Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Military orders (Criminal law)”

The article analyzes the principles, grounds and features of the regulation of criminal liability for certain crimes in the field of economic activity in the conditions of a special military operation. The authors, in general, consider novelties of criminal legislation for the last year - in the period from February 24, 2022 to February 24, 2023. In many respects, the noted changes relate to issues of criminal law protection of military, public and state security, ensuring the effective implementation of state defense orders, saving military property, carrying out military and guard duty. It is noted that in some cases, a hasty criminal-legal response to the appearance and expansion of negative manifestations in the conditions of a special military operation leads to failures and contradictions in regulatory design and to further difficulties in law enforcement practice. It is pointed out that it is necessary to improve military and defense legislation.

An absolute requirement in military life is to comply with TNI regulations and official orders from each superior in order to uphold a life in the military that is full of high awareness. If these things are violated (desertion), it will only shake the joints of discipline and order in the TNI. The formulation of the problems in this study are: 1) What is the criminal law policy on desertion crimes committed by members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces? 2) What are the obstacles to criminal law policies against desertion crimes committed by members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces and what are the solutions. The author uses a normative juridical approach. The sociological juridical approach emphasizes research that aims to obtain legal knowledge empirically by going directly to the object related to this research. The results of this study are: 1) The criminal law policy against the criminal act of desertion in Indonesian military law is clearly regulated in Article 87 of the Criminal Procedure Code and the punishment for members who become the perpetrators of desertion is regulated in Article 88 of the Criminal Procedure Code. The application of military law against the perpetrators of the crime of desertion as a Military Member (TNI) carries a heavier penalty than the threat of punishment found in the general public, because the military is not only armed to maintain security but must be disciplined, instead of using desertion. Desertion in this case is absence without permission, intentionally for 30 consecutive days. 2) Obstacles in the implementation of military law against members of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) who commit the criminal act of desertion in general because the investigations carried out by Military Police investigators still often do not meet the formal and material requirements.

Giyanto committed the crime by willfully disobeying orders from superiors, and the issue at hand is whether the perpetrator's actions here complied with the law as set forth in the Book of Law 39 of 1997 concerning Military Criminal Law (KUHPM), as well as whether the judge's decision to impose a 6-month sentence plus an additional sentence was proper. This study use normative research methodologies, analyzes qualitative data, uses secondary data, and uses deductive reasoning to reach findings. The findings of the study and the discussion demonstrate that Giyanto is mindful of his decision to disobey or arbitrarily deviate from a superior's order. It follows that his activities satisfied the requirements for a crime as defined in Article 103(1) of the Military Criminal Code.

The article examines the issue of criminal liability for commanders' orders to violate the laws and customs of war in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine. The author establishes that criminal liability in this case is based on the command responsibility concept of the sources of international humanitarian law. It is proposed that Article 438 (1) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine should provide for liability not only for giving an order or instruction to violate the laws or customs of war, but also for the failure of a superior who became aware of such violations by his subordinates to take measures to stop them and to notify the competent authorities of the crime. Courts in their verdicts against commanders of the armed forces of the Russian Federation, when qualifying under Article 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, usually do not incriminate such an act as giving an order, but rather impute a specific violation of the laws and customs of war committed by his subordinates. When qualifying the actions of commanders and subordinates, the qualification formula usually refers to Article 28 (2) of the of the Criminal Code of Ukraine. However, many verdicts do not contain such a reference. The proposal to recognize the state-political and military entities of the Russian Federation as criminal organizations was supported. The author notes the formation of a legal axiom in judicial practice of unconditional criminal liability for all military personnel of the armed forces of the Russian Federation who, as part of a criminal organization, commit violations of the laws and customs of war on the territory of Ukraine. Within this axiom, an irrefutable legal presumption is distinguished: all military personnel of the armed forces of the Russian Federation are aware and familiar with the laws and customs of war, which they violated on the territory of Ukraine, executing criminal orders of the military and political leadership of the aggressor state, and therefore, consideration of the actions of these military personnel through the prism of the existence of a factual circumstance that excludes the criminal unlawfulness of an act, such as the execution of an order or instruction, is inadmissible, which is in line with the standards of international humanitarian law. Key words: execution of an order or instruction, circumstance excluding criminal unlawfulness of an act, violation of the laws and customs of war, complicity, criminal organization, crime, criminal liability, qualification, court practice.

Former TNI Commander Gen. Gatot Nurmantio to clean up the Indonesian National Army Institution from the Narcotics influence has issued instructions and orders to his ranks, efforts to overcome the problem of narcotics are not separated from the Principles of Military Interest. The principle of military interests means that in carrying out state defense and security, military interests are prioritized more than the interests of groups and individuals. It means that in the judicial process, military interests are always balanced with legal interests, in enforcing the law, military interests must not be ignored. Law enforcers within the TNI in carrying out legal proceedings against narcotics abusers should not only see their legal interests, military interests but also must be seriously considered. Military Judges who will decide on Narcotics cases should not only see the problem from the law. The dismissal of soldiers who are perpetrators of narcotics abusers is very reasonable because from a medical point of view, someone who has consumed drugs is not ready to use, they will experience brain tissue damage, nerve cells and memory loss so that their physical condition is not prime anymore and will not be able to carry out basic tasks to the fullest. This writing aims at 1. To find out how the implementation / application of the principle of military interest in dismissal is disrespectful to the soldiers involved in narcotics crime 2. To find out how the judges' legal considerations apply the principle of military interest in dismissal with disrespect to the involved soldiers criminal narcotics, military court I-03 / Padang in practice has applied the principle of military interest in the consideration of penalties especially in narcotics criminal cases in its legal area both as a user and as a narcotics dealer, but has not been followed by orders to convicts to carry out medical rehabilitation.

The paper deals with the development of law in Czechoslovakia from its inception to the existence of the so-called First Republic, focusing in particular on the development of criminal law. The primary question addressed in the paper is whether there is legal continuity with the previous Austro-Hungarian legal system. Given that there were several legal orders in force in the aftermath of the establishment of Czechoslovakia, the next necessary question is how this situation was addressed. The paper presents examples from selected areas of criminal law, such as juvenile justice, national security laws, or military criminal norms, and intends to document the main legislative trends, namely the introduction of completely new legal regulations, the adoption of the original Austrian regulation and its nationwide application, or, last but not least, the adoption of both Austrian and Hungarian regulations with their simultaneous application. The codification attempts in the Criminal Code, which were not completed in the relevant period, have not been overlooked.

This article is devoted to the study of the current state and trends in the legal regulation of the military sphere in Ukraine. In the process of studying the legal regulation of the military sphere in Ukraine, the authors revealed the concept, essence, legal regulation and areas for improvement of this area. The authors divided the legal regulation of the military sphere in Ukraine into 5 different groups, to which they referred: constitutional regulation (Constitution of Ukraine); codes of Ukraine (Water Code of Ukraine, Forest Code of Ukraine, Air Code of Ukraine and others); other special laws that regulate certain areas of military activity (Law of Ukraine "On Military Duty and Military Service"); bylaws: orders, resolutions, orders of central and local authorities (President of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (CMU - hereinafter), Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, Security Service of Ukraine (SBU - hereinafter), etc.); international regulations in the military sphere, which were ratified by Ukraine. The authors also mentioned criminal and administrative liability in the military sphere and supported it by the norms of the Criminal Code of Ukraine and the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses. Yes, they attributed to criminal offenses: disobedience, non-compliance with the order; resistance to the chief or forcing him to breach official duties; threat or violence against the boss; desertion, etc. To administrative offenses: refusal to comply with the lawful requirements of the commander; unauthorized leaving of a military unit or place of service; abuse of power or official position by a military official; careless attitude to military service and more. According to the study, an analysis of court decisions regarding prosecution for war crimes was conducted. A number of scientific researches in the field of administrative law were analyzed. Directions for improving the current legislation in the field of legal regulation of the military sphere were adopted and developed on the basis of a careful analysis of the legislation of the European Union.

This study aims to: 1) To analyze the application of military criminal law against members of the TNI perpetrators of desertion crimes; 2) To analyze the constraints in the enforcement of miiliter criminal law against members of the TNI perpetrators of desertion crimes. This study uses normative-empirical legal research, while the data analysis used is qualitative approach to primary data and secondary data. where in analyzing / processing data first held organizing of primary data obtained through related legislation and literature. Then the collected data is then discussed, compiled, elaborated, and interpreted, and reviewed the problem so that a conclusion is obtained as a problem solving effort. The results showed that the application of military criminal law against members of the TNI who were proven to commit desertion crimes is the authority of the military judiciary to prosecute him, then the stages in the form of investigations conducted by the Military Police on the orders of the Superior Who Has the Right to Punish (Ankum). furthermore, the investigation file is given to the Military Oditur to be studied, then the military oditur makes an indictment to be delegated to the Military Judiciary, after the judiciary feels sufficient with the files of the Military Oditur, then the military judiciary will prosecute members of the military who are accused of desertion. Furthermore, constraints in law enforcement related to desertion crimes are reviewed from 4 interrelated aspects, namely with regard to legal subtansi, the legal structure itself, facilities or infrastructure, and the community. The settlement of cases in the military judiciary at this time has been well arranged, but it is expected that all who play a role in the process of resolving military cases do all these stages based on Justice and Positive Law. The application of existing regulations must be done consistently and always conducted a review of desertion cases so that from these obstacles can be found solutions and solutions to reduce the quantity of desertion crimes.

SummaryEvidence indicates that individuals responsible for mass rapes in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda were acting on orders from their superiors. The international criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda have indicated their intention to prosecute individuals responsible for sexual violence and their superiors. The prosecution of superiors rests on the doctrine of command responsibility — a doctrine Well-established in international criminal law. This article presents the difficulties that arise in applying the doctrine of command responsibility to cases of wartime sexual assaults. Relying on a feminist analysis of international humanitarian law, the author identifies the imbalance that exists between the principle of military necessity and the principle of humanitarianism — an imbalance that makes rape the least condemned and punished of war crimes. In the absence of traditional military command structures, as was the case in Bosnia and Rwanda, a superior is well-placed to deny his authority over those who committed wartime rapes. Despite this challenge, the author asserts that the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, in theCelebicicase, developed a realistic approach to the doctrine of command responsibility and reasonably concluded that a camp commander was criminally responsible for rapes committed by his subordinates.

SummaryThis article addresses the content and ramifications of the unique plea of superior orders, illustrating the complexities of absolving wartime behaviour on this basis as well as the legitimate rationale for doing so in certain cases. The article discusses the general legal obligation for soldiers to obey commands; outlines the historical development and legal content of the corresponding plea of superior orders, including its incorporation into the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC); and assesses the potential future application by the ICC of this specialized “mistake of law” doctrine. The author argues that in light of its moral and practical ramifications it should be considered by the court as both a full defence and a factor in mitigation of sentence, in a manner conceptually distinct from duress. However, the author cautions that the ICC must be careful to encourage, rather than discourage, individual moral autonomy, to the extent possible. A full defence should remain open to soldiers only when they have acted under a reasonable albeit mistaken belief in the legality of their orders. Especially on the modern battlefield, soldiers must continue to act and be judged as “reasoning agents” and not as mere automatons.

International criminal courts do not operate to the exclusion of national legal orders, but co-exist with them. The present thesis provides an in-depth analysis of the above relationship. By examining the concepts of primacy and complementarity on the basis of which the ad hoc international criminal Tribunals and the permanent International Criminal Court seize jurisdiction, the foundations of the interface are explored. As effectiveness is a key concept to international criminal justice, the relationship between international criminal courts and national legal systems is tested, by examining the co-operation regimes envisaged in the Statutes of both the Tribunals and the ICC, as well as the problems that arise in practice. Moreover, the way the UN Security Council affects State interplay with international criminal justice institutions is crucial for a holistic understanding of the limitations of the interaction. The final part of the thesis focuses on national incorporation efforts and provides a detailed analysis of implementing legislation of a number of key States with a view to discerning some common approaches and highlighting problem areas. The present thesis argues that despite the different constitutional bases of the Tribunals and the ICC, similar questions of interface with national courts arise and the challenges presented could be better tackled by aiming for a "functional or workable interaction". Overall, the originality of this thesis lies in its analytical approach. By scrutinising a number of crucial aspects of the relationship between international criminal courts and national legal orders an overview of the research question posed is achieved. Moreover, the examination of the legal principles and their practical application is complemented by a comprehensive discussion of national implementing legislation which has not previously been attempted in a similar manner. [Files associated with the accompanying CD-ROM (print version) are available on request to subject librarian.]

State compliance with International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) arrest and surrender orders, Article 29(d) and (e) obligations, remains under explored in international criminal tribunal (ICT) scholarship despite the fact compliance with ICTY orders often proved not forthcoming from the states of the former Yugoslavia. This thesis will attempt to identiy causal phenomena behind compliance with ICT arrest and surrender orders through an exploration of compliance on the part of the diverse spectrum of states and non-state governing entities across the former Yugoslavia. Because International Relations (IR) scholarship identifies competing causal mechanisms to explain compliance and non-compliance outcomes, which range from a rationalist focus on material incentives and disincentives to norm-centric approaches, there will be an exploration of both ideational and material explanatory variables. Moreover, as mainstream neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist theories are unable to cope with entites where an autonomous state is not an ontological given, this thesis will be divided into two constituent parts. Part I will address the question of state compliance and include three case studies, Croatia, Serbia and Macedonia, while Part II will address the question of compliance in the context of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo, both of which do not conform to traditional models of the Westphalian state. This thesis will argue that the study of compliance is limited by the state centricity of international law and the rationalist failure to integrate ideational structures itno the study of compliance.

Why has international society been unable to develop political and judicial collective-security arrangements to limit external aggression? The thesis argues that efforts to limit aggression in moral and legal theory have created an unjust order in which great powers have used these theoretical traditions to reinforce their power in the global order. The thesis argues that is not a new development but can be found in one of the oldest traditions of moral reflection on war, the just war tradition. To substantiate this point, the thesis critically surveys the philosophers of the ancient Greek, Roman, Medieval Christian Renaissance, and early modern theorists of just war and demonstrates that their just war ideas contain assumptions about exclusion, identity and power reflecting their cultural superiority which underlie the practices and theories of the leading states and justifications of their aggressive wars. The thesis connects these moral reflections to the emergence of modern international law and the European pluralist international society of states based on mutual respect for sovereignty and the norm of non-intervention, highlighting how justifications of its colonial aggression against non-Europeans established an unjust solidarist order against them which persists in the post-Cold War era. To conclude it presents suggestions for improvement in the current pluralist international arrangements to address the issue of aggression.

Born in the aftermath of the Second World War, the doctrine of command or superior responsibility provides that a military commander or a civilian leader may be held criminally responsible in relation to crimes committed by subordinates even where he has taken no direct or personal part in the commission of these crimes. The basis of this type of liability lies in a grave and culpable failure on the part of a superior to fulfill his duty to prevent or punish crimes of subordinates. Command responsibility is not a form of objective liability, nor is it a form of accomplice liability although it borrows elements from various types and forms of liability. It is a form of liability that is personal in nature and which is triggered by a personal and culpable dereliction of duty. Liability is entailed, however, not for a specific crime of 'dereliction of duty', but instead in relation to the underlying offence that has been committed by subordinates of the superior. In that sense, the responsibility of a superior is entailed and is closely linked to the crimes of his subordinates for which he may be convicted. Contrary to most other forms of criminal liability, the doctrine of command responsibility first developed as a norm of international law, rather than under domestic law. It is central to the ability of international law to ensure compliance with standards of humanitarian law and it remains a most important legal instrument in the fight against impunity. The present thesis provides a comprehensive and insightful dissection of that doctrine, its scope of application, its elements as well as the evidential difficulties involved in establishing those elements in the context of criminal prosecutions.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): James Holmes Armstead, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-134). Also available online.

The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.

Since the aftermath of the brutal civil war in Somaliland, no one has systematically considered the human rights atrocities committed by one of the most brutal regimes in sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, it is the objective of this study, firstly, to throw light on the international rules which govern those crimes committed in Somaliland during the military regime. Secondly, the study will apply those rules to the case of Somaliland, based on the available evidence. Thirdly, the study will establish a case for the international prosecution of those who bear the greatest responsibilities for the human rights atrocities that occurred in Somaliland. Fourthly, this study will investigate which international mechanism provides the best chance of serving as an adequate prosecutorial mechanism. Finally, the study will analyse the role of individual criminal responsibility under international criminal law
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Frans Viljoen of the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

The history of urban policing paints an evolutionary picture describing the various forces that impinged on society's earliest efforts at public policing and led to numerous reforms culminating in what has been termed the professional model of policing. The dynamics of an ever-changing urban society continued to present new challenges to policing and have driven police administrators and politicians to seek new methods of responding to society's criminal element.

"This work includes talking about the crime of Camp Speicher, in which 1,700 students of the Iraqi army of the Sheea creed were killed by the gangs of the terrorist organization ISIS, with the aim of eliminating the members of this sect because of the misleading ideology carried by those gangs. On 6-12-2014, Iraqi soldiers at Camp Speicher (Speicher Air Base) in Tikrit were subjected to murder and enforced disappearance by terrorist organizations because of their affiliation to the Sheea creed. This crime was among a series of brutal crimes for the genocide of Sheeas in Iraq. This is similar to what happened in the Badoush prison crime in the province of Mosul, which the Iraqi Parliament considered it as a crime of genocide, in which these gangs executed about (400) members of the prison inmates of the Sheea component. After ISIS took control of the city of Tikrit in Iraq, and one day after they took control of the city of Mosul, they captured (2000-2200) soldiers and led them to the presidential palaces in Tikrit, and they shot them there and in other areas and buried some of them alive. This disaster had a negative impact on the families of the victims of the Speicher where they went out in demonstrations demanded that the leaders who handed over the victims of Speicher to ISIS must be prosecuted, and in one of the demonstrations they managed to enter Parliament and demanded that the leaders who handed over Speicher to ISIS be held accountable. After that, many demonstrations took place by the families of the victims, some of which led to the closure of a bridge in Baghdad a few times Protesting the government's delay in clarifying the fate of their children or taking quick measures. The Iraqi parliament and government recently considered the Speicher incident “genocide” in reference to the premeditated murder of Badoush Prison inmates in Nineveh Governorate and the unarmed Speicher military base, the premeditated murder of members of the Albu Nimr, Jabour, al-Lahib, and al-Ubaid tribes, and the killing and displacement of civilians from Kurds, Christians, Yazidis and Shabaks in Sahel Nineveh, Sinjar, deliberate killing and displacement of Turkmens in Tal Afar and Bashir. This decision paves the way for obtaining international recognition from it as a ""genocide"" as stipulated in the Contract of the United Nations in 1948, and Iraq signed it in the fifties of the last century. This study attempts to explain the Al-Ikhnasas Court in looking into the crimes of genocide committed by ISIS against the bereaved students of the Air Force Base (Speicher) due to what this issue raised from the national and international public opinion, especially after the involvement of the Iraqi army leaders in this massacre, according to what witnesses reported in that area and what was reported by soldiers who survived the incident, in addition to the involvement of some members of the Sunni tribes in these crimes with the terrorist organization ISIS. The importance of this study lies in the following aspects: - That ISIS elements were tried according to Anti-Terrorism Law No. 13 of 2005, and from our point of view that the aforementioned law is vague and broader than it should be, and it applies to serious and simple crimes from murder to crimes of sabotage, and the list of crimes punishable by the death penalty according to the aforementioned law is a long list and spacious. - The Iraqi government has embarked on an attempt to develop a legal framework to prosecute ISIS elements, and its mission focused on understanding the procedures and results drawn from those judicial efforts, and its mission also focused on showing the efforts taken by the Iraqi government to address violations in the field of the right to life, including those committed by affiliated forces government as well as other international and domestic actors. The International Criminal Court is specialized in considering specific crimes under Article (5) of its Statute, which are war crimes, aggression and crimes against humanity, which necessitates the adaptation of Speicher's crime within any of the mentioned types of crimes. The assumption of the International Criminal Court in relation to the Speicher crime, includes several positive matters and results at the same time a set of negatives, which must be presented to those positives and negatives in order to give preference between them and the choice of authorizing the court to consider the crime or not. The terrorist organization ISIS has committed serious systematic violations, including war crimes and others, and perhaps those that are not under its control, and that none of these crimes can be addressed within the anti-terrorism law, which cannot address human rights violations. The international community has recognized the heinous violations committed by ISIS against the citizens of Iraq by adopting Resolution (2370) in September of 2017, issued by the Security Council, which authorizes the Security Council to appoint an investigation team to support local efforts to hold ISIS elements accountable by collecting and preserving evidence in Iraq, which can rise to a high level, and it was committed by the elements of the organization. It considers that the decision constitutes a burden and an obligation on Iraq to investigate all allegations of violations committed by government forces for the purpose of holding them accountable, as well as requiring the establishment of special courts and trained judges in relation to ISIS crimes to deal with them. Terrorism is a global curse that has recently spread horizontally to all countries of the world and its effects have been concentrated vertically in some countries, and no one denies that the parties to this phenomenon are increasing (perpetrators and victims) and the United Nations in particular and the international community in general has not succeeded in reducing it despite the fact that the resolutions of the UN Security Council It is increasing, but the proportionality is absent between these decisions and the practical reality. The phenomenon of terrorism is spreading rapidly, and the perpetrators of terrorist acts are on the rise, corresponding to an increase in the victims of terrorism. Also, the circumstances and events that Iraq is going through, especially after 2003, put it at the forefront of countries which suffers from terrorism that has killed the people, using methods and forms that were not previously known and brutal and bloody cruel. ) for the year 2005, and since terrorism was not limited to Iraq, but included many countries, and was not specific to a place or time, nor was it recent in terms of composition. In addition, the aforementioned law cannot be aware of all violations of international and humanitarian law, as we mentioned previously, which requires the necessity of referring the criminals to a competent court. The Court conducts its rule under Article (13) of its Statute when referred to it by a state party to the same system or by the Security Council or when the Public Prosecutor conducts the investigation on his own, and then how does the Court take its measures regarding the aforementioned crime if we take a look Considering that the State of Iraq is not a member of the Statute of the Court. The rule of the court is free from the death penalty, which makes the idea of authorizing the court to consider the crime rejected by most Iraqis, especially the families of the victims. What are the negative aspects of the Iraqi national judiciary’s view of the Speicher crime, and how can it be avoided if the International Criminal Court plays this role? What are the guarantees provided by the court in the event that it proceeds with its procedures regarding this crime? The research on this subject is according to the appropriate method, which is the analytical and comparative method, which works on studying and comparing topics by analyzing ideas and jurisprudential rulings, and the positions of the governments of countries and the United Nations, as well as the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, and comparing arbitration between Iraqi courts. And the international courts regarding the trial of the perpetrators of the Speicher base crime, and then come up with a set of conclusions and recommendations."

В статье проводится анализ деятельности территориальных органов военной полиции в рамках уголовного процесса. Отдельное внимание уделено правоприменительной практике. Рассмотрено нормативное регламентирование их служебной деятельности. Обнаружен ряд коллизий, имеющих системный характер. Сделан вывод о необходимости своевременного совершенствования существующей нормативно-правовой базы. The article analyzes the activities of the territorial bodies of the military police in the framework of criminal proceedings. Special attention is paid to law enforcement practice. The normative regulation of their official activity is considered. A number of collisions of a systemic nature have been detected. The conclusion is made about the need for timely improvement of the existing regulatory framework.

Since 1993, the requirement to obtain informed consent from a patient before a medical intervention has not been properly implemented to date. This is partly due to the wording of a number of articles of the current Federal Law of November 21, 2011 № 323-FZ and orders of the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation, which set the trend for profanity in informing the patient. Evasion of the doctor from proper informing the patient creates the prerequisites for the doctor to commit acts falling under the Criminal Code, as well as in civil proceedings.

This paper addresses the issue of command liability for severe criminal offenses committed by means of autonomous and semi-autonomous weapons. Research has shown that the leading military forces around the world are intensively working on designing autonomous weapons, which will provide them an enormous tactical ad logistical advantage in warfare. As the national and international law concept of command responsibility to date has been based on the idea of humans selecting and ordering the destruction of targets, the author raises the question of whether this has also created a set of legal norms that could adequately regulate such situations in the context of new warfare techniques. The first section of the paper briefly outlines the direction of the development of autonomous weapons. The second section analyzes the provisions on command responsibility of the Rome Statute and the Statute of the ad hoc tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The national legislation of some countries and the significant jurisprudence in this field is also analyzed and projected into the context of semi-autonomous and autonomous warfare. A special emphasis is placed on the issue of unconscious negligence. The objective of the paper is to indicate the legal gaps and to propose guidelines for future development.

This paper addresses the issue of command liability for severe criminal offenses committed by means of autonomous and semi-autonomous weapons. Research has shown that the leading military forces around the world are intensively working on designing autonomous weapons, which will provide them an enormous tactical ad logistical advantage in warfare. As the national and international law concept of command responsibility to date has been based on the idea of humans selecting and ordering the destruction of targets, the author raises the question of whether this has also created a set of legal norms that could adequately regulate such situations in the context of new warfare techniques. The first section of the paper briefly outlines the direction of the development of autonomous weapons. The second section analyzes the provisions on command responsibility of the Rome Statute and the Statute of the ad hoc tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The national legislation of some countries and the significant jurisprudence in this field is also analyzed and projected into the context of semi-autonomous and autonomous warfare. A special emphasis is placed on the issue of unconscious negligence. The objective of the paper is to indicate the legal gaps and to propose guidelines for future development.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the phenomenon of «friendly fire» in modern military conflicts and the development of general criminal-legal approaches to its assessment. The article analyzes the causes of «friendly fire», discusses its types and provides the most famous cases of «fire on their own» in military history. Еhe article contains recommendations for determining the guilt of persons who committed cases of «friendly fire» and compares the phenomenon under consideration with the criminal-legal category of extreme necessity

Estamos ante una encrucijada global de proporciones nunca vistas. El planeta se calienta más rápido de lo esperado y enfrentamos condiciones climáticas cada vez más extremas, lo que pone en riesgo la sostenibilidad de la vida humana en el mediano y largo plazo. El nivel de los océanos está aumentando, los arrecifes de coral están muriendo, las especies se están extinguiendo, los glaciares se están derritiendo y las condiciones climáticas extremas se hacen cada vez más frecuentes con intensas olas de calor, inundaciones, huracanes, incendios y/o sequías. Para hacer frente a esta compleja situación, todos, personas e instituciones en los ámbitos nacional, regional y global, tenemos que hacer nuestra parte para evitar llegar a un punto de no retorno. Aunque Colombia solo genera el 0,6 % de los gases de efecto invernadero (GEI), es uno de los veinte países más amenazados por la crisis climática. Nuestro país alberga el 50 % de los páramos del mundo y es catalogado como una potencia en agua, biodiversidad y ambiente, aloja alrededor del 10 % de la fauna y flora del mundo, teniendo por ello un rol central en los esfuerzos globales que se realizan para mitigar los efectos del cambio climático. También es reconocido por ser el segundo país con más alta presencia en biodiversidad en la tierra, goza de dos océanos, cinco vertientes hidrográficas, ríos, lagunas y ciénagas, siendo de esta manera el agua un recurso fundamental para el desarrollo de las generaciones futuras. El país cuenta con grandes extensiones de páramos, los cuales son la fuente del 70 % de agua dulce en nuestro país y comparte al sur de nuestras fronteras con la Amazonía, considerada la selva tropical más extensa del planeta y el pulmón del mundo. Una porción representativa de ese 10 % del total de la biodiversidad mundial que tiene nuestro país, se encuentra dentro del Sistema Nacional de Áreas Protegidas (SINAP), del que hace parte el Sistema de Parques Nacionales Naturales y las Reservas Forestales (más de 17 millones de hectáreas), una fuente importante de bienes y servicios ecosistémicos, entre los cuales, el suministro del recurso hídrico incluye más del 62 % de los nacimientos de los acuíferos nacionales y abastece a casi un 80 % de la población colombiana. Así mismo, protege lagunas y ciénagas que contienen el 20 % de los recursos hídricos que abastecen la generación de energía eléctrica del país. En estas áreas protegidas se conservan muestras representativas de los ecosistemas naturales marinos y continentales, los cuales, además de albergar un gran número de especies de fauna y flora, contribuyen a la regulación del clima y protegen las cuencas hidrográficas. Es así como por su especial importancia ecológica, los Parques Nacionales Naturales tienen la función de conservar, proteger y salvaguardar sus ecosistemas de especial valor por medio del Estado y de los particulares. Esta gran riqueza ambiental del país está siendo amenazada por el uso indebido de los recursos naturales, lo que genera un acelerado deterioro de los ecosistemas, alterando su funcionalidad y poniendo en riesgo la biodiversidad. Esta problemática se ha convertido en un reto de primer orden para el Estado colombiano, sus autoridades ambientales y la sociedad en general. El Sector Defensa no ha sido ajeno a esta realidad, por lo que en el marco definido por la ley, la Presidencia de la República y el Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible, ha reconocido el potencial desestabilizador de las afectaciones causadas por las diversas actividades ilícitas de los Grupos Armados Organizados (GAO), los Grupos Delincuenciales Organizados (GDO) y ciudadanos que hacen un uso indebido de los recursos naturales. Fenómenos como la siembra de cultivos ilícitos, la extracción ilícita de minerales, la tala indiscriminada, la ganadería extensiva, el acaparamiento de tierras, la pesca ilegal, la contaminación, el vertimiento de sustancias peligrosas y el tráfico ilegal de flora y fauna, han debilitado los ecosistemas nacionales. Estas actividades ilegales afectan los recursos hídricos del país, los suelos, los páramos y la atmósfera, produciendo efectos negativos que generan deforestación, pérdida de hábitats, extinción de especies, la destrucción de fuentes de agua, el deterioro de las tierras de cultivos e impactos negativos en las reservas forestales y las áreas que integran el Sistema Nacional de Áreas Protegidas (SINAP). La degradación ambiental que hemos visto no solo es utilizada por las organizaciones criminales para obtener recursos que les permiten sostener su accionar delictivo en diversas zonas del país, más grave aún, se constituye en un atentado directo contra el porvenir de las generaciones futuras. Es por ello que el Sector Defensa ha reconocido el agua, la biodiversidad y el medio ambiente como activos estratégicos de interés nacional, con un carácter principal y prevalente, buscando apoyar con sus capacidades a las autoridades ambientales del país, con el fin de realizar acciones cada vez más eficaces contra las organizaciones criminales responsables del deterioro ambiental. Es en ese contexto surge la idea de este libro, que busca presentar la problemática que se enfrenta y visibilizar las acciones realizadas por el Sector Defensa en coordinación con las autoridades ambientales, con el fin de apoyar la defensa de estos activos estratégicos, así como prevenir los daños futuros a los mismos, en aras de trabajar en la protección de los recursos naturales, bajo una visión multidimensional de la seguridad. El Ministerio de Defensa (MDN) ha sido consciente de los desafíos climáticos a los que se enfrenta, no solo el Sector, sino el territorio nacional, en cuanto a los impactos cada vez mayores derivados de las condiciones meteorológicas extremas y la explotación de los recursos. Por ello, el Sector ha trabajado para alinearse con la Política Nacional de Cambio Climático, los compromisos del país ante la Contribución Nacionalmente Determinada (NDC), el cumplimiento del CONPES 4021 de diciembre de 2020 para el Control de la Deforestación y la Gestión Sostenible de Bosques, para así aportar con acciones de adaptación, mitigación y gestión del riesgo ante el cambio climático y variabilidad climática mediante del Plan de Gestión de Cambio Climático del Sector Defensa (PIGCCSD). Este libro reúne los principales resultados del Sector Defensa en materia de protección del medio ambiente y resalta la articulación de las políticas, así como de la operativización de las mismas por parte de las Fuerzas Militares y la Policía Nacional, por la protección de los recursos naturales de la Nación, una responsabilidad que ha quedado claramente plasmada en la “Estrategia Artemisa”, que es un esfuerzo permanente, sostenido, conjunto, coordinado, e interinstitucional que permitirá proteger y defender el agua, la biodiversidad y el medio ambiente como activos estratégicos de la Nación, a partir de la lucha contra la deforestación, sus causas directas o subyacentes y contrarrestar los efectos del cambio climático, como también la lucha contra la explotación ilícita de minerales, contra los cultivos ilícitos que afectan el medio ambiente y el conjunto de actividades de control y vigilancia que apoya nuestra Fuerza Pública para la defensa de los recursos naturales. Trabajando de forma articulada con la Fiscalía, el Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible, el Instituto de Hidrología, Meteorología y Estudios Ambientales (Ideam), y la Unidad de Parques Nacionales Naturales, en diversas zonas del país, la Estrategia Artemisa ha permitido brindar apoyo a las autoridades ambientales y administrativas, para preservar y defender el agua, la biodiversidad y el medio ambiente en las áreas de reserva forestal, áreas protegidas y 59 Parques Nacionales Naturales. Mediante la Directiva Permanente 008 del 22 de marzo de 2022, el MDN institucionalizó e impartió lineamientos e instrucciones al Comando General de las Fueras Militares, la Dirección General de la Policía Nacional y la Unidad de Gestión General del MDN, con el propósito de implementar medidas, desplegar operaciones, actividades de apoyo y gestión ambiental, para la implementación de la Estrategia Artemisa. De esta forma y bajo un enfoque sostenido, conjunto, coordinado, interinstitucional y multilateral, se trabajará para incluir dentro de la doctrina militar y policial las acciones relacionadas con la protección del agua, la diversidad y el medio ambiente, al tiempo que se concentrarán los esfuerzos de inteligencia en la identificación del modus operandi de las organizaciones criminales que afectan el medio ambiente, desarrollando operaciones contra los GAO y los GDO que atentan contra el medio ambiente. Desde el 2019 a la fecha se han realizado diecisiete (17) operaciones sobre las áreas de los Parques Nacionales Naturales, especialmente en las regiones de la Amazonía y la Orinoquía, como son los Parques Nacionales Naturales (PNN) Serranía de Chiribiquete, PNN La Paya, PNN Tinigua, PNN Picachos, PNN Sierra de La Macarena, la Zona de Reserva Forestal de la Amazonía y la Reserva Natural Nukak. Se han dispuesto, para esta campaña, 22.300 hombres de la Fuerza Pública, que, desde sus respectivas unidades militares y policiales resguardan las áreas protegidas del territorio nacional. Estas unidades incluyen: 10 batallones de alta montaña (páramos), una brigada contra el narcotráfico, una brigada contra la minería ilegal, unidades de guardacostas, infantería de marina y efectivos de la Policía Nacional. El Sector Defensa es consciente de que a futuro será fundamental continuar fortaleciendo las capacidades de la Fuerza Pública para, en el marco de sus competencias, continuar apoyando a las autoridades ambientales, entes territoriales y a la comunidad en la defensa y preservación del agua, la biodiversidad y el medio ambiente como activos estratégicos de la Nación. Será fundamental profundizar la disrupción del delito de la explotación ilícita de minerales, mediante el desmantelamiento de las economías ilícitas que se lucran de ella y de la afectación de la cadena criminal. En igual medida, será vital apoyar la recuperación de los ecosistemas más afectados por las actividades ilegales, por medio de actividades de restauración de áreas, del trabajo articulado con las comunidades, la construcción y mantenimiento de viveros forestales y el fortalecimiento a las investigaciones científicas lideradas desde la Armada Nacional y la Dirección General Marítima para la protección de los océanos, el recurso hídrico y sus ecosistemas. De esta forma será posible continuar trabajando en la reducción de los riesgos que se ciernen sobre los ecosistemas del país y disminuir los índices de deforestación, y tras la búsqueda de soluciones que contribuyan a la reducción y mitigación de los GEI. Esta estrategia que ha puesto en marcha el Sector Defensa y que es recogido en esta obra, presenta los aportes sectoriales del trabajo interinstitucional que se han venido realizando en los últimos años, siendo un ejemplo de la forma en la que se pueden sumar esfuerzos para contribuir a la superación de la encrucijada global que nos afecta a todos y que debe ser enfrentada con un esfuerzo común.