is a normative juridical approach, analyzing constitutional provisions, laws, and regulations concerning the Triumvirate Minister. Secondary data from legal literature and documents are collected through library research, followed by qualitative analysis to interpret the legal framework. Findings: The Triumvirate Minister plays a crucial role as a temporary presidential substitute but lacks clear regulations defining their authority and coordination. Ambiguities may lead to disputes, necessitating resolution by the Constitutional Court to ensure effective governance and adherence to the Constitution. Originality/value: This study contributes to understanding the Triumvirate Minister's constitutional role and the legal framework surrounding their authority and coordination. It highlights the importance of clear regulations to prevent conflicts and maintain governance stability in Indonesia's presidential system.
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Gunawan, Edwin, Muhamad Abas i Muhammad Gary Gagarin Akbar. "Kedudukan Menteri Triumvirat Dalam Ketatanegaraan Indonesia". Legal Spirit 7, nr 2 (30.11.2023): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31328/ls.v7i2.4695.
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The Triumvirate Ministers are the three ministers namely the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Home Affairs, and Minister of Defense who are said to be carrying out presidential duties if the President and Vice President resign in the middle of their term of office simultaneously. This is stated in the mandate of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia as the basis for implementing statutory regulations. This writing aims to explore the issues raised in this study, namely, the position of the Minister of the Triumvirate in the Indonesian constitution and legal settlement in the event of a dispute in the formation of the three Ministers of the Triumvirate. In this study the authors used the normative juridical method. The results of this study are that the position of the minister of the Triumvirate is confirmed in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 8 paragraph (3), but it is not clarified by other laws and regulations, so that his position is not standardized by law. And also if there is a dispute within the Triumvirate Ministers, the resolution is that the Constitutional Court has the duty and authority to resolve disputes between the Triumvirate ministers regarding who has the most authority to fill presidential duties.
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Keber interviewed by Don Hindle, Dusan. "Health care in Slovenia: an interview with the Minister". Australian Health Review 25, nr 3 (2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020001a.
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The original intention was to ask the same questions of the Australian and Slovenian Ministers for Health, so that readers might compare the answers. The Slovenian Minister was happy to answer questions without notice, and to accept the interviewer's interpretations (as they appear below). The Australian Minister asked that questions be submitted in advance, and then prevaricated for two months. We are still waiting for a positive response: the invitation remains open. We decided to go ahead and publish the Slovenian Minister's responses. We hope that readers find them of interest on their own. In passing, it seems to me that one might reasonably conclude the Australian Minister has little interest in talking seriously to the many thousands of health care professionals who regularly read the AHR. If so, this is a sad state of affairs.Dusan Keber is a medical doctor with a distinguished clinical and medical research record. He was Director of the Department of Angiology at the Ljubljana Medical Centre a 2000-bed teaching hospital) from 1983-1996, and Medical Director of the Centre from 1996-2000. He has been Minister for Health since 2000.
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Claes, Willy. "Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties". Res Publica 42, nr 1 (31.03.2000): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18528.
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The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.
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Saputra, Komang Yoga, i I. Nyoman Bagiastra. "ANALYSIS OF THE DISPUTE RESOLUTION MECHANISM OF THE TRIUMVIRATE MINISTER AS THE EXECUTOR OF PRESIDENTIAL DUTIES IN INDONESIA". POLICY LAW NOTARY AND REGULATORY ISSUES (POLRI) 2, nr 4 (28.11.2023): 460–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.55047/polri.v2i4.922.
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The 1945 Constitution regulates the position of triumvirate ministers, including the Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Minister of Defense, collectively empowered to replace the president and vice president in case of a vacancy. The exercise of this authority increases the likelihood of disputes among the three ministers while performing presidential duties in Indonesia. The conflicting implications of the triumvirate minister position and its assumed powers stem from the diverse backgrounds of the three different institutions. Therefore, a clear mechanism is necessary for resolving conflicts among triumvirate ministers. This study employs normative legal research methods with a statutory law approach, utilizing primary legal material and secondary legal materials such as books and journals. The findings reveal that the dispute resolution mechanism for triumvirate ministries is fundamentally within the purview of the Constitutional Court, as affirmed by the Constitution. However, a lack of detailed derivative regulations has led to a blur in norms related to the interpretation of state institutions outlined in the Constitution. This gap arises due to the absence of regulations that provide a comprehensive explanation of these state institutions.
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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Executive Turnovers September 2003–September 2004". Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, nr 2 (listopad 2004): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001562.
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Executive turnovers during September 2003 and September 2004 were moderate, as was the case the preceding year. The reason for this is that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has made it a rule to limit change of cabinet members (Inoguchi, 2004). The Liberal Democratic Party's Presidential election took place in September 2003, giving approval to Koizumi to continue without rival candidates. Koizumi reshuffled his cabinet on September 22, with key cabinet ministers kept intact. They included Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi, Welfare and Labor Minister Chikara Sakaguchi, Economics, Finance and Monetary Affairs Minister Heizo Takenaka. Besides a portfolio to each of the two coalition partners, Koizumi saw to it: (1) that the execution of his structural reform would be spearheaded by a non-compromising reformist academic, Takenaka; (2) that faction-based appointments be reduced to a minimum by appointing those who are not tainted by old-fashioned factional affiliations and ties, i.e., three non-parliamentary members and four female ministers.
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Roy, Subrata. "Stock Market Asymmetry and Investors’ Sensation on Prime Minister: Indian Evidence". Jindal Journal of Business Research 9, nr 2 (17.11.2020): 148–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2278682120968970.
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This study empirically examines the growth of return, volatility shocks, market efficiency and investors’ sentiment on prime ministers during their administration as a prime minister. Thus, various volatility forecasting measures are applied. It is observed that BSE return does not follow a random walk and inefficient during their tenures as a prime minister. ARCH measure confirms about volatility clustering. According to the EGARCH measure leverage effect does not exist, but the presence of this effect based on TARCH during the tenure of few prime ministers. Finally, the investors are trustful to those prime ministers who are elected from the Indian National Congress according to the growth of return.
13
Peters, Guy, i Donald J. Savoie. "Canada : un Premier ministre «présidentiel» et ses contre-pouvoirs". Revue française d'administration publique 83, nr 1 (1997): 491–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3136.
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In Canada the majority of the government’s political advisers are grouped within the office of the Prime Minister and the Privy Council. The role of these structures has evolved notably since the end of the second world war when the office of the Prime minister became situated at the summit of political power while the Privy council came to represent the head of the administration. This redefinition of roles allows the Prime Minister to conduct government policy effectively while preserving a certain autonomy for ministers and for the provinces.
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BUDA, Octavian. "Alexandru Vaida Voevod: From Spa Medicine to First Prime Minister of Greater Romania - 150 Years Since His Birth". Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 14, nr 1-2 (2022): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2022.1-2.101.
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Alexandru Vaida Voevod, a physician and politician who served three times as prime minister of Romania (1919–20, 1932, 1933), was a leading spokesman for the union of Transylvania with the Old Romanian Kingdom (Moldavia and Wallachia). In 1896 he was a member of the Committee of the Romanian National Party, representing the pro-Habsburg group. Between 1906 and 1918 he was a deputy in the Budapest Parliament. After 1918, he became a member of the Governing Council and Prime minister on December 9, 1919. During the Interwar period, he held the position of Prime minister as well as Minister of internal and foreign affair in several governments and President of the Council of Ministers. He died in Sibiu on March 19, 1950
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Martocchia Diodati, Nicola, Bruno Marino i Benedetta Carlotti. "Prime Ministers unchained? Explaining Prime Minister Policy Autonomy in coalition governments". European Political Science Review 10, nr 4 (21.05.2018): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000085.
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The personalization of politics has become a central concern in political science. This is also true for parliamentary governments, where the Prime Minister has allegedly acquired an increasing relevance. Nonetheless, a key question remains unanswered: How can we estimate the Prime Minister Policy Autonomy (PMPA) in parliamentary governments? Moreover, what are the determinants of this autonomy? This article aims to answer these questions by proposing a novel and easily replicable index of PMPA, based on data from an analysis of Prime Ministers’ and members of Parliament’s parliamentary speeches, and specifically from cosine similarity analysis. In this article, we explore PMPA by focussing on two most different cases of coalition governments, Italy and Germany between 1994 and 2014. A multilevel regression analysis shows that coalition-related factors strongly influence PMPA, party-related factors are somewhat relevant, and the Prime Minister-related factor (its selectorate) does not have a significant impact on such autonomy.
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Durso, Pamela R. "This is what a minister looks like: The expanding Baptist definition of minister". Review & Expositor 114, nr 4 (listopad 2017): 520–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317737512.
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In 1956, H. Richard Niebuhr and Daniel D. Williams asserted that to the traditional definition of minister as pastor-preacher must be added teacher, chaplain, missionary, evangelist, counselor, and countless others. What Niebuhr and Williams observed as happening within American churches in general was also true within Baptist churches. Beginning sometime around mid-century, Baptist churches hired staff members to lead and plan their music programs; to work with preschoolers, children, teenagers, college students, and senior adults; and to oversee administration, education, and recreational activities. Around the 1970s, some Baptist churches recognized and publicly identified these staff members as ministers and began ordaining them. Women were among these newly ordained ministers. By the 1980s and 1990s, the number of ordained Baptist women had increased significantly, and the number of recognized ministry positions both inside and outside the church also increased significantly. Women were obviously beneficiaries of the trend of ordaining as ministers those serving in positions other than pastor-preacher, or perhaps women were leading the way and were trendsetters for Baptists. Either way, Baptist women were in the mix in this move toward the broader definition of minister.
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Neary, Ian. "Les services du Premier ministre japonais face aux grands ministères". Revue française d'administration publique 83, nr 1 (1997): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1997.3137.
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The composition and functioning of the office and cabinet of the Prime Minister reflect the difficulties that the Prime Minister has in governing, due notably to the fact that power is shared with administrative vice-ministers. Any reinforcement of the authority of the Prime Minister is carried out via a substantial reform of these two bodies whose missions intersect and, more importantly, whose personnel are one and the same, being in large part composed of civil servants who remain rather too closely attached to their initial administrative origins. This System, which represents a total devolution of power, while having in former times proved worthy, no longer in this day and age allows the government and its head, the Prime Minister, to respond to the diverse internal crises which arise.
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Huber, John D. "The Vote of Confidence in Parliamentary Democracies". American Political Science Review 90, nr 2 (czerwiec 1996): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082884.
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I present a formal model of the confidence vote procedure, an institutional arrangement that permits a prime minister to attach the fate of a particular policy to a vote on government survival. The analysis indicates that confidence vote procedures make it possible for prime ministers to exercise significant control over the nature of policy outcomes, even when these procedures are not actually invoked. Neither cabinet ministers, through their authority over specific portfolios, nor members of parliament, through the use of no-confidence motions, can counteract the prime minister's policy control on the floor of parliament. The analysis also illuminates the circumstances under which prime ministers should invoke confidence vote procedures, focusing attention on the position-taking incentives of the parties that support the government, rather than on the level of policy conflict between the government and parliament.
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Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon. "Servant Leadership: Son of Man as Minister and Life Giver in Mark 10.45". Journal of Pentecostal Theology 26, nr 2 (10.09.2017): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455251-02602008.
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This article discusses the Son of Man as Minister and Life giver in Mk 10.45. The Son of Man as Minister is the servant who did not come on earth to be ministered to but to minister to others. The Son of Man as the Life giver is the servant who pays a price for the sake of many sinners in the world. The life, crucifixion, death, and resurrection of the Son of Man become that price for the release of those who are enslaved by sin. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that these aspects of the Son of Man – Minister and Life giver – are aspects of servant leadership.
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Meetarbhan, M. J. N. "Extra-Constitutional Parliamentary Private Secretaries in Mauritius". Journal of African Law 35, nr 1-2 (1991): 194–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008433.
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In a recent analysis of the constitutional position of Parliamentary Private Secretaries (P.P.S.s) in the United Kingdom Professor Norton concludes that they “occupy an important twilight zone between ministers and backbenchers. Though remaining among the latter, they assume certain characteristics of the former.” Mauritius, which like many Commonwealth countries has a constitutional regime largely inspired by the British model, has recently created an innovative role for P.P.S.s who operate at sub-ministerial level but are not unpaid helpers to ministers as in the U.K. It is the intention of this article to critically examine this role.The Mauritian Constitution originally provided for a Cabinet consisting of the Prime Minister and up to 14 ministers who were all members of the Legislative Assembly, except for the Attorney-General. Under section 66 of the Constitution, the Governor General acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister could appoint up to five Parliamentary Secretaries from among members of the Assembly “to assist Ministers in the performance of their duties”. Following the formation of a coalition government in 1969, the Constitution was amended so as to increase the number of Ministers to 20 and that of Parliamentary Secretaries to ten with Mauritius having a unicameral legislative assembly of 62 elected members and up to eight nominated members, the 1969 amendments enabled almost every other elected member to be appointed a Cabinet minister or Parliamentary Secretary.
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Cranmer, Frank. "Methodist Ministers: Employees or Office-holders?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, nr 3 (15.08.2013): 316–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000446.
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The issue of whether or not a minister of religion is an employee or an office-holder came before the Supreme Court in an action for unfair constructive dismissal against the Methodist Church. The Court held by a majority of four to one that, on the basis of the Church's Deed of Union and Standing Orders, the terms of engagement of ministers were not contractual for the purposes of employment law and that a minister's duties were not consensual. The judgment moderates somewhat the impact of the earlier judgment of the House of Lords in Percy v Board of National Mission of the Church of Scotland – and makes the employment status of ministers even more sensitive to the facts of the individual case than it was before.1
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Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index". Politics and Governance 4, nr 2 (23.06.2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.
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The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
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O'Malley, Eoin. "Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister". Government and Opposition 41, nr 2 (2006): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00174.x.
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AbstractThere are good prima facie reasons to believe that directly electing a prime minister may provide the holder of that office with a tremendous power resource. Indeed some countries with weak prime ministers have debated this possible change, and one, Israel, carried it through. Using a theoretical argument based on the number of veto points in a political system, this article proposes that a directly elected prime minister will not increase the power of a prime minister. It studies what actually happened in Israel, and offers alternative explanations for the weakness of and lack of cohesion in its executive. Similarly, other factors are identified as causes of prime ministerial weakness in Italy and Japan.
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Kitler, Waldemar. "Organizational preparation of central public administration bodies to manage the implementation of defense tasks. Part II. Organization of administrative offices of the supreme government administration bodies for the coordination of defense tasks". Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 198, nr 4 (15.12.2020): 780–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5860.
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The second part of the report on the research on the organizational preparation of administrative offices supporting the supreme government administration bodies in the implementation of defense tasks is devoted to the characteristics and assessment of the organization of organizational units of administrative offices supporting the Council of Ministers, the prime minister, and the ministers managing government administration departments. The extensive nature of tasks in this matter and, consequently, the responsibility for their implementation resting on the Council of Ministers, the prime minister and ministers, is the basis for assessing the current state of organization of the administrative governments serving these bodies. Already in the Constitution and in ordinary acts, the role of the Council of Ministers and the prime minister were appreciated, with less attention being paid to ministers and heads of government administration departments. After 2010, the legal conditions for ensuring a uniform organizational and substantively competent structure of administrative offices in terms of defense, and more broadly also national security, were even worse. Only after 2016, and especially starting from 2019, hopeful organizational changes took place in this matter. And all this in view of the apparent lack of appropriate regulations in the field of defense law. The research leads to the conclusion that a holistic approach to national security issues, including national defense, is necessary to recognize the criteria of necessary legal and organizational changes to achieve planning, organizational, coordination, and control capabilities of the supreme government administration bodies in the field of defense.
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Jäckle, Sebastian. "Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune? A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)". German Politics and Society 34, nr 1 (1.03.2016): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340103.
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This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics for example helps not to be forced out of office while it has no effect on voluntary or collective exits. Heading an important ministry on the other hand increases the chances to rise to other positions in high politics or private business, but does not impact the other two hazards. The analysis furthermore shows that the principal-agent-logic known from Westminster systems with the prime minister being largely sovereign in hiring and firing cabinet members must be adapted to the German context of frequent coalition governments. In coalition governments, only ministers from the same party as the prime minister exhibit higher hazards for forced exits, while ministers from other coalition partners are much safer in that regard.
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Anggara, Reksi, Ridho Al Hamdi i Suswanta. "Utilizing Social Media As a Strategic Communication Tool By The Minister In Indonesia". JURNAL IPTEKKOM Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan & Teknologi Informasi 25, nr 2 (4.01.2024): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17933/iptekkom.25.2.2023.241-256.
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This study aims to analyze the social media accounts of Ministers in Indonesia as a means of delivering information to the public. We analyzed two Twitter accounts of Indonesian ministers who were considered to have millennial style and were active on social media, namely Erick Tohir as Minister of SOEs and Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno as Minister of Tourism and Creative Economy. The data obtained is the second Twitter post of the Minister from September 2019 to June 2023. The method in this study uses qualitative content analysis with the Nvivo 12 Plus analysis tool. The results of this study show that Erick Tohir conveyed a number of information about global cooperation, increasing dividends, and the role of SOEs for society. Meanwhile, Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno provided information on a number of bilateral relations cooperation, creative economy, and visits to various leading destinations. By looking at the number of comments, retweets, likes, and views on the average post, we conclude that Erick Tohir's communication on Twitter has a greater public response than Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno.
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Feldman, Ofer. "Political Reality and Editorial Cartoons in Japan: How the National Dailies Illustrate the Japanese Prime Minister". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, nr 3 (wrzesień 1995): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200308.
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This report of a content analysis details how editorial cartoons in two Japanese national dailies illustrated six recent Japanese prime ministers during their first three months in office. The findings reveal the growing importance the media allocate to the national political leader as a source of political information and coverage. Nevertheless, the prime minister appears as a passive man who lacks leadership qualities, reflecting to a certain extent the weak position the prime minister has in Japanese politics.
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Eva Hartog. "FAITHFUL MINISTER". Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, The 68, nr 034 (22.08.2016): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/dsp.47178233.
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Bates, Jane. "Yes, minister". Nursing Standard 23, nr 32 (15.04.2009): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.23.32.27.s29.
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Jacobs, Howy. "Dear Minister". EMBO reports 10, nr 6 (15.05.2009): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/embor.2009.110.
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Kakonge, Amb John O. "Leading by Example: The Work of Minister K. K. Shailaja of Kerala State, India in Combating COVID-19". Communication, Society and Media 4, nr 1 (13.01.2021): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v4n1p1.
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In recent months, much public attention has been given to the women leaders of developed countries who have done well in containing the coronavirus and ensuring a low rate of infection and death. Such leaders include Jacinda Ardern, Prime Minister of New Zealand; Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany; Erna Solberg, Prime Minister of Norway; Katrin Jacobsdottir, Prime Minister of Iceland; Sanna Marin, Prime Minister of Finland; and Tsai Ing-wen, President of Taiwan. In addition to their own expertise, these leaders have been fortunate in being able to rely on the support of well-trained public officials and scientists, adequate financial resources, and well-equipped health facilities. Little has been written, however, about women leaders from developing countries who are trying hard to contain the pandemic. Sadly, in Africa, a continent with 54 states, only Namibia and Togo have women prime ministers, while the only African woman president hails from Ethiopia.This paper briefly examines the work of K.K. Shailaja, Minister of Health and Social Welfare of the state of Kerala in India, and proposes how lessons from her work could be useful for other parts of the developing world, especially in Africa.
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Beke, Dirk. "De Afzetting van Lumumba Door Kasavubu, Enkele Grondwettelijke Beschouwingen". Afrika Focus 16, nr 1-2 (11.02.2000): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0160102004.
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The Deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some Constitutional Considerations Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that ‘The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister’ was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu’s unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba’s political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.
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Hyman, Bill, i Wayne E. Wylie. "Implications for Improved Pastoral Health Counseling". Journal of Pastoral Care 41, nr 2 (czerwiec 1987): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234098704100209.
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Reviews research findings which show that persons often turn to ministers for help in a variety of health-related matters. Points out that the minister is in fact a sought-after health counselor although he or she frequently lacks the technical and educational background in health counseling. Suggests specific ways for improving the participation of clergy in health counseling, including continuing education and the possible establishment of a specialized role as a minister of health education in a local church.
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Aven, Anna. "Handling the Flames: Thoughts on Burnout in Ministry". Journal of Youth and Theology 2, nr 2 (27.01.2003): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055093-90000113.
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As the Song of Songs relates in chapters two and three, the bride finds herself alone, out of the presence of her love. This causes great consternation and she determines that she must have him, so she goes to search for him. In the same way, the loss of the wild abandoned pursuit of our divine Lover results in burnout in ministry. The thrust of this article is not to further discuss the widely recognized idea that burnout in ministry does occur, but rather to dissect burnout in the stages in which it occurs as well as the areas that it affects the minister, and then to recognize it in its earliest forms so that the loss of fire for God is not the end result of the flames the minister encounters in minishy. Included in this article is a discussion of theology regarding the "indispensability complex" that many ministers often receive from the continuing expectations of their church or ministry, as well as a discussion of handling times of darkness in the minister's life and fanning into flame the passion for our Lover, which is the source of all energy in the ministry.
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James, Oliver, Nicolai Petrovsky, Alice Moseley i George A. Boyne. "The Politics of Agency Death: Ministers and the Survival of Government Agencies in a Parliamentary System". British Journal of Political Science 46, nr 4 (20.01.2015): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000477.
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This article extends the theory of government agency survival from separation of powers to parliamentary government systems. It evaluates expectations of increased risk to agencies following transitions in government, prime minister or departmental minister, and from incongruence between the originally establishing and currently overseeing political executive. Using survival models for UK executive agencies between 1989 and 2012, the study finds that politics trumps performance. Ministers seek to make their mark by terminating agencies created by previous ministers, which is reinforced by high media attention to the agency. Performance against agency targets is not associated with higher termination risk, and replacement agencies do not perform any better than those that were terminated. Financial autonomy provides some protection for agencies that are less dependent on budgetary appropriations.
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Wijayanti, Septi Nur, i Kelik Iswandi. "Sinergitas Kabinet Presidensiil Multipartai pada Masa Pandemi Covid-19 di Indonesia". Jurnal Konstitusi 18, nr 2 (15.11.2021): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1828.
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Implement the simultaneous election in Indonesia has supported by the multiparty system. The multiparty system has an impact on the President’s leadership. In the formation of the cabinet, the President must accommodate political party coalition interest. One form of that accommodations occurs of the minister which came from the coalition political party. Different from the minister's interest background has an impact on the different policies each minister especially on COVID-19 handler in Indonesia. The research method is normative research with a case approach and concept approach. This research used secondary data that used primary, secondary, and tertiary materials. This research shows that the presidential cabinet in Indonesia is a cabinet which forms by multi-party coalitions. On multiparty coalition implementation of Kabinet Indonesia Maju 2019-2024, there were several times, the minister has different policy among the minister or with local governments such as the case of the ban on taking passengers for online biking and prohibition against homecoming. Different policies among the minister or with local government can be minimized by the President’s political leadership.
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Mahmud, M. "KEBIJAKAN USAHA KESEHATAN SEKOLAH/MADRASAH". LISAN AL-HAL: Jurnal Pengembangan Pemikiran dan Kebudayaan 12, nr 2 (1.12.2018): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35316/lisanalhal.v12i2.150.
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This paper aims to explain that the implementation of School Health Unit (UKS/M) policy in pesantren based education institution in Banyuwangi Regency is not ideal with what is stated in the decision of 4 Ministers (SKB 4 Ministers) namely Minister of Health, Minister of Religious Affairs, Minister of Education and Culture, and the Minister of Home Affairs on the development and development of School Health Unit (UKS/M). This research is a descriptive research taken from qualitative data in the form of field observation, interview, and documentation as the material of analysis, so that writer can find important findings. 1) implementation of the School Health Unit (UKS/M) trias in schools under the auspices of pesantren cottages most of them have not been properly implemented; 2) coordination of the 4 elements of the ministry has not been well established; 3) the absence of adequate human resources such as not understanding their duties and obligations, the financial resources of the state budget has not been realized, and equipment resources (facilities required) is not complete even there are schools that do not have at all; 4) the willingness for the implementation of UKS/M from the four elements of the ministry is still in the form of planning; 5) the organizational structure of the UKS/M facilitation team from the 4 ministries has not been established; 6) the implementation of coaching and development of UKS/M is only done by the health department only.
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Vanyukov, Aleksandr I. "The death of P. A. Stolypin in the memoirs of contemporaries: S. Yu. Witte, V. N. Kokovtsov and others". Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 22, nr 2 (23.05.2022): 232–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2022-22-2-232-237.
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The tragic event of September 1, 1911, in Kiev, the death of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Minister of Internal Affairs Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin, is considered through the lens of the memoirs of his famous contemporaries: the former Minister of Finance, Chairman of the Commitee of Ministers .of the Russian Empire (1903–1906), Count Sergei Yulievich Witte, Minister of Finance, who became Prime Minister after the death of Stolypin; Vladimir Nikolayevich Kokovtsov, historian, leader of the Cadet Party; Pavel Nikolayevich Milyukov and Major General Svita, Moscow Governor (1905–1912), Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, commander of the Separate Corps of Gendarmes (1913–1915), Vladimir Fedorovich Dzhunkovsky. Each of these memoirs reveals certain sides, facets of the political portrait and the fatal end of Stolypin based on the life and state experience, on the authors’ relationships with him. In the Memoirs of S. Yu. Witte, we see the almost epic, political-state and moral-legal scale of the «dialogue», of the «feud» between the author and Stolypin, the condemnation of his policy and personality: «he is to blame». V. N. Kokovtsov is a living witness of the «event of September 1» and the direct successor of Stolypin. His memoirs are chronically rich, documentarily and psychologically expressive. They were carefully read by P. N. Milyukov, who fought with Stolypin in the Duma and gave his exact metaphor for the internal policy and for his demise (“the Moor may go”). The memoirs of V. F. Dzhunkovsky are interesting for their honest testimony, patriotic pathos, direct rejection of the shortcomings of the security service. Taken together, these memoirs give a holistic, expressive picture of the historical event of September 1, 1911, the death of P. A. Stolypin; they help to see the inner springs of action behind the external.
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Sabella, Fuja, Antika i Muhammad Wahyudi. "IMPLIKASI SURAT KEPUTUSAN BERSAMA (SKB) TIGA MENTERI 1974 TERHADAP PERKEMBANGAN PENDIDIKAN ISLAM DI INDONESIA". Jurnal At-Tabayyun 5, nr 2 (31.12.2022): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.62214/jat.v5i2.84.
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The government's attention to madrasas and Islamic education in general is no less. The establishment of the Ministry of Religion (Depag) on January 3, 1946 is proof of this. There is an education section in its organizational structure whose main responsibility for dealing with issues related to religious education in religious schools (madrasas and Islamic boarding schools) was recognized by the New Order government, then the government adopted a more operational policy in relation to madrasas, namely fostering the quality of madrasah education. In line with these efforts to improve the quality of madrasah education, on March 24, 1975 a policy was issued in the form of a Joint Decree (SKB) of 3 Ministers signed by the Minister of Religion (Prof. Dr. Mukti Ali), Minister of Education and Culture (Lt. Gen. TNI Dr. Teuku Syarif Thayeb) and Minister of Home Affairs (Gen. TNI Retired. Amir Machmud). The purpose of the Three Ministers' Joint Decree is to improve the quality of education in madrasas. With the issuance of the Three Ministerial SKB, madrasas entered a new era, namely the era of equality and equality between madrasas and schools.
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Kravchenko, P. K., i V. E. Snapkovskij. "The First Steps of the New Belarusian Diplomacy: Correspondence of Minister of Foreign Affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus P.K. Kravchanko (1990-1991)". Governance and Politics 2, nr 2 (6.07.2023): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2023-2-2-27-54.
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The publication is a selection of documents and materials from the correspondence of the Minister of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus P.K. Kravchenko from his personal archive. They characterize the fist steps of the new Belarusian diplomacy, which took roots in the election of P. Kravchenko as the Minister of foreign affirs of the BSSR in July 1990. The presented documents cover a little more than a year of his activity as a Minister: from November 1990 to December 1991. These are 10 documents from correspondence minister with statesmen, diplomats, entrepreneurs from the USSR and foreign countries (Czechoslovakia, the USA and Canada). The published materials (letters, telegrams, reports) reflct various aspects of the activities of the Ministry of foreign affirs of the Belarusian SSR/Republic of Belarus and the Minister of foreign affirs himself. They reflct the strengthening sovereignty of the Republic within the USSR and expanding its foreign policy authority, national revival and the beginning of reforms in the economy, the creation and activities of the Council of foreign ministers of the USSR and the Union Republics, and the mobilization of the international community to assist in minimizing the consequences of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant
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Monballyu, J. "The political responsibility for Royal pardons in Belgium during the 19th century (1830–1900)". Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 75, nr 2 (2007): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181907781352582.
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AbstractIn Belgium, the Royal Prerogative of pardoning convicted criminals was legally embedded in the Constitution of 14th February, 1831. It allowed the King to reduce a sentence or to grant a discharge of a sentence given by a court. Any Royal decision to pardon had, however, to be countersigned by a member of the Government, who took on the political responsibility of the decision towards Parliament. In most cases, the task fell upon the Minister of Justice. During the 19th century, in both Houses of the Belgian Parliament, the Minister of Justice was repeatedly questioned about the way the prerogative of pardoning was exercised. This usually occurred when a death sentence had been commuted to a lesser sentence. In such cases, members of the Chamber of Representatives or of the Senate would ask for an explicit justification of a particular pardon. Only exceptionally would a Government Minister be challenged about the legality of a decision either granting or refusing a pardon. Because of the constitutional convention which prevents exposing directly the political position of the King, Jules d'Anethan (Minister of Justice 1843–1847) defended the Minister's right to refuse to give any reasons for a decision regarding a pardon. He only acknowledged Parliament's right to question a Minister about his general policy on pardons. In his view, it was not within Parliament's powers to ask a Minister of Justice why a pardon had been granted or refused in a specific case. That view tended to limit considerably a Minister's responsibility for Royal pardons: it became no more than an empty shell. Another Minister of Justice, Théophile De Lantsheere (1871–1878), took an opposite view. He refused to state his general policy on pardons, but he accepted to explain the specific reasons why a Royal decision granting or refusing a pardon had been made. In his view, a pardon was in the first place a matter for the Minister's conscience. Parliament was therefore entitled to assess his particular actions. However, in the line of his predecessors' and successors' view, he believed that the reasons why the King had insisted on a pardon or refused to grant a pardon should not be mentioned to Parliament. Pardon was an issue between King and Government, not between King and Parliament. As the saying goes in Belgian constitutional law: The Crown should never be laid 'bare'.
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Bommarius, Christian. "Lecture –– Germany's Sozialstaat Principle and the Founding Period". German Law Journal 12, nr 11 (1.11.2011): 1879–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200017612.
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I cannot avoid beginning on an embarrassing note –– speaking to you as possibly the next German Foreign Minister. That is a position I will have earned because it is a good old (bad) tradition in Germany that its Foreign Ministers speak English either not at all or so badly that it is better if they do not speak it. Some say that not being able to speak English is even a requirement for becoming Foreign Minister. Well, in that case my prospects are excellent. I hope you will forgive my poor English.
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Whelan, Timothy. "Baptist Autographs in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 1741-1907". Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89, nr 2 (marzec 2013): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.2.10.
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Within the holdings of The University of Manchesters John Rylands Library is a remarkable collection of 337 letters to and from Baptist ministers and laypersons written between 1741 and 1907. Nearly half (165) can be found among the autograph collections of Thomas Raffles (1788-1863), Liverpool Congregationalist minister and educator, with another 103 letters belonging to the collections of the Methodist Archives. John Sutcliff (1752-1814), Baptist minister at Olney and an early leader within the Baptist Missionary Society, was the recipient of more than seventy of these,letters. Among the correspondents are the leading Baptist and Congregationalist ministers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Although largely unknown today, these letters provide important insights into British Baptist history between 1740 and 1900, establishing the John Rylands Library,as a valuable resource for Baptist historians.
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Zamri bin Ahmad, Abdul Mua’ti. "FROM INCULCATING ISLAMIC VALUES TO ‘RAHMATAN-LIL-ALAMIN’: PROMULGATING VARIOUS APPROACHES OF ISLAM IN MALAYSIA". Journal of Malay Islamic Studies 3, nr 1 (28.11.2019): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jmis.v3i1.4572.
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The government of Malaysia has introduced ‘Inculcating Islamic Values’ during the reign of Prime Minister Dr Mahathir in the 80s, ‘Civilizational Islam (Islam Hadhari)’ during the reign of Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi in 2004, ‘Wasatiyah’ during the reign of Prime Minister Najib Razak in 2010 and ‘Rahmatan-lil-Alamin’ recently in 2018 under the new government. All the approaches were designed towards developing a modern society in predominantly Malay-Muslim society of Malaysia. The concepts were normally publicized as a part of the manifesto during the political campaigns prior to the general elections. Since then, Malaysians, Muslims and non-Muslims alike were expecting to observe more detail explanations of the concepts and how it could be translated into actions in the multi-religion society. Occasionally the Prime Minister will reiterate the approaches and spell out in detail the methods of implementing the concept or to translate the concepts into policies. The concepts will further be elaborated in a couple more speeches delivered by the Prime Minister and senior ministers including the information minister. The mainstream media has also allotted special columns and programs to outspread the concepts even though at times not in detail and lack of continuity. Today, after about one year since the latest concept (Rahmatan-lil-alamin) has been conceived, what are the peoples’ perceptions towards it? Do the people really made to understand the concept? To what extent has the media been used to disseminate the idea? This paper will discuss the analysis of the dissemination of the concept through the main stream media in Malaysia.
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Ryoichi, Osamu. "POLITICAL CHANGING FOR PRIME MINISTER OF JAPAN". International Journal of Law Reconstruction 5, nr 1 (6.05.2021): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v5i1.15540.
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The prime minister of Japan (日本国内閣総理大臣, Nihon-koku naikaku sōridaijin, or shushō (首相)) (informally referred to as the PMOJ) is head of the government of Japan, the chief executive of the National Cabinet and the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of Japan; he is appointed by the emperor of Japan after being designated by the National Diet and must enjoy the confidence of the House of Representatives to remain in office. He is the head of the Cabinet and appoints and dismisses the other ministers of state. The literal translation of the Japanese name for the office is Minister for the Comprehensive Administration of (or the Presidency over) the Cabinet. The current prime minister of Japan is Yoshihide Suga. On 14 September 2020, he was elected to the presidency of the governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). After being confirmed in the Diet, he received an invitation from Emperor Naruhito to form a government as the new prime minister, and took office on 16 September 2020. Japan's parliament has elected Yoshihide Suga as the country's new prime minister, following the surprise resignation of Shinzo Abe. After winning the leadership of the governing party earlier this week, Wednesday's vote confirms the former chief cabinet secretary's new position. It happened because the needed of political interest for Japan.
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KRAUSS, ELLIS S., i BENJAMIN NYBLADE. "‘Presidentialization’ in Japan? The Prime Minister, Media and Elections in Japan". British Journal of Political Science 35, nr 2 (21.02.2005): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000190.
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Both academics and journalists have given increasing attention to the rising importance of prime ministers – a phenomenon often referred to ‘presidentialization’. Although many commentators use the term differently, and the term blurs the line between the very different institutional contexts of a parliamentary and presidential system, one careful definition of the term is ‘the movement over time away from collective to personalized government, movement away from a pattern of governmental and electoral politics dominated by the political party towards one where the party leader becomes a more autonomous political force.’This phenomenon has been observed primarily in Britain and in West European parliamentary democracies – no one has ever described the Japanese parliamentary system as even remotely ‘presidentialized’. In fact, the Japanese prime minister has not been the subject of much academic research, and even the Japanese press often used to ignore the prime minister. Despite being the leader of a majority party in a centralized political system, the Japanese prime minister was almost universally described as weak and uninteresting, with both academic and popular discourse focusing on the powerful bureaucracy and factional politics within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). However, recent political changes, most prominently the selection and popularity of Junichirō Koizumi as Japan's prime minister in the spring of 2001, have led to a surge of interest in the prime minister.
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Zięba-Załucka, Halina. "Prokuratura a Sejm". Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 67, nr 3 (30.06.2022): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.03.13.
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Author argues in the article that under the legal status preceding the 2009 amendment to the Act on the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Sejm’s control over the actions of the Minister of Justice – Prosecutor General found a direct basis in the constitutional norm, which entrusts the Sejm with the control over the Council of Ministers. Under the 2009 prosecution model, where the functions of the Prosecutor General and the Minister of Justice were separated, the Prosecutor General, directing the activities of the prosecution service, was an autonomous body in relation to Council of Ministers, President, Sejm and Senate. The reconnection of the functions of the Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General by the 2016 Act gives the Sejm the possibility of parliamentary control of the Prosecutor General. Author indicates the instruments of parliamentary control emphasizing that the Sejm is entitled only to such powers of control that have been clearly defined in the Constitution and laws. Author justifies the thesis that the diversity of the models of functioning of the prosecutor’s office in Poland, as an institution beyond the framework of the classical Montesquieu classification, does not deprive the Sejm of the right to control the prosecutor’s office, which he realizes with the help of diverse means.
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Breuning, Marijke, i Gabriela Okundaye. "Half of the Cabinet: Explaining Ethiopia’s Move to Gender Parity in the Government". Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, nr 5 (sierpień 2021): 1064–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007652.
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Half a year after rising to the position of prime minister in Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed appointed a cabinet that included an unprecedented 50% women, including the first female minister of defense. This was noteworthy, because women had not been well-represented in Ethiopian political leadership. What motivated the appointment of so many women? We argue that the selection of ministers in aid-dependent global south countries responds to external cues—and that this leads to more women in the cabinet. Our findings regarding Ethiopia’s 50% female cabinet suggest that the role of external cues in cabinet selection deserves further investigation.
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INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Executive Turnovers in 2003". Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, nr 2 (listopad 2003): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146810990300118x.
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Executive turnovers during the second Koizumi cabinet (September 2002-present, as of August 2003) register the lowest of all the cabinets since the Miyazawa cabinet (November 1991–August 1993). This is predictable from Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's pledge when he first became Prime Minister in April 2001. He promised to appoint one cabinet minister (not two ministers or more) for one agency during the tenure of one cabinet. Furthermore, he pledged that he would do so without receiving a recommendation from factions of the governing Liberal Democratic Party. His first pledge reflects primarily Koizumi's belief that his appointments should last the full tenure of the cabinet as they are presumably the best for the task. His second pledge reflects his belief that LDP factions should cease, and, as a matter of fact, they have recently ceased to be a major factor determining Koizumi's politics. Both factors are related to each other.
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Lewis, J. P. "Elite Attitudes on the Centralization of Power in Canadian Political Executives: A Survey of Former Canadian Provincial and Federal Cabinet Ministers, 2000–2010". Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, nr 4 (grudzień 2013): 799–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000905.
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Abstract. In contemporary Canada, the idea of the powerful first minister is widely acknowledged. The recent debate has focused on Donald Savoie's thesis that the concentration of power to the centre has accelerated and ministers have effectively lost their influence on decision making in cabinet. This article identifies two research gaps. First, the study combines both the experiences of federal and provincial cabinet ministers to construct an understanding of Canadian cabinet decision making at both levels of government. Second, the research investigates the new generation of cabinet ministers; no study has yet consulted ministers of the 2000–2010 decade.Résumé. Dans le Canada contemporain, l'idée du premier ministre puissant est largement reconnue. Le débat récent s'est fixé sur la thèse de Donald Savoie que la concentration de pouvoir au centre a accéléré de le et les ministres ont perdu efficacement leur influence sur la prise de décision dans le cabinet. Cet article identifie deux écarts de recherche. Premièrement, l'étude combine les deux les expériences de ministres fédéraux et provinciaux pour construire une compréhension de prise de décision ministérielle Canadienne aux deux niveaux de gouvernement. Deuxième, la recherche examine la nouvelle génération de ministres – aucune étude a consulté pourtant des ministres de la 2000–2010 décennie.